Unchained - Could the Bank Secrecy Act Harm Crypto? Coin Center Thinks So - Ep. 571
Episode Date: November 17, 2023In this episode of Unchained, Peter Van Valkenburgh, director of research at Coin Center, explains why the IRS's proposed broker rule for tax reporting in crypto could harm the crypto industry as well... as the security and privacy of users. He explains how Coin Center thinks the IRS should accomplish its aims, and why that would even work for collecting taxes on DeFi gains. Additionally, Peter explains why he believes the Bank Secrecy Act might be unconstitutional and how that could potentially affect developers building in crypto. Listen to the episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Overcast, Podcast Addict, Pocket Casts, Stitcher, Castbox, Google Podcasts, Amazon Music, or on your favorite podcast platform. Show highlights: What the IRS's proposed broker rule entails for crypto tax reporting and why this could have a negative impact on the industry What responsibilities brokers in the crypto space now face Why the IRS didn’t use Congress's amended language from the infrastructure bill Why Peter argues that the IRS’s new proposed broker rule on crypto is unconstitutional and the principles at stake The alternative approaches Peter suggests the IRS could adopt for more effective and fair regulation Why Peter has concerns for crypto developers about the potential application of the Bank Secrecy Act What actions Coin Center is undertaking to advocate for changes in the Bank Secrecy Act to better align with crypto realities Why Coin Center is appealing in its lawsuit against the Treasury Department over the OFAC sanctions on Tornado Cash Thank you to our sponsors! Arbitrum Foundation Popcorn Network Guest Peter Van Valkenburgh, director of research at Coin Center Previous appearances on Unchained: Why the SEC Is Probing Yuga Labs and Coin Center Is Suing Treasury How Coin Center Is Helping Define The 'Big Fuzzy Gray Area' Of Blockchain And Cryptocurrency Law Why the SEC's Proposed Rules Affecting DeFi Could Violate the First Amendment Links IRS Crypto Regulation Coin Center: Electronic Cash, Decentralized Exchange, and the Constitution The Blockchain Association’s letter opposing tax regulations proposed by the IRS CoinDesk: How the Crypto Industry Responded to the IRS Proposed Broker Rule Patriot Act California Bankers Assn. v. Shultz Bank Secrecy Act Coin Center: Broad, Ambiguous, or Delegated: Constitutional Infirmities of the Bank Secrecy Act Tornado Cash Coin Center: U.S. Treasury sanction of privacy tools places sweeping restrictions on all Americans Coin Center is suing OFAC over its Tornado Cash sanction Denial of Coin Center’s motion in its case against the US Treasury over OFAC sanctions Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Transcript
Discussion (0)
It's much better in all legal areas and policy areas generally to have technology neutral standards.
And the amazing thing about that original broker definition, which should just be the definition here as well, is it doesn't mention technology anywhere.
It's about a relationship between the customer and the professional.
It's about a trust relationship.
Hi, everyone. Welcome to Unchained, your no-hype resource for all things crypto.
I'm your host, Laura Shin.
author of The Cryptopians.
I started covering crypto eight years ago, and as a senior editor at Forbes, was the first
Main Tree Mead Reporter to cover cryptocurrency full-time.
This is November 17th, 2020-free episode of Unchained.
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Today's guest is Peter Van Valkenberg,
director of research at Coin Center.
Welcome, Peter.
Hi, Laura.
It's always a pleasure to be here.
Pleasure having you.
There's a new broker rule
that's being proposed by the IRS
for tax reporting
that is causing concern in the crypto community.
What does the rule say
and why has it gotten so much attention?
Yeah, so a broker rule
means it's the definition of who is a broker for IRS third-party tax reporting purposes.
And for those of you don't know what IRS third-party tax reporting means, it's like if you have
Robin Hood as your platform for trading stocks, you've probably noticed that at the end of the tax
year, they send you a PDF of all of your trades and your capital gains, right?
Well, they also send that PDF to the IRS, of course.
That's third-party reporting.
