Unlocking Us with Brené Brown - Dr. Heather Cox Richardson on Democracy Awakening: Notes on the State of America, Part 1 of 2
Episode Date: October 9, 2024In Part 1 of my conversation with historian Dr. Heather Cox Richardson, we talk about the current threats to American democracy, what's at stake in November, and how we can strengthen our country if w...e can find the political will. They say don’t meet your heroes, but I’m so glad I did — this is one of my all time favorite conversations. I love how Heather doesn’t just look at history as a sequence of failures — she also finds the possibilities, creativity, and hope. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
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Hi, everyone. I'm Brene Brown, and this is Unlocking Us.
And welcome back to our eight-part series that I'm calling On My Heart and Mind.
We kicked off the series with my conversation with Valerie Kaur on the power of revolutionary
love and being a sage warrior. I also talked to Dr. Sarah Lewis on her just life reorganizing new book,
The Unseen Truth.
Roxanne Gay and I talked about
her provocative new essay on black gun ownership.
And my friend, Mary Claire Haver and I
talked about menopause
and what it means to get great medical care
for the entirety of our lives as women.
We have a couple of episodes left after this two-parter
where I'll be talking to my sisters
about grief and joy and love.
And in this two-parter, oh my God, I'm so excited, y'all.
This is like, they say never meet your heroes.
Well, let me tell you.
I have met my hero, one. Well, let me tell you. I have met
my hero, one of them, in Heather Cox Richardson, the historian. And we have an amazing, just,
I think, pretty mind-blowing two-part podcast on democracy and her book, Democracy Awakening, and history and how we got here and what she's
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Hello, I'm Esther Perel, psychotherapist
and host of the podcast, Where Should We Begin?,
which delves into the multiple layers of relationships,
mostly romantic. But in this special series, I focus on our relationships with our colleagues,
business partners, and managers. Listen in as I talk to co-workers facing their own challenges
with one another and get the real work done. Tune into How's Work, a special series from
Where Should We Begin, sponsored by Klaviyo.
Before we jump in, I'm going to tell you a little bit about Dr. Heather Cox Richardson. She's a
professor of history at Boston College. She's written about the Civil War, Reconstruction,
the Gilded Age, and the American West in award-winning books whose subjects stretch from
the European settlement of the North American continent to the history of the Republican Party
through the Trump administration. Her work has appeared in The Washington Post, The New York
Times, The Guardian, among many other outlets, and she is co-host of the Vox podcast Now and Then.
Without further ado, let's jump in and let's talk now, yesterday,
and tomorrow. So good. Heather, welcome to Unlocking Us.
It's such a pleasure to be here.
Thank you. I'm rarely, I don't want to say starstruck, but I'm rarely
intellectually teacher-struck, and I'm a little bit today, I have to say.
Well, back at you. I can't tell you how many of your books I have given away.
Oh, thank you. I want to start where we always start. Tell us your story. Where were you born?
Tell us about growing up.
It's funny you asked me that today,
because tomorrow is my 62nd birthday. And you always kind of take stock, at least I always
take stock, right? Because you sort of feel like you're starting a new year, right? So I was
actually born outside of Chicago. My mother had been a whack in World War II. She was from Maine,
but she had been a whack in World War II and gone back to Chicago for her
master's degree on the GI Bill after World War II. And my father was from Mississippi and had come up
the Mississippi during the Depression, and they met there. And for the first few years, I was the
youngest. So for the first few years, they were in Illinois. We were always in Maine in the summer,
and then we moved to Maine permanently the day after I turned seven, some, you know, 55 years or so ago. Anyway, so my family's from Maine. I have always associated
myself with Maine, but my dad was from Mississippi. And grew up in a small town in Maine.
I got a phenomenal education, but as a result, I've always had feet in both worlds, both a rural
town that is characterized by people who don't have college educations for
the most part. And at the same time, I got the Exeter Harvard education. And I've lived all over
the country and always been interested in America and in the American people, in part because I have
had such a wide experience from my best friend growing up didn't have running water. And then
the other end of the scale, I have seen the fancier side of America.
Tell everyone what a WAC is.
It's a woman who served in the Army during World War II in the Women's Army Corps.
