TRASHFUTURE - Dispatches from Hong Kong feat. Brian Hioe
Episode Date: June 13, 2019We've been monitoring the situation in Hong Kong from our extremely high-tech Amstrad eMailer, but given how fast things are developing, we decided to add some additional (serious) content this week. ...So, please enjoy this interview between Nate (@inthesedeserts) and Brian Hioe (@brianhioe), the editor of New Bloom Magazine. Brian is currently reporting from Hong Kong and gave insight into the reasons behind the protest, the results of the attempted general strike, and what to expect in the coming days. If you want to read more from Brian, check out New Bloom (https://newbloommag.net/) as well as on twitter at @newbloommag. *LIVE SHOW ALERT* On June 15, we’ll perform at Wolfson College Bar (Wolfson College, Cambridge CB3 9BB) in Cambridge. The show starts at 8:30 pm, so be there and be ready to hear about Gundams. Tickets are £8 for students and £10 for general admission: https://www.tickettext.co.uk/trashfuture-podcast/trashfuture-live-in-cambridge-15062019/ *COMEDY KLAXON*: Come to Milo’s regular comedy night on June 13 at The Sekforde (34 Sekforde Street London EC1R 0HA), This show also starts at 8 pm and features Milo himself and Ben Pope, with previews of their Edinburgh shows. Tickets are £5—sign up here: https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/edinburgh-previews-ben-pope-and-milo-edwards-tickets-63000380835 If you want to buy one of our recent special-edition phone-cops shirt, shoot us an email at trashfuturepodcast[at]gmail[dot]com and we can post it to you. (£20 for non-patrons, £15 for patrons) Â
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Hello, trash future listeners. This is Nate. We've got a quick segment that we're going
to publish on our feed outside of the normal publication order for episodes. I had a chance
to speak with Brian Hugh, who is the editor for New Bloom Magazine and is reporting on
the ground in Hong Kong at this moment. We had a quick discussion about what's taking
place in Hong Kong and the attempts to organize a general strike and some of the larger contextual
issues around what's happening there and specifically how Hell World Technology of the future plays
a role in making protests more difficult. Anyway, I hope you enjoy.
Alright, so we're speaking with Brian Hugh, the editor of New Bloom Magazine. Brian, how
are you doing?
Pretty good. Thanks for having me.
Very, very glad to have you. So could you maybe give our listeners a little bit of background
as to what's going on in Hong Kong right now?
So currently, Hong Kong is the middle of a set of protests, which are quite large. The
one on Sunday, for example, is thought possibly to be the largest protest in the history of
Hong Kong, mobilizing over one million people, which is one in seven residents of Hong Kong.
And so the protests are against an extradition bill that is being pushed forward by the Hong
Kong government at Beijing's behest. And the bill would allow for Hong Kong citizens
to be deported to China to face charges. Currently, previously, there was no extradition treaty
along those lines. However, the concern is that this could be used as a way to persecute
political dissidents. For example, if you are a democracy activist or you advocate Hong
Kong independence, you could be deported then to China to face charges, this being illegal.
And so it could be a way of carrying out, for example, these kidnappings that were previously
taking place in Hong Kong. For example, there were five booksellers that were previously
kidnapped and they appeared in China to face charges because they were publishing books
that were critical of Xi Jinping, the Chinese president. But this was done again, clandestinely,
and with the new law that's been done openly. It's also thought it could interfere with
Hong Kong's judiciary. For example, judges will make rulings on the basis of not judicial
independence, but just in the knowledge that if they don't rule the way Beijing wants
them to, they could be deported to China too. And so this is kind of very wide-ranging effects.
One speculation is that if you're transiting through Hong Kong airport, Hong Kong International
Airport to another destination, you could still be pulled off your flight and actually
sent to China to face charges there. And so this actually, given how much air traffic
passes through Hong Kong, this could affect people in other countries that maybe have
done things to make China not too happy. For example, myself, where I come from Taiwan,
and so some of the writing I do does not make China happy. And so this could actually affect
not just Hong Kong, but also surrounding locations. But yeah, I mean, this is the largest
set of protests in five years, and again, possibly in the history of Hong Kong. It's
just a question now, whether it will continue, whether the government will back down or not,
or what next happens.
Looking at this, it seems like there's an echo of the protests that took place in 2014.