You know, they're a third-party to your trades, and they report, you know,
your capital gains to the IRS so that the IRS can have a pretty good idea whether you're
honestly reporting your gains back to them. It's kind of a silly system in a way, because if the IRS
already knows what you owe, why do you have to tell them what you owe? But that's the system we
have. And so about two years ago, Congress decided, okay, well, we should have better,
clearer third-party reporting obligations for persons in the crypto space, right? And that's actually
quite a reasonable thing for Congress to say. Coin Center had been advocating
for a very long time that we needed clearer standards from the IRS so that people like
Coinbase or Cracken would know exactly how they're supposed to do third-party reporting, and people
who use those exchanges for their crypto trading would be able to more easily comply with their tax
obligations because they'd get like they get from Robin Hood a really clear picture of their
capital gains for a given year. Congress had a big fight over it, if you guys all remember. I think either
me or Jerry probably went on this podcast back then and talked about it, because the
the early draft of who should be a broker in crypto wasn't just Coinbase and Cracken. It was this new
definition of broker that would sweep in non-custodial exchanges was actually in the early discussion
draft and decentralized exchanges was in the early discussion draft. And so we fought about it.
And we actually delayed the passage of the Infrastructure Act was this massive new Biden initiative
for a few days because it got so ugly in the Senate. And we got the original discussion draft language
removed, which meant that the new definition looked a lot like the old definition of broker.
Just now, if you're brokering digital assets instead of brokering securities, we're going to get
guidance from the IRS as to how you can do third-party reporting.
And so we treated that as a victory.
We thought it could have been better, but Congress pretty clearly said, look, we're going to
have third-party reporting in crypto, and brokers are going to be defined as something that's
not too different from brokers in the traditional space.
They just happen to trade digital assets for people instead of securities.
Fast forward to now, it's taken all this time for the IRS to actually have a rulemaking to implement that congressional change by coming up with guidance in rules about how to interpret that statutory change and what the obligations of brokers and crypto are all about.
When the IRS issued its guidance, it's as if they took the original discussion draft language which said, we're going to cover decentralized exchange and forgot the Congress threw that language out and actually passed a different statute.
And so the broker definition in the rules that we have this comment period on would include all kinds of people, including people who merely publish software if when they publish the software to say the Ethereum blockchain or the smart contract address, they have any ability to change the fees charged by the smart contract for usage of the smart contract.
And so that's a lot of people.
And that's a lot of people who are not in any way traditional financial organizations or institutions.
And so from our perspective, this is unconstitutional.
From a First Amendment perspective, because it's compelled speech, any kind of compelled
disclosure is compelled speech, we usually accept that corporations can be made to disclose
uncontroversial facts, like when the packet of cigarettes has a warning label on it.
That's okay.
That's the kind of okay compelled speech.
But we never accept that the government can compel people to speak something that's creative
or expressive or is a viewpoint that goes against their closely held views.
That kind of compelled speech is just unconstitutional in the U.S.
because you're supposed to be able to speak your mind.
And this rule, by forcing people who develop software that does not create a customer
relationship, change the way they develop their software to actually create a customer
relationship, collect information about their users' capital gains and other personal
information, you're forcing them to say something that is deeply against their closely held
views about privacy and civil liberties.
and so we think it's an unconstitutional compulsion to speak.
That's the first half of our comment.
The second half of our comment letter to the IRS about the broker definition is about the Fourth Amendment.
And the Fourth Amendment is this idea that, you know, in the U.S., before the government comes and searches your records of your financial transactions, like especially if you kept them in your home, for example, they need to go get a warrant from a judge.
And the judge is going to say, do you really have probable cause to go investigate Peter Van Valkenberg?
Do you suspect him of a crime?
Do you have some evidence to support that suspicion?
And ideally, the judge would get in the way of somebody abusing their prosecutorial or
investigatory discretion. This is why we have a system of, you know, law and checks and balances
in this country. And so third party reporting is kind of interesting from a Fourth Amendment
standpoint because when Robin Hood sends the IRS your capital gains tax information,
they do it without the IRS having to get a warrant to go get that information from Robin Hood.
And the thing is, when it comes to normal brokers who are acting on behalf of their customers,
we have a longstanding exception from the warrant requirement for that kind of reporting.
The courts fleshed it out a long time ago in California Bankers Association versus Schultz
in a number of cases said, look, you lose your reasonable expectation of privacy when you're
asking someone to act on your behalf.
Like Coinbase is your agent.
They're acting on your behalf.
And so when you hand information to them, government can go get information from that agent.
But again, in the broker rule, mere software developers are now going to be required to report.