And that is, I think, a really interesting moment in American history because when women
first began to be official parts of the U.S. Army, they had been part of the Army, obviously,
all along since the American Revolution. But in World War II, they become an official part of the
Army so that they can get benefits, especially was they're sent into really dangerous theaters of the
war, especially the Pacific. And they, at first, when they go into the war, they go in as the
Women's Auxiliary Army Committee, I think is what it's called, the WAAC, and they got a reputation of being what they called khaki-wacky. That is,
people said, oh, they must be basically looking for men or easy women if they want to go be in
the Army. And they professionalized that really quickly, and they became the WACs, the Women of
the Army Corps. And the WACs then become instrumental in helping to fight World
War II. Mother was not overseas. She was stationed in America. But that whole generation of women who
became WACs and all the things women did during World War II seemed to me to be foundational for
what became of the baby boomers like me, who grew up with those women who had had very
different experiences than the women, for example, who had come of age in the 30s.
Your mom seems like a really interesting, strong person. Was she a driving character in your life?
Oh, yes. Oh, yes. Yes, mother was just a wonderful woman. I miss her every day. She's been gone,
heavens, 40 years or so, and I miss her every day. She was the writer. She's the woman who
wrote letters every night. She worked as somebody who wrote during the war for the Army. She was a
force of nature, Mother was. Shy, retiring, but obviously had a lot to do with who I became.
Tell me about the conversations at the dinner table growing up, like high school.
You're killing me here. That was a long time ago.
I know, but I just want to understand you. I just want to understand how we got here. Did y'all talk about politics? Did you talk about
history? No. I mean, yes and no. As any family does, I suspect. What was more formative for me
about what I became was the fact that my mother cared very deeply about history. And my father
was one of the people that I have mentioned before who were storytellers. Remember, we grew up in a place
where we really didn't have access to a lot of television. We did have three channels,
but they were in a perpetual snowstorm. And we really grew up around people, especially
older men, but also women, who told stories to make sense of the world. So when I think of my
childhood, I think a lot less of the dinner table when, as with most people, kids are coming and going and there's dishes to be done
and all that, as I think about the times when we just sat without television or radio or anything
around a table and people just told stories. And that was central, I think, to my understanding
of the world because it was very clear, I think, to my understanding of the world, because it was very
clear, I think, from the time I was quite young, that people's stories were about the same events,
were all very different. And so you had to understand from where they came. And that,
and Mother, of course, was a very good interpreter of that, where she would say, for example,
you know, well, you have to remember that X. And one of the things that always jumped out to me,
even as a kid, was that there was an older man here in town who people kind of made fun of.
Like, he never really held a job. And if you talked to him, he was always telling you about
his latest ailments and whatever. And so, he was kind of a figure of fun in some ways. And mother
always treated him with absolutely profound
respect. And somebody once was sort of making fun of him in her presence, and she, Mother never lost
it, but she was very firm that we were to give this man extraordinary respect because he, during
World War II, had saved his platoon, I guess it was. I don't remember what unit he was with,
by ferrying men to safety through fire
and had been injured in that.
And she said he never was okay really after that.
He won some kind of an award for it.
But I can still remember her story of him firing on a ridge
and then rolling through the bushes to fire from someplace else and going
back and forth to make it look like he himself was more than one man and under that cover than he was
part of dragging people to safety. And so you never look at the world the same way again
after you have seen the contrast between a kid making fun of an older man who's maybe not the
most stable and an older woman who is, as I say, mother was very shy, but very proper in a lot of
ways, coming down very strongly that this man who lived in a shack without running water and
couldn't hold a job was somebody that one should profoundly respect because of what he
had done for other people. I like your mom. Yeah, she was a great lady. You know what? I
look more like her every day. Oh, God, me too, which is sometimes wonderful and sometimes like,
oh, God, shit, that's my mom. Oh Oh no, I'm the mom. Exactly. Exactly.
Yeah, yeah. Okay, tell me college. Did you study history?
I did. Actually, I started in folk and myth, not deliberately. My major was history,
but I took more classes in folklore and mythology than I did in history at first. And I realized I had enough credits to graduate in folk and myth. But I was always interested there the same way I
have always been in life,
in literature, in religion, and all the different fields of the relationship between the stories
that people tell and reality. And the idea that we are never utterly fact-based. We tell stories
about ourselves. And ultimately, of course, that's what I do for The Nation is talk about the stories
The Nation tells itself and how those intersect with reality. So my undergraduate degree was in history. I went on to graduate school. My master's is in literature a few years of the original construction of the program in American civilization.