Yeah, that's right. I mean, it's very similar to the Umbrella Movement protests. I mean,
I wasn't around for those, but you do see callbacks to the movement very quickly. For
example, in some of the initial actions, when there was kind of, you know, just a call for
direct action outside of the Legislative Council, like Co, there after several hours there, demonstrators
tried to kind of build up a supply station, and that supply station was kind of a callback
to the Umbrella Movement. Yeah, yeah, I mean, you had people setting up tents there in a
similar manner to the Umbrella Movement, and some of the kind of iconography reappeared
on the yesterday, when there was quite a lot of place funds. For example, during the Umbrella
Movement, they set up a wall of sticky notes on the side of the Legislative Council building,
and it was called a democracy wall. That was also very quickly set up again. Yeah, to kind of have
the recollection of this movement five years ago, and also kind of guide some of the tactics
that the demonstrators have picked.
Gotcha. And so among those tactics includes a general strike and a student strike, if I'm not mistaken.
That's right. It's very interesting because that's quite unusual. You did see student strikes in
the past before in Hong Kong. For example, student unions, usually college student unions,
played a large role in the Umbrella Movement in which there were quite a lot of students mobilizing.
There is a student strike in the week that before the movement broke out, if I recall,
but then the movement just suddenly escalated, and it became this thing that nobody anticipated
it would be so large. In 2014, when that student strike happened, I think there's also kind of
based on the thought that maybe the movement had petered out, that it wouldn't actually be so big.
And actually, just going back to 2014, there was Occupy Central with Love and Peace. That was the
planned action to Occupy Central, which is a district in Hong Kong. And you can see the influence
of the kind of Occupy style movements that had appeared around the world during that time,
including obviously Occupy Wall Street in America, but also, for example, the Sun Farm Movement in
Taiwan, which is sort of Hong Kong's neighbor in many ways, and so forth. But then the general
strike, I mean, that's an interesting tactic because in memory, it hasn't really been tried in
Hong Kong before. Maybe last time that actually really happened was a Canton Hong Kong strike
that occurred in 1925. And so, of course, the notion of having a general strike and having
a society ground to a halt as part of that, and this being the way to show the power of the people
to the government, that's a new development. But unfortunately, it wasn't actually as successful
as people thought. The focus was still on, I think, this protest action outside of the legislative
council, and also this Occupation style, kind of this attempt at a big occupation in the recollection
of the umbrella movement. I think the key factor may have been just that not enough unions and not
enough companies and so forth signed on to the general strike beforehand. It was 100 companies,
over 100 companies, but those were mostly small businesses. And so, you didn't have huge amounts
of workers not going to work. Society was still mostly operating. And I think also part of it
is that the notion of a general strike was suggested very late, and it took hold of
activists and so forth, because in the absence of other ideas, other creative means besides
repeating the kind of the same things that had been done and tried before in the past that have not
succeeded. Gotcha. And so, you said that given the police response that's taking place today and
yesterday, are you foreseeing a potentially enlargement of those protests, or more concentrated
action along the lines of the strike, or are you seeing the potential for it just to be shut down
because of the fact that the state has gotten involved? It's a good question, and I don't
know actually now, because I think that we're at an interesting moment in which things are up in the
air, as we speak. For example, there was the attempt to kind of maintain that occupation
yesterday after the kind of putative attempt at an occupation around the Legislative Council
Building was taken apart and police came in with the largest amount of police force since the hand
over of Hong Kong from British control to Chinese control in 1997, and tear gas was set off, and
they were firing water cannons and rubber bullets and things of like nature. The attempt was made
to occupy central again, and so the attempt was to move there and kind of hold a street and to
control the street, and that didn't really work out eventually. I mean, people could have stayed
there overnight, they could have tried that, but the consensus was reached to kind of withdraw
for the time being and take the supply that people had and leave before the train stopped running
and to save energy for another time. The idea of a general strike might come up again. I think that
it did really capture the public in that way, that it was something that was new and not been
tried, and that's what I think activists are desperately searching for, but if so, it needs
to be much wider in society, and I think one of the issues is Hong Kong's lack of labor activity
historically, the fact that, you know, Hong Kong, the system government, you actually have these,
you know, non-elected, these representatives that are not elected by members of the public, functional
constituencies in which they're represented by corporate or business interests or industrial
interests, and, you know, there is a past of, for example, like you can look at the 1960s,
the leftist riots in Hong Kong and so forth, but that kind of history is not as salient to the
present, and, you know, unions too divide along pro-Beijing and pro, you know, pan-democratic
lines. I mean, the largest pan-democratic union did actually throw support behind the general
strike yesterday, however, that was still not enough to, you know, mobilise enough people to
ground everything in society to a halt, and so I think it really has to expand to different
industries now. Key industry is vital for the operation of society. For example, you know,
bus drivers, they did not strike, but they said yesterday that they would drive more slowly,
you know, as a slowdown, basically, in order to, as their show of protest. There's actually this
kind of talk over the fact that they posted, a bus unit posted just, you know, slow down,
do not speed up as your sign of protest. That would be dangerous, and so I think that's a
question now. I mean, after the Umbrella Movement, there was increased organisation among, particularly,
I think, white-collar workers in, for example, NGOs or different organisations that are occupationally
based, but is that still enough to actually influence society as a whole? I mean, just for
example, the demonstration on Sunday did mobilise one in seven people, and in theory, that should be
a broad swath of society, but just how to, you know, disrupt the key functioning of society.