Those people are not my agent. I don't have some sort of fiduciary relationship with me.
They have no business collecting this private information about me.
And if the government wants them to do that, they're going to need to get a warrant to collect this private information about me,
rather than just assume they can get it through a normal administrative search or subpoena.
So those are the two arguments that we make in our comment.
And I know it's kind of like a big block of Peter Van Valkenberg audio, but hopefully
It also lays out the gravity of this.
It affects crypto in a pretty big way.
It's going to be very difficult to imagine how a lot of people in crypto will comply.
And also the civil liberties concerns involved.
I think it's just it contravenes our First Amendment and Fourth Amendment rights.
Ideally, the IRS will change the final rule sometime in the next few months.
But we'll see.
Well, what's interesting is what you said at the beginning, where they already had language that had been substantive.
Like, you know, you're saying that they reverted to the language that people had fought against.
And so they already have kind of a revised version.
Or I don't know if it's they, but, you know, there is a revised version out there.
So, you know, just briefly, I guess, like, why don't you say, I mean, I guess if it's just similar to what's been the case, then, you know, what do you think is the best way for the IRS to accomplish whatever goal it is that they're trying to accomplish with this role.
Totally. Yeah. So, and this is, I'm glad you asked this because I think a lot of people think, oh, Coin Center, they're a bunch of anarchists.
They just want to see the government collapse or something, you know, from lack of tax revenue.
And that's simply not true.
We've been asking, we've even asked members of Congress, like Representative Tom Emmer and a few others who stood up for this issue, asking the IRS to give us clarity as to how real brokers in this space, like actual trusted entities like Coinbase, crack.
And even just like a typical like investment advisor, if they happen to be giving you advice about crypto, how they can do third party reporting.
Because the standards weren't clear.
There's a lot of like nuts and bolts things that the IRS.
needed to give guidance on, like, how do you calculate basis? What happens in the event of,
like, a virtual currency fork where suddenly you have Bitcoin and Bitcoin cash? You know, how do we,
how do we account for capital gains in that situation? And so we want good third party reporting
because it means that Americans who want to pay their taxes will be able to better and more
easily pay their taxes. And that's good for everyone, including crypto, including the government.
So what the IRS could have done is just said, look, we've got an existing definition of broker.
It's based on a few very specific definitions in the tax code, like the definition of what it means to affect a transaction, and the definition of what it means to have a customer as a broker.
And you take all those definitions, you'll just have to take my word for it, or you can read our comment.
You take all those definitions, and what you come up with is the existing standard for who is a broker is someone who is an agent of a customer.
so they're acting on their customer's behalf or a principal in a sale to a customer.
So they're like one of two people in a sale and their business is selling to people.
They're like a dealer in something.
That's a very reasonable definition.
It should be the definition in crypto, but instead we're going down this rabbit hole of talking about
people who publish software and control the fees for the smart contracts on that software.
You know, it's much better in all legal areas and policy areas generally to have technology
neutral standards. And the amazing thing about that original broker definition, which should just be
the definition here as well, is it doesn't mention technology anywhere. It's about a relationship
between the customer and the professional. It's about a trust relationship. And so where that
trust relationship exists, regulations probably should apply, because when you're asking someone
to trust you, you should probably have somebody watching over you to make sure that you're
trustworthy. But when you're just publishing software and anyone in the world can use that software,
it's like obligating a novelist to, you know, monitor who's reading his books by having a bunch of in-person book signings
and then like seeing who shows up and then going to the government being like, ah, these people showed up.
Like, that's a ridiculous way to do regulation.
Anyway, I'll stop ranting.
All right.
Well, so in a moment, we're going to talk a bit more about the Bank Secrecy Act, but first a quick word for the sponsors who make this show possible.
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backing of Amex. Conditions apply. Back to my conversation with Peter. One quick question is that I have a
feeling that the IRS's purpose was to make sure that they are collecting taxes from people engaging in
Defi. So how would you propose that they do that if you agree with me that that was part of the
purpose. I think a lot of people end up cashing out by going to a centralized exchange, right?
So if you think your target of taxpayer who is noncompliant is getting away with it,
it's going to be evident in third party reporting from custodial entities when they're getting
away with it, right? When they actually go to cash out into dollars or something like that.