And the reasoning behind that program came out of World War II.
And that was the idea that there must be some reason that the United States had fallen neither to communism nor to fascism.
So what was it that made the United States different?
Not better, but different.
And the people who began to study in the program in the history of American civilization
focused on those myths, on the symbols of America, on what people believed about themselves,
and how that intersected with reality. So I was really very well trained in the theory behind
what I do. I was extraordinarily fortunate.
My first advisor had won two Pulitzers, and he taught me to write.
And my second advisor had begun as a data physicist, and he taught me to do research.
And between the two of them, I came out having a pretty good idea of how to write books.
I see and feel the formation of Heather Cox Richardson in this story. I see
the lesson from the guy that probably everyone's afraid of and makes fun of,
who's a war hero, untreated PTSD, a strong, powerful, quiet mother, and then these influences in school, the folklore,
studying the artifacts of what it means to be American and the language of what it means to
be American. Then the data. This is why I love your work. It is a singular voice I think you
bring to us made up of a thousand stories and backgrounds. Yeah, it's amazing.
Well, let me add a piece to it that you didn't ask and would not know, and that is I live in
the same town that is the only town of my memory, which is unusual, I think, in America in the 21st
century, which brings a layer of... I was swimming in the harbor a few weeks ago, and I thought, you know, I feel like I'm the same as I did when I was 12.
I'm swimming in the exact same place.
It feels the same.
I have the same friends.
I have been extraordinarily lucky not to have lost that many of my friends as adults, lost a bunch as kids.
But that sort of double vision, if you will, I am an older woman living in the same place where I literally
walked the same street. It's only one street. In the 1970s, I think gives a much clearer sense of
what the passage of time has meant in my lifetime. But then remember, my family has always been here.
They came from before the pilgrims. They were fishermen who came from before the pilgrims. So my great, great, great grandfather's house is still standing. And that
connection to the past is, I think, really rare in the United States in the 21st century,
and helps, I think, to provide a sense of grounding for me
and also perhaps for other people who can see through me that continuity.
And I don't want to romanticize it.
There is, of course, as all people are, and you would be the first to say this,
there's negative stuff associated with that as well. But there is a sense of endurance and care that is palpable to me
in a way that it might not be if I were traveling all over the country.
It's interesting because I'm a cognitive person more than I'm an affective person,
but that resonates for me in such a body emotion way when I read your work, that almost like a social
scientist, you have held a variable, for better and worse, constant in your observation of our
country. And I think it's very hard to do that. I don't know anybody but you that's done that.
It's just, it's amazing. And I'm so glad you added it
because I can feel it. We cannot go into history until I hear about the lobsterman.
I tease him and he'd be mortified. I hope he doesn't listen to this. I always say he walked
out of a romance novel because he really did. What would you like to know about him?
How did you meet? How long have you been together? Why are y'all so great?
This is a great story, actually.
So we are both from this town.
I grew up with his brothers.
I knew all three of his brothers.
And my brother worked with him.
But somehow we just never crossed paths.
And this is a town of like a few hundred people.
It's kind of astonishing.
We literally never crossed paths.
I knew his parents.
But I don't know. Somehow we just never were in the same place at the same time. And so, one of my dearest friends was dating his brother, and his brother is also a fisherman. and my now husband buys and sells the lobsters for the guys in town.
And I have to say,
having your husband get out of bed every morning
and go, I got to talk to my dealer,
never gets normal, let me tell you.
And so she would go down to see the guy she was dating
and I was wingman.
And they would be chatting away down there
and it was like, la-da-da-da-da-da.
If anyone's ever played wingman,
you know what that's
like. Oh, yeah, yeah, it's terrible. And so, so Buddy was there, and we would chat, sort of, and
then my friend and his brother got engaged. And I was like, well, it's pretty clear we're essentially
family, because literally, I met my friend in a playpen. We are like sisters. And so, I thought,
I better get to know him, because it's pretty clear that he's going to be standing up with his brother at this wedding. And I'm going
to be standing up with Nancy who doesn't have any sisters, blood sisters, got me. So we better start
chatting. And so we started chatting and chatting and chatting. And then my friend and his brother
broke up. Yeah, right. And I was like, hmm, I'm not sure where this is gonna go. Because I mean, I thought he was just the cat's meow. But for years, nothing had happened. And we finally, finally, finally, finally, we went out on a date and we had been together ever since. And so that's eight years, I guess.