And I mean, one in seven is, if one in seven people took the day off from work, that would
actually probably ground a lot of things in society to a halt, but even getting to that point
may be difficult, and I think that it was just announced on way too short notice.
That makes sense. I'm also wondering too, because when you harken back to the Occupy
Movement, there are obviously a significant amount of concerns and issues that were raised,
you know, that gained traction with people, and I'm wondering, the Extradition Treaty seems like
it's been, or the proposed Extradition Law seems like it's been a spark, but I'm wondering if you
could speak to maybe some of the other concerns that might be animating some of this, because
from a little bit of just digging and gleaning on my part, it strikes me that there are significant
amounts of concerns, both with what you described as like the non-representative nature of the
government and also issues like cost of living or stagnating wages and things along those lines.
I'm wondering if you could speak to that condition in Hong Kong.
Yeah, I mean, Hong Kong is one of the most unequal societies in the world, and young people face
low salaries, long work hours, they live in cramps, extremely cramped buildings.
And so these are, again, like, I mean, I think I was also with the Occupy Movement and so forth,
these are also an animated concern that you have these socioeconomic discontents that motivate
people into action, and that action also is tied to democratic freedoms, the fact that people don't
have, you could say, economic democracy, and is also tied to the changes in Hong Kong which
have occurred after the handover with the rise of China. For example, Hong Kong, which was in
theory supposed to serve as China's gateway to the West and the international world for at least
50 years with no system, without the whole on-country two systems being changed, that did
not happen. China took off pretty quickly, and so Hong Kong became, it could be just become a
Chinese city, and that's kind of the fear, and that is also tied into, I think, these economic
discontents. And, you know, there's also concern about Chinese immigration, which there is a lot
of in Hong Kong at this point. To that extent, I think just the issue of the extradition tree,
it could have been one issue that set off protests. And in the past years, there have been a lot of
issues. For example, Canada's being prevented from running from office on the basis of their
political views. Canada's being removed from office on different auspices, even if they had
an election just right before, or Canada's being arrested and put in jail, even very young people,
people in their 20s or early 20s, and probating mobs being mobilized to attack people. So,
these concerns are all present, but they did not spark a protest that galvanized all the
society into the streets. And so this extradition treaty did. And I wonder why myself, why is it
this issue, did that? I mean, I think it may have been burnout in the five years from the umbrella
movement up until now, that there's a need for people to recover and, you know, become less tired
and be willing to protest again. I think the other factor is that the extradition treaty
could in theory affect everybody. It's not that, you know, you have to go vote, or maybe you lose
the right to vote, or some candidate can't run or whatever. It's that you can just maybe be arbitrarily
sent to China. And you don't know for what reasons you can be sent there. I mean, for example, a
creator of LGBTQ fan fiction was sentenced to 10 years of jail in China. So things like that,
like just even just like drawing, you know, slash fiction between your favorite characters from,
I don't know, Game of Thrones, like that could, you know, be something that you could maybe get
sent to China for, I don't know. And so these kinds of concerns, maybe that's why it sparked
so much protest this time. You also mentioned in some of your reporting that there were some
solidarity protests and gatherings taking place elsewhere within the region, within Taiwan and
in Japan. I'm wondering, have you seen any participation or any ways in which people
say outside of Asia might be able to support this or even just learn more?