You know, the other thing I'd say is with respect to the way we run our tax system in general,
it's a voluntary reporting system.
And so, you know, we are supposed to pay our taxes.
We're supposed to disclose our income to the government every year.
And if you're not doing that, then you're violating the law.
And I don't believe that law enforcement needs to level our First Amendment and Fourth Amendment rights
to have the tools it needs to find the people who are manifestly lying about their taxes.
I just, I think the Constitution and an efficient and well-enforced tax regime can coexist.
And so what does that balance look like? Well, it's going to look like probably more boots on the ground doing tax investigations in the areas where we have less third party reporting, like a whole bunch of purely defy transactions. And, you know, that means the IRS probably needs more funding. And I'd be the first to stand up in Congress and agree that the IRS needs more funding to accomplish that mission. But I'd also be the first to stand up in Congress and say, the IRS can't, however, declare the First and Fourth Amendment invalid. That's not how America works.
Yeah, well, speaking about amendments and the Constitution, this week you published a research paper asking if the Bank Secrecy Act was unconstitutional. And before I have you dive into your argument, you told me before we started recording that you actually wrote this paper two years ago. So why, yeah, why did you write it then and why did you not publish it until now?
So that's a good question. And yes, I did tee that up. So this paper is part of a story.
series. We wrote in 2019, Jerry wrote a paper making the moral ethical case for digital cash,
like why private money is just good for an open society. I wrote a paper in 2019 that we published
then, which was the constitutional law aspects of trying to apply the Bank Secrecy Act
to software developers, but specifically the First Amendment and Fourth Amendment constitutional
issues, which I helpfully just went through with respect to the broker comment. These are
different statutory laws, one's tax law and one's financial surveillance PSA law, but the First
Amendment defenses to overapplication of those laws, the First and Fourth Amendment, have the
same interpretation in both situations. So that was that 2019 report. Now, this new report's called
broad, ambiguous, or delegated constitutional infirmities in the Bank Secrecy Act, and it's not
about the First or Fourth Amendment, because we made those arguments back in 2019. It's about our
constitutional separation of powers. So in the United States, under Article 1 of the Constitution,
which gives powers to Congress, all legislative authority is vested in Congress.
And that means Congress can't go and say, hey, Mr. President or, hey, Supreme Court, you're
now going to get the power to make law that would violate the Constitution.
Even if the legislative body is like, we're legislating and we're going to legislate to give
you legislative authority, they can't overrule the Constitution.
And so the problem with the Bank Secrecy Act that we go through in this new paper is not about
the First Amendment or Fourth Amendment implications, but that we're not about the First Amendment
implications. But it's instead about the fact that when the Bank Secrecy Act was passed at the
1970s, it basically gave a blank check to the Secretary of Treasury to say, you know, there's this
category of persons in the world called financial institution. From those persons, we want all
these reports, suspicious activity reports, currency transaction reports, all this surveillance.
You can decide, though, who's in that category. You could decide that, you know, an insured
bank is a financial institution and needs to do reporting. But you could also decide that,
casino is one. And you could decide that a money transmitter is one. And oh, by the way, the
definition of money transmitter we're going to give you could actually be stretched to apply to
basically anybody who transmits money, even if it's their own money for their own purposes. It's a
money transmitter under the statute. And so there's this huge breadth of authority that the BSA gives
the Secretary of Treasury. And the Secretary of Treasury for a number of years used it pretty wisely.
like they only asked for reports from insured banks, which to me is quite reasonable.
But, you know, from the Patriot Act onward to a lot of the rules and regulations that have
been implemented by the Secretary of Treasury, we've seen the category of financial institutions
stretch to become extremely large and effectively unworkable to the point where we have to question
whether this authority to just decide when to apply the statute and when not to apply the statute
is constitutional under the non-delegation doctrine, under the notion that the law
making power should only be vested in Congress and shouldn't sit with an unelected official
within the executive branch. So that's the idea behind this paper. It's 60 pages long. So if this
has been interesting to you, you can read all the case law and all the factual findings that we make.
But to answer your other question, why are we just publishing this now if I wrote it about two years
ago? It's, you know, it's funny. We actually like the way that FinCEN, the division of Treasury that
focuses on BSA policy as crafted policy using this discretion. Since 2019, virtual currency guidance,
they came out and said, you know, the only people who need to do this kind of reporting,
this kind of mass surveillance, are people who actually control other people's crypto.