I knew right away, he's like, well, we circled for a while.
I'm like, no, you circled.
I was like a freaking bird dog, man, you know?
I was locked down, brother.
Yeah, really.
From the second day I met him.
Once I met him, I mean, he's really interesting.
He loves history.
He's incredibly visually acute, which I am not. He's very good at film. Once I saw his photographs, I'm like, wow. He's the only person I ever sort
of met on the street who had read Geronimo's autobiography and the entire body of work of
Harriet Beecher Stowe. And he just was absolutely fascinating. So we got married about two years
ago. Sometimes when I'm not in the mood for history, I just scroll through all of your letters
to see if there's any updates on the love story. That's like, yeah.
I mean, I think that is part of the charm that people find in the stuff I do every day, because
we are sort of an old-fashioned love story. Buddy always says that the Navy for him was
his institute of
higher and lower learning. He graduated from high school. He did not go to college
and runs a successful business. And I did go to college, did go to graduate school.
And all the markers that became so important in the 1980s about social divisions,
we're before that in a way and after it. Those sorts of things have
never, ever mattered in our relationship. And we were both saying that we each think we are the
ones who got lucky. He thinks he's the one who got lucky. And I'm like, no, you are so wrong.
I'm the one who got lucky. You walked out of a romance novel and I happened to catch on to you.
Thank you for sharing that with us. I love it. I have to give more
thought to why that's so central to me in your work is knowing that part, seeing some of the
photos that he's taken. I don't know. Maybe it's just trust and story and narrative and connection,
but I really like him. And I feel like we're the lucky ones that y'all found each other because
we get to be reminded of what's possible. There has not been a moment since I met him,
actually, that I just haven't thought the sun rose and set over him. And every day I say to
him, there's never enough time.
I want more time.
Yeah.
And he's like, we're lucky we found each other when we did.
I'm like, no, no, no.
I want all of it.
I want more.
Which is, how blessed are we?
I mean, thank you for sharing it.
I love it so much.
This is the cheesiest thing I've ever done on the podcast, which I hate doing with you
because you're so whatever the opposite of cheesy is. But I want to start with a weird question
about history. Shoot, go ahead. I am not from this planet.
Intelligent Martian, we call them. We actually use that in writing. Okay. I have landed, and I am watching what's unfolding leading up to the election in November.
And I turn to you.
You're my journeywoman.
I've been assigned to you.
And I look at you and say, well, if I was an alien, I'd probably just say whatever alien language for Jesus.
What a shit show. Then I would say, can you help me understand what I'm seeing?
And you're a Martian. Okay. So I'm going to be all intellectual back here and say,
I'm going to have to assume that Martian society is parallel to human society because, you know...
Yes, yes.
Okay, so give me that. Give me that.
I'm going to give you that. Yes, I'm going to give you that, and I'm going to say we are parallel,
but me, the Martian, I'm way more advanced. I don't understand kind of this
eating cats and dogs, but that's not true, making fun of candidates' children,
making promises of not ever having to vote again. I'm not understanding what I'm seeing.
Okay, so we're going to start really simply and say that in order to understand what's
happening in the United States in 2024, in our way of counting, you have to understand the concept of power, the concept
that there are a number of people in our society who want to have power over the others.
And most people don't want that. Most people are just trying to get along. They're trying to
feed their families and to create and relax and have a good time.
But there are some people who want power.
And the way that you get power in our society is by whipping up anger against somebody else.
And if you think about people, like 10 people, six of them just want to get along.
They just go with the flow kind of people.
Two of them want power over everybody else.
And the way that they get power over everybody else is by turning those six against the two
at the bottom.
And so what you're seeing here is the construction of this story that will convince those six people in
the middle to join with the two people at the top to go after the two people at the bottom.