Yeah, it's actually very interesting, because there have been Saudi rallies in cities around the
world. Major cities usually, you know, let's say London, New York, I think Melbourne,
just came a few off top of my head. I think unless it's like 20 or so cities and a lot of time that
is organized by the Hong Kong diaspora in these cities, you know, Hong Kong does have people
that are of Hong Kong descent in various parts of the world. And so they're still concerned with
issues that take place in Hong Kong as they organize. And what's interesting too, is that with the
umbrella movement five years ago, you had these kind of networks forming to hold Saudi rallies
then five years ago. And now five years later, these networks are still around in some form.
And so it's easier to organize more quickly. And I think that's had a kind of legacy. And I think
Taiwan, because you know, Taiwan also faces the issue of claims by China over that Taiwan is part
of China, despite the fact that unlike Hong Kong, Taiwan is de facto independent. So there's this
kind of concern with Hong Kong. And, you know, there are also ties between, for example, social
movement actors in Taiwan and Hong Kong that go way back. You know, so many people have known each
other for years and years and years. And so it's not surprising why there'd be so many
Saudi rallies in Taiwan currently. For example, there was basically five consecutive days of
Saudi rallies to date. And that's never happened before for any cause, basically. These are all
organized basically by different social movement actors. And yeah, they just keep taking place.
I mean, I think there's one taking place Saturday too. And there's one in Japan that was organized by
Tani's expats in Japan, Tani's activists living in Japan, who are expats living there, I believe,
in collaboration with local Japanese activists. So that's also just something I've never seen
before. And I think that's quite interesting. So from where you are, I mean, I've been following
your reporting since we spoke yesterday. It seems like it's been a lot of long days,
long nights of reporting. What does it feel like if you can just describe that like on the ground?
Does this, do you feel like a certain degree of momentum or enthusiasm?
It really depends on what day. I mean, like today, it's quiet. There's nothing,
nothing has happened. There's no protest action. And so just an empty street and, you know, the
area around the Legislative Council has been empty. It was like that on Monday too,
after the big protests on Sunday, you know, the historic possibly largest protests in Hong Kong
history, in which just all the traces of the protests were removed. And just the area around
like, oh, it was just empty. And that you can see the police setting up barriers in preparation for
just anticipate a future protest. You see the office workers just testing the barriers because
they seem bored and have nothing else to do and things like that. But it's also kind of surprising
how these explosions of mass activity and they just disappear. And then you'll have another
explosion and it disappears. I think I just, in general, with the, you know, let's say occupation
style protests from Lockup I Wall Street up until the present, it's one of those things that's like
almost a little frightening that the city just kind of devours protests. You know, if you're around
the block, you might not even notice a protest. That's tens of thousands of people. And then the
next day, it's very few traces of the remain. I mean, I think that with some of the debris that
gets left behind for these protests, you know, that it's, there's still visible signs. But also
another thing is that, you know, protesters in order to maintain a civic image, a civil image,
which makes them more amenable to the eyes of a public, which sometimes will criticize them for
being troublemakers. They tend to clean up after a protest. And so, you know, they'll clean up the
supplies they had and the cardboard they had and any, any, you know, cigarettes or whatever left
behind and that kind of thing. Yeah, that makes sense. I'm also wondering, because I remember
that the Occupy Wall Street product protests in 2011, at the time, the idea of social media being
significantly involved in protest was kind of novel. Now at this point, it's sort of par for the
course. I'm wondering how has that played out in, in social media, local to Hong Kong and Chinese
language media? What have you been seeing as far as like the way it's being portrayed?
Yeah, I mean, social media has come to play an important role in, I think, a lot of contemporary
Asian social movements in mobilizing people. I mean, sometimes the way you announce an event
is just like a Facebook page now. But I think particularly in Hong Kong, now there, what we
see is increasing concerns with technology and digital surveillance, particularly in the last
five years since the umbrella movement. For example, a lot of the protesters are very concerned about
having their image captured. And so they try to hide their faces that the surgical mascaras is
common to wear in Asia if you're sick. And also, it's a good way to prevent you from breathing
in tear gas. And also, I mean, the concern is facial recognition software. We also have reports
of people that are traveling to protest sites being afraid to use their usual MRT card,
the Oculus card, because of concern that this could be used to track them and to know, you know,
what their movements are. And so they're buying paper tickets. Well, not paper tickets. I mean,
they're these, you know, plastic card things, but they're buying those instead. And so they can
be tracked. And I think a lot of communication is coming through Telegram, for example, there's these
big Telegram groups in which there's like 10,000 people and people are sharing updates and stuff
all the time. And sometimes you can't actually sort out what is real information and what is a
rumor. And there was actually a big issue recently in past day, the administrator of one of these
groups was reportedly arrested. And he was a 22 year old house student. But now the after he was
arrested, now that police have his cell phone, they have access to everyone in that group.