They have independent control. And that's probably the right choice. Like, that's the insured bank
within the crypto context. They're not insured always, but that's the big financial institution
that it seems reasonable to obligate as a surveillance tool, as a deputized surveillance entity.
It's not reasonable to extend that authority to software developers.
So when the broker rule came along, recognizing this as IRS, not FinCEN, we said,
all right, well, it's happening.
People are starting to take these broad rules and apply them to people who are not traditional
financial intermediaries.
So we should probably publish that paper where we talk about how that authority is unconstitutional,
even though we agreed up till now that the usage of that
authority was pretty good. So it's a fairly pragmatic calculus as to why we didn't publish two years
ago. You don't want to go to somebody who's actually a good regulator and doing a good job
limiting what could be a disastrously broad statute and say, you don't have any power to actually
limit that statute. Now we're out here maybe saying that. Well, we are saying that because we're
afraid that some future administration that's very hostile to crypto that might want to, quote,
wage a war on crypto is going to abuse all that power. So we want to make sure that we're clear
that that power can't be stretched to absurd limits and might be an impermissibly delegated
authority from Congress to begin with. And so now that you've published this paper,
is there something kind of on the ground that you can do? Like I don't know how things like
the Bank Secrecy Act get changed. So is there some kind of like practical way that you're going to
go about trying to get your ideas, you know, put into practice?
I mean a few things. So we have worked with champions in Congress who care about innovation and civil liberties, like Representative Tom Emmer in the House, for example. He put forward a piece of legislation that would have created a safe harbor saying these rules can never be applied in an overbroad way to these sorts of people, to software developers, to people who don't control other people's money. So that's one avenue is to continue to work with Congress to use Congress's actual authority to narrow the impermissibly
authority that exists already in the Bank Secrecy Act. The other way is court battles. Now,
we're not going to sue because still to this day, the Secretary of Treasury has not promulgated
a rule using that unconstitutionally delegated legislative authority that would do something
particularly bad, like obligate software developers to be BSA compliant. We've seen it now in the
broker context, but that's the tax code. We haven't yet seen that power abuse.
in the BSA context. So we're publishing this now, basically to get these ideas out there such that
when this happens, if this happens, people would be able to bring a lawsuit saying the power that
you're using to unconstitutionally expand the Bank Secrecy Act is not valid. Here are the arguments
we're going to fight you in court. Hopefully we get all the way up for the Supreme Court,
where, as you can read in our report, there are numerous justices who are deeply skeptical of
unbound power within the administrative state. We saw that in West Virginia versus EPA,
where the major questions doctrine came up. We've seen that in the justice's willingness to
narrow Chevron deference. And I think the big one, the shoe we're waiting to drop is we've seen
in Justice Gorsuch's dissent in a case called Gundy, him signaling, you know what, we need to
revive the non-delegation doctrine. Congress should be making laws here. They're the elected
officials within a democracy. And when something's really consequential,
Congress should be the one that chooses, not the agency. So I think this report kind of tees up those
issues with respect to the BSA, such that if we ever had to fight a big expansion of the BSA to software
developers, we could fight it on First Amendment grounds, on Fourth Amendment grounds, and on non-delegation
grounds, which, as I just said, are pretty hot right now at the Supreme Court. Yeah, and just some of those
terms, Chevron defense and non-delegation have to do with when there's, like, ambiguity in a law,
then, you know, who decides how to interpret it? Like, is that Congress or the courts?
Exactly.
And if I, okay. I'm glad I got that right. Yeah. So on that, one thing that's it, so I started
writing this paper thinking, oh, well, they're really interested in narrowing Chevron deference
and in, you know, the major questions doctrine. And so is the Bank Secrecy Act ambiguous?
This is like my research topic going into looking at the Bank Secrecy Act statutory text.
And I read the text and I found, oh, no, the Bank Secrecy Act isn't ambiguous.
It's just extremely broad.
And breath and ambiguity are different with respect to sort of like rule of law analysis.
The outcome tends to be the same because they're both bad laws in a different way.
An ambiguous law is bad because a normal person who wants to like read the law to find out what they're not supposed to do is like, what does this even mean?
I don't know what I'm not supposed to do.