And those six people in the middle are maybe doing it because they're angry about something
or because they're easy. They don't want to be concerned about how to run their lives
or how to run the government. They're happy to hand it over to somebody else or crucially because
they're afraid that they might become one of the two people at the bottom who are going to get
attacked by the other eight unless they go along with those people. So if you start at that level, you can
look at all the pieces that you just identified and more and see how much the idea of power,
if you expand it to society at large, is the attempt of a very few people to tell a story
that will take the majority of the rest of the people along
for the ride to give those people at the top power. And here, I'm going to go another step
forward and say that if you are the Martian now going, horrors, what can one do so you don't end
up having a terrible slaughter of the people lower down
in that pecking order?
What I would say is you have to change the story.
You have to take the power away from those two people and return it to those people in
the middle, those six people in the middle who are like, you know, we're all just trying
to get along here.
And we don't really hate anybody.
And the people, little people at the bottom aren't the ones causing the trouble. The people at the top are the ones causing the trouble. And we need to
put guardrails around the people at the top so they can stop squishing the people at the bottom.
And we need to put guardrails around the people at the bottom so they don't become victims.
Okay, this is really helpful. I'm frustrated as hell with the six.
I often say, if you can exploit people's pain and give them someone to blame for their pain,
it's a very fast track to accessing power. Do you think that's true?
Yes, although you don't even necessarily have to find people who are in pain. You can create that pain.
Let me step back a little bit and hang on to my Martian here for a minute.
Because human beings, the way I think about them, are in a way different from any other species because of the fact that they make sense of the passage of time through the stories they tell.
We know that other species understand the passage of time differently than we do because they do it through smell or they do it through any number of different ways of understanding time. But we tell
stories, and stories become absolutely central to who we are as people, but also who we are as
societies. You could take some random person and convince them
that they are under attack, even when they're not, by telling a certain kind of story.
So you don't even necessarily have to have those six people in the middle hurting in some way,
although that certainly helps. That's how we get the rise of authoritarians. We know
you create a situation in which those people in the middle,
or you find a situation in which those people in the middle are feeling dispossessed economically or religiously or culturally, and you can build on that. But you can simply say to people,
and just randomly here, say, for example, the federal government is not responding to Republicans who have been devastated by a
hurricane.
It's not true.
But you can convince them that they are in pain, in a certain kind of pain, even when
they are not.
It's about the stories we tell.
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Check it out wherever you get your podcasts. About a year ago, two twin brothers in Wisconsin discovered, kind of by accident,
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Our series is called How to Make It in the Future, and it's all this month on The Verge Cast, wherever you get podcasts. in sociology and anthropology, we knew through observation and ethnography that the stories
mattered and that the stories were everything. And I think in the last 10 years with fMRIs and
pet imaging, we can say without a question, without a doubt, that as a human species,
one of the big differentiators is that we are a meaning-making species. We are literally hardwired
for narrative. We are hardwired for the narrative arc of beginning, middle, and end. We're hardwired
for the three-act story, the monomyth, and absolutely not wired for uncertainty. So,
if you've got a good story that can limit our sense of vulnerability and uncertainty,
that's really attractive.
That's really seductive.
Yes, I think that's right.
But let's back up just a little bit there, as in we all love certainty, but we also love
possibility.
And one of the ways of changing the narrative is to emphasize not the certainty, which is
very comforting for a lot of people,
but to emphasize the possibility.
So if you think, for example,
of something like the cowboy myth in America,
which people like me have spent many years
tearing apart of how it's not real
and how it's done so much damage
and both to women and to people of color.
And I could go on at length about the downside of it.
The upside of it is the idea
that you can create your own destiny.
A great example of how that plays out
is in something like Star Wars,
where Luke Skywalker in the first movie in 77, 1977,
that's a cowboy myth.
And you can look at the negative side of that,
you know, the idea that you don't have to have an education you do you can just sort of go with the force that you have
this hotline to the powers of the universe so long as you are willing simply to ignore society i mean
you could make that argument but you can also look at the reality that is depicted in that film
of a young man who is poor. He is denied opportunity. That's
remember that scene with the two moons where his uncle says he can't go to college and instead
creates a new set of friends who are from all kinds of different species, from all kinds of
different places. He learns to trust moral values rather than societal values. And that idea of possibility is also epic,
and in a way is more epic than the idea that I'm just going to stay here like Luke's uncle
and work the farm. I love that we're here. So tell me about the tension inherent in the
cowboy myth. In Texas, I always call it death by hyper-individuality. We're going
to die in a terrible way, and our last words are going to be, but we needed no one. That's the
cowboy myth. I'm fifth-generation Texan, so I totally understand that. And then there is,
in me, I mean, I'll just use me as an example because it's personal and I know what's under the hood here.