And so the police know the identities of these, or the phone numbers, anyway, of these 10,000
people in the group. Yeah. And so it's one of those things that even with a so-called encrypted
antenna encryption, you can still have fairly low tech means of getting information to his
indies groups just through, you know, arresting the administrator and looking at his cell phone
or his computer, you know, things like that. So these concerns are so significant. And I think
communicating information is very difficult. Particularly on Tuesday, when there was a kind
of a, when the kind of attempted occupation of round like code began, that was just strangely
enough, just internet rumors of, you know, a gathering there at 10 or 11 or what have you
and just like these different times floating around. And as a result, just a young people
just started appearing there in the hundreds, eventually like probably around like 2000,
just around like nine or eight or so. And that was also just kind of surprising because just
how did this happen? Does people just show up expecting something will happen? And then it
happens. And the thing is also a lot of them did have a social movement experience. It seems like
just based on how quickly they respond to the police, you know, knowing what to do when there's
tear gas called umbrellas, you know, to hand out the goggles and helmets and things like that.
And so forth and what the tactics are to take in those cases or went to fall back or went to
try to push forward. Wow. That's really, I mean, it's just kind of mind blowing when I think about
that, about the extent to which number one, that information is able to be disseminated,
that people are able to be informed. But number two, like you just described, the extent to which
if something is compromised, then all of a sudden that falls into the hands of the state and,
you know, who knows what's going to happen. I mean, as I understand it, there were crackdowns,
not like en masse, but there were crackdowns following the 2014 protests involved with
you described it previously with people, you know, even as young as like undergraduate age,
going to prison. Has there been, I've seen in some of your reporting that there have been
injuries or have been arrests? Have there, has there been any, you know, sort of indication
that people are going to be, that they're potentially going to be going after organizers,
like not so as like a target of opportunity like you just described, but something more,
you know, planned? I think it might be possible. I think it is possible.
And for example, there was the arrest I just mentioned regarding the organizer of that,
the administrator of that telegram group. But I think also just a lot of the people we see now
are sort of near faces. I mean, some of them seem experienced, but some of them actually seem very
young. They seem like they weren't old enough to participate in the umbrella movement.
And so it's also not very clear who the demonstrators are even at this point, just that
they appear and, and, you know, gather. And it's not very clear who the leaders are, things like
that. Or if there are leaders, a lot of it does seem very, very flexible and fluid and so forth.
I mean, and so I think that that will become more clear as time goes by. But I think you
probably can find people, the government probably can find people's target. For example, in the age
of digital media and social media, you could find key opinion leaders online and target this person
as a sign of intimidation. And I think the government will do that. I mean, the police have
noticeably adopted a mentality of protesters are the enemy, we're not your fellow students,
you're the enemy. And that applies to young people that applies to journalists and so forth.
And, you know, you'd have cases that they're targeting, you know, for them a targeting journalist
to fire at them or, you know, random searches conducted of young people. And so I think,
yeah, the possibility of reprisals is quite high currently.
Alright, Brian, well, thank you so much for your time. And this would really appreciate
this update into this information. And it's going to give you an opportunity to plug any of your own
work. Yeah, thanks for having me. And so I run New Blue Magazine. I'm one of the founding editors.
We're a Taiwanese publication. We were founded in 2014 after the Sun Farm movement, which was
an occupation of the Taiwanese legislature for months about similar issues regarding sovereignty
and democratic freedom being eroded due to the desire to unify with China. And so we also are
concerned with the Asia Pacific products from a left perspective, from an intensively radical
left perspective, and that includes Hong Kong, which is why I'm here currently. So yeah,
just feel free to follow us for continued news reports almost going on Hong Kong or in Taiwan
or elsewhere. Alright, Brian Hew, thank you so much. Yeah, thank you.