A really broad law that says that people aren't supposed to do anything,
like it criminalizes effectively everyday life.
The person knows that this thing is criminalized.
It's not ambiguous, but they don't know if they're going to be actually, you know,
caught for it because the government can't go and arrest everyone.
So it creates ambiguity in a different way.
But the thing about Chevron deference and major questions, as you were saying,
is they depend on the statute being ambiguous,
and then the administrator abusing its power to interpret something that's ambiguous.
The thing about non-delegation, which is another doctrine that the court is very interested in,
but it's not the major questions doctrine, is if the power delegated is very broad,
then that delegation itself is unconstitutional, irrespective of whether it's ambiguous text or, you know, very clear text.
And I think that's the case with the Bank Secrecy Act.
We spend 60 pages going through statutory canons of construction and explaining the text of the BSA and how the judges would probably read it and then saying, you know, you might be able to narrow discretion here using the major questions doctrine, but actually that goes against a lot of other principles that the justices hold dear.
Like you can't invent ambiguity in a statute.
If the statute's clear, just enforce the statute.
And so that's ultimately why we rest on the non-delegation doctrine in the paper, which I think is kind of a slam dunk, frankly, with respect to the BSA.
Because there's actually, in the dissenting opinion of Justice Brennan, in the case that first found that the Bank Secrecy Act was constitutional as applied in the 1970s, Justice Brennan, a very liberal justice, famously liberal justice, said, this statute's unconstitutional, not for the reasons that the ACLU is saying in the complaint, they were the plaintiff. Or the California Bankers Association is saying in the complaint, they were a co-plaintiff. It's not necessarily because of Fourth Amendment issues. It's unconstitutional because it's this naked delegation.
of power to the secretary. And so far, the secretary's used it reasonably, but they shouldn't have
that power to begin with. So you can look at that Justice Brennan dissent. He basically teed up
everything that I think Justice Gorsuch, you know, generally painted as a much more conservative
justice, would completely agree with with respect to delegations of legislative authority today,
including, we would hope, the delegations that are inherent in the Bank Secrecy Act. So it's kind of a
fun history lesson in jurisprudence and political change and ideology.
And read the paper.
If this is fun to you, please read the paper.
Actually, but it is very interesting because, yeah, it at least goes to show that when
people think of these things as being political, there are certain things that, you know,
the two quote-unquote sides can agree on.
So one thing that I did also want to, you know, be sure to ask you about is that the
coin center lawsuit against the Treasury Department over OFAC sanctions designation of tornado cash smart
contracts, that was dismissed by the district court. And so I wondered what CoinCenter's plan was right now.
We're appealing. So we thought we had a good chance at the district court. We think we'll have a
good chance at the circuit level at the 11th circuit, which is the next step when we appeal.
And, you know, it's worth noting that this would be a big outcome. What we're calling for,
is an injunction on OFAC's use of sanctions power with respect to these smart contracts that
actually aren't the property of a sanctioned entity. And standing up to a big agency like OFAC
is quite a thing for a judge to do, including at the district level, it's more common to find
that when there's really thorny questions of what the rule actually means, what the law actually
means that the circuit courts get more involved there. So, you know, not saying anything about
whether, you know, I can't put a percentage on it because this is a hard case and an important
case. But I think I'm very optimistic about our appeal at the circuit level.
All right. Well, thank you so much for explaining some really difficult and complex issues
that have a big impact on the crypto community. It's been a pleasure having you on Unchained.
It's been lots of fun. Don't forget. Next up is the weekly news recap. Today presented by
veteran crypto reporter and Columbia University NightBadget Fellow,
Michael Del Castillo. Stick around for this week in crypto after this short break.
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Hello and welcome to this week's crypto roundup.
Asset management giant BlackRock filed for Spot Ether ETF and it had almost no impact
on the market while a fake filing sent XRP soaring.
Meanwhile, Disney forms a partnership with dapper labs while questions about whether or not
the NFT giant is issuing securities remain unanswered. I'm Michael Del Castillo, a Knight-Badget
fellow at Columbia University, and this is your weekly crypto roundup. BlackRock, the world's
largest asset management firm, has made a significant move in the crypto market by applying
for a spot Ethereum exchange trade and fund, or ETF, with the U.S. Securities and Exchange
Commission. This groundbreaking step, named the I-Share's Ethereum Trust, is aimed at tracking
the performance of Ethereum, the second largest cryptocurrency by market cap, now valued at about
$238 billion. The initiative follows BlackRock's recent attempt to launch a Bitcoin ETF.