There is an absolute draw for me to the hyper-independence and kind of tough disregard of the cowboy.
That's a part that I've been unwinding in therapy for 20 years.
But then there is a part of me that doesn't want to lose the possibility that there's something, there's like the strong back.
I just need to add the soft front and the wild heart to it. So tell me about the tension inherent
in the cowboy myth. Tell me about dispelling the mythology and holding on to the parts of it that I think are very American.
So let's just dispense with the idea that the cowboy myth stands entirely alone.
That idea of the individual taking on something large runs throughout Western mythology.
I can't speak for any other kinds of mythology.
So let's just get that one off the table.
But it's important to understand with the cowboy myth where the cowboy came from.
And that comes out of Texas, of course, in 1865 initially, but then in 1866 with Charles Goodnight.
He becomes a major symbol of the American cowboy.
After the—is this more than you want to know about the cowboy?
Hell no. Okay. This is exactly what I want to know about the cowboy? Hell no.
Okay.
This is exactly what I want to know.
You've heard of the Goodnight Loving Trail.
Oh, yes. Yeah, yeah.
Okay. So the cattle industry had started before the Civil War in Texas because it's such great
land for cattle and basically on the Texas-Mexico border. But during the Civil War, the union
blockade means that you can't move boats out of Texas and the destruction
of the rail lines, they degrade and some of them get ripped up out of that part of the country,
mean that the cattle go feral, essentially, in Texas. There are way more of them than,
I mean, people are afraid to go quail hunting because they're afraid they're going to get
run down by the longhorns. So in 1865, if you were to buy a beef, you would pay about $3,
maybe $4 if you bought it in Texas. And Texas is, of course, just this incredibly dangerous place
after the Civil War because the entire law enforcement structure collapses with the
Confederacy. One of the reasons Juneteenth is so late down there is because Texas is just a mess. They have a thing there called rifle whiskey
because the joke is that whiskey could kill from as far away as a rifle. It was that bad.
So, in Texas, you could get an animal for $3 to $4, but if you could get it to Chicago
or to St. Louis, even more important, if you could get it to St. Louis
and get it onto a railhead, you could sell it in a place like Chicago for about $30 to $40.
So, this is where you're going to see the genesis of the cattle drives because Charles Goodnight,
who had been a cattle drover before the war and had lost his hearing because he got the measles in the Confederate service,
decided he was going to round up some of these animals
and get them to a railhead.
And so in 65, he does that.
And interestingly enough,
he pulls together a crew
that is made up of former Confederates,
one of whom was dismissed from the Confederate service
for mental instability,
which shows you just how on the edge that dude was.
But also formerly enslaved people.
They needed to be able to ride a horse
and they needed to be able to handle a gun.
And they had no money, these people.
So he pulls people together.
He tries to move them out of Texas
and he runs into the Comanches
and that's the end of that drive.
Well, he does the same drive the next year in 66.
And when he does that, he runs his way out of Texas,
he runs into Oliver Loving.
And he and Oliver Loving make the drive out of Texas
actually to an army post
where they sell the animals to the army
and the cattle drives are on.
They actually get $12,000 in gold
for the cattle that they've delivered to the army,
which is an astronomical
sum of money for Texas in 66. And actually, they tie the money onto the back of a mule,
and the mule gets washed downstream. And it's one of those moments in American history where
obviously they get the mule back, but if they had not, you know, would that have been the end of
the cattle drives? Yeah. So, the reason that I just gave you all that information is because the idea of these
destitute people taking the resources that had gone feral in Texas and moving them to a railhead
is going to become the stuff of myth. It's a miserable life, right? But it's going to become
the stuff of myth largely because of what's happening back east, east of the Mississippi
at the same time. What period is this? It's Reconstruction. So the Southerners in the
Southern white myth makers, if you will, are complaining about the federal government because
the federal government is stepping in to protect the rights of formerly enslaved people
in the American South.
And what they begin to say
is that this is a form of socialism.
This is a socialist government.
They begin to say that in 1871.