At first glance, it may be somewhat surprising that the filing didn't have a large impact on the
price of ether, which briefly rose by 2% to a high of $2,079, before stabilizing at around $1,983.
But after weeks of rumors circulating about the filing and an 8% jump last week, it appears the enthusiasm was already priced in.
A U.S. judge has lifted the automatic stay on proceedings between beleaguered cryptocurrency exchanges, FTX, and BlockFi, allowing the latter to resume its claim negotiations.
This move follows BlockFi's emergence from bankruptcy last month, with claims that FTX's collapse cost it over $1 billion.
$55 million tied up in FTX and was owed an additional $671 million, so they say, by sister
company Alameda Research.
The mediation between the two companies is set to begin next month.
In a related development, FTX has initiated legal action against Dubai-based cryptocurrency
exchange By-Bit, seeking to recover nearly $1 billion.
The lawsuit alleges By-Bit fraudulently withdrew funds just before FDGISB.
F.TX collapsed, marking another chapter in the ongoing turmoil in the crypto exchange landscape.
While Bitcoin first rose to prominence as a way to send money without middlemen,
these legal battles underscore how the reliance on interconnected middlemen introduced nearly market-wide risk.
Ironically, the new owners of FTX appear to be continuing to play the markets.
On Monday, wallets believed to be controlled by FTCs transferred $13.5 million worth of Solana's sole
cryptocurrency to Binance and Wintermute, according to a Coin desk report. The move coincided with a
slowing down on Seoul's meteor of 150% price increase over the past month. Four million dollars worth of
USDT were also moved. Meanwhile, forward generals in Sam Bankman-Freen's collapsed empire launched a new
crypto exchange dubbed Backpack, according to a Wall Street general report last weekend. They claim
they'll be fixing the problems that led to the downfall of their former boss. Hackers have allegedly
stolen $125 million from prominent cryptocurrency exchange, Polonix. In a tweet that looks more like an ad,
the security firm that made the claim said the hackers targeted the exchange's hot wallets.
The attack, which was confirmed by Tron creator Justin Sun, included some of the assets he created,
i.e. Tron, along with Ethereum and Bitcoin. Plonix quickly disabled its wallet services,
according to a tweet from its customer service account. Sun offered a 5% bounty to anyone
who helped recover the assets. As one would expect, Polonniaks nearly instantly published a blog,
trying to calm investors and committing to fully reimburse stolen funds. The letter signed
the Poloniac's team, claimed the exchange had engaged a, quote, top-tier security firm
to enhance its security measures, and that it was on the verge of restoring wallet services.
It's a good reminder to the industry prone to seemingly endless attacks that maybe these top-tier
security pros should be brought on the team before their customers are robbed. This week,
Kathy Wood, head of Arc Invest, suggested that SEC Chair Gary Gensler's reluctance to approve
Spot Bitcoin ETS may be influenced by alleged ambitions to become the U.S. Treasury Secretary.
Wood is far from an unbiased speaker, though, having been behind one of the several pending applications.
She also challenged Gensler's concerns about market manipulation in Bitcoin, describing it as a,
quote, decentralized transparent network, end quote, where activity is openly traceable. She further implied
that Gensler, with his background in global economics, is likely aware of the transparency.
Woods strongly worded allegations add a new dimension to the ongoing debate over the approval of
Bitcoin ETFs in the U.S. financial landscape. Meanwhile, the SEC reported a, quote, productive
year with increased enforcement actions in the crypto industry, hilariously, of the 784 enforcement
actions they mentioned, they specifically highlighted their work getting famous person for hire,
Kim Kardashian, who was fined a $1 million penalty for failing to disclose she was paid to promote an
Ethereum competitor.
Bankrupt crypto lender Genesis reached an agreement with the collapsed hedge fund Three Arrow's
Capital, also known as 3A.C, to pay a tiny fraction of the $1 billion in claims to resolve
the dispute. Just $33 million.
The proposal follows Genesis filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection earlier this year,
owing creditors $3.4 billion.
The settlement detailed in court documents is the result of, quote, extension of negotiations
between Genesis and 3AC.
It includes a mutual release of liability between the two long-bickering firms.
Genesis, part of the digital currency group, was exposed to both 3AC and the recently bankrupt
FTX Exchange.
The company is now seeking court approval for the settlement with a new court date set for November 30.
The price of XRP experienced a significant surge following a fake filing for a quote BlackRock
I shares XRP trust in Delaware. In fact, it was anything but. The filing, which appeared to
indicate BlackRock's intention to launch an XRP-based fund, led to a 12% increase in XRP's
price in just 30 minutes. However, BlackRock executives later confirmed the filing was fake.
The incident caused confusion and speculation on the market, with some still debating the authenticity
of the filing hours later. Despite the initial spike, XRP eventually erased its gains from the day.
According to a decrypt report, the Delaware office of the Secretary of State has informed
the State Department of Justice about the bogus filing. It'll be interesting to see,
just exactly how the alleged fraudster got the seemingly authentic documents on the official Delaware
site. It's certainly not a good look for the state, but could also be fuel for Gary Gensler
to show the immaturity of crypto itself. Crypto markets faced a tumultuous period this week
with over $307 million in liquidations of leveraged crypto-long positions, marking the largest
amount since October 17, according to data from Coinglass. The downturn was partly attributed to the
fizzling momentum around the expected approval, I should say maybe hoped approval of Bitcoin and
Ether ETFs. For context, though, inflows into crypto investment products this year have surged
reaching over $1.1 billion, the third largest level on record, according to Coin shares data.
Bitcoin continued to lead with $240 million in inflows last week, totaling $1.08 billion this year.
Ethereum also saw a significant increase with 49,000.
million dollars in inflows. Meanwhile, the grayscale GBT discount continues to narrow as the market
reacts to the potential of spot Bitcoin and Ether ETFs. Up from an all-time low discount of
49%. The discount at the time of recording was about 13%. The tokenization landscape is witnessing
exciting developments with major financial institutions embracing this innovative approach. The
venture arm of standard chartered bank has launched Liberia, a tokenization platform aiming to issue
Singaporean government bonds on-chain. Ledger Insights reports they're using the Stellar and Ethereum
blockchains. Simultaneously, the Monetary Authority of Singapore is spearheading tokenization
pilots with financial heavyweights JP Morgan, DBS, and BNY Mellon, signaling a strong institutional
interest in the technology. The tests are being done for digital asset trades, payments,
clearing and settlement, fund management, and automated portfolio rebalancing. This initiative
is expected to streamline processes and reduce costs, enhancing the efficiency of financial
transactions. In another development, finality that's spelled F-N-A-L-I-T-Y, a F-T-E-T-E-T-Y-E-T-E-T
specializing in tokenized cash, raised $95 million in a funding round led by Goldman Sachs and
BNP Parabot that brings the total raise to about $160 million.
Lastly, an asset management startup Superstate closed a $14 million Series A funding round.
They aimed to create a framework for compliant, tokenized, registered investment funds,
bridging traditional finance and blockchain technology.
Disney is about to sprinkle from some fairy dust on the NFT space,
Assuming that is, their partner can get over some pending securities questions.
Dapper Labs, the faults behind CryptoKitties and NBA TopShot, are teaming up with the Mickey
Mouse creator to launch Disney Pinnacle, an app where users can collect and trade something
called a digital pin, which is presumably the source of the painful pinnacle pun.
Earlier this year, Dapper was sued by plaintiffs alleging it was violating securities laws,
a lawsuit that is ongoing.
Assuming there's no hiccups along the way, the app is set to launch on a lot.
iOS. And that's all. Thanks so much for joining us today. With daily podcasts, videos, and written
updates, Unchained is your go-to source for all developments that could redefine the crypto landscape.
Visit Unchained Crypto.com and never miss an update. Unchained is produced by Laura Shen,
with help from Kevin Fuchs, Matt Pilcherd, Juan Aronovich, Megan Gavis, Shawshank, and Margaret
Curia. The weekly recap was written by Juan Aronovich and edited by Michael Del Castillo. That's
I'll be taking a break next week for Thanksgiving and look forward to chatting again soon.
As always, thanks for listening.
Unchained is now a part of the Coin Desk Podcast Network.
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