And they contrast it with the American cowboy,
where they say,
these guys want nothing to do with the government.
They just want to be left alone.
It's ridiculous. I mean, literally, Loving and Goodnight sell their animals to the federal
government. And the federal government is what's protecting the cattle drives from the indigenous
Americans and so on. And we now know that about a third of the cowboys are people of color.
That's an interesting story as well.
But in mythology, they all become these young white men who want to do it all on their own
and want to have nothing to do with the federal government.
And this is the real heart of America.
So if you remember that image as being one about reconstruction, one about we don't want
the government to step in and stop white Southerners from mistreating their Black neighbors, all of a
sudden you can see the negative side of the cowboy image. You with me so far?
Oh, God, yes. I mean, I'm seeing as you're telling this story, my visuals are going from 67 to 2024.
Well, but you need to stop in the 1950s because the cowboy image really falls away in the early 20th century. During the teens, during World War I, the Americangrazing, putting too many crops in those western lands
really makes the prices plummet during the 1920s.
So while the East is booming, eastern cities are booming, the western plains are in real
trouble in the 1920s.
By the 1930s, the image of the American cowboy is one of dirt and poverty.
The Marlboro Man is from a Time magazine expose of this cowboy whose life is essentially miserable, but he's very picturesque.
And there is really much less emphasis on the idea of the cowboy as anything other than a figure in a sense of pity.
But then, in that era, this is when the federal government is actively stepping in to help people in the American South and help people in the American West, and they like that a lot.
We get the rise of the image of the American West
or the American cowboy again in the 1950s.
Hollywood made no cowboy movies during World War II.
What it made instead were buddy movies or women's movies,
but they didn't make Western movies.
Westerns come back into the American
lexicon after Brown versus Board of Education, where the Supreme Court says that the federal
government must use the 14th Amendment to protect the rights of Black and, by the way, Brown
Americans as well. And we get the idea that segregation is unconstitutional. This is the
beginning. It's not exactly the beginning, but you. This is the beginning.
It's not exactly the beginning,
but you see it as the beginning of the use of the federal government
to protect minority rights.
And with that, we get the takeoff
of the image of the American cowboy.
And that image in the 1950s,
but especially in the 1960s,
is going to be one of white young men.
It is a land of men. There are very few women. And the women who show up in that are either wives and mothers or sex workers.
There's really no image of women as working outside the home or being part of the community.
Think about Bonanza, for example, Rawhide. And that image is the one that you are going to associate now with Ronald Reagan, because Ronald Reagan really, really hammered on this idea, as did George W. Bush.
And Rush Limbaugh talks a lot about the cowboy with the white hat versus the bad guys and shooting without asking questions and so on. That, I think, I mean, I could expand
on that, but I think that's a really interesting thing because I think we are seeing exactly what
you just identified in this moment, the playing out of that image, which is a number of young men
who were socialized to believe that they should act as these autonomous individuals and not be part of a
larger community. And they don't have the emotional skills to be part of that community. And where
that has gone now is with the sense that they need to shape the world to answer to their needs,
rather than for them to participate in the larger world. And one of the things that I think really jumps out in the moment in 2024 is the degree to which we are seeing people literally talking about taking
women out of society and putting them back in the home as wives and mothers, or otherwise they
simply are objects for sexual assault or for sex objects. And the thing that is, I think, so crucially important to understand about the
cowboy myth is it was always a myth. The reality was to survive in the American West, you needed
to be part of a community. The way you made money as a fur trader, somebody like Kit Carson,
you marry into, in his case, a Hispanic family that's got connections, or you marry into a community.
It's the women who are always working outside the home who bring education and who bring government
services that make it possible for people to survive. If you go to the Iowa Statehouse,
which was built in the early progressive era, all the images of the government on the walls
of the statehouse, with a very few exceptions, are women.
You know, it's this idea of community. So that cowboy image with its embrace of possibility
and heroism and endurance and self-reliance, I see a lot in a lot of professions, including the
main lobstermen. It's kind of where I started thinking about it when I was a teenager being out with some of my lobstering friends.
That is really important
that in fact, if you try and organize a society that way,
you end up with exactly what you're talking about.
It's so painful
because it's so not real.
See, I would not call it painful.
I would say we really need to do
is recognize that it is not real? See, I would not call it painful. I would say what we really need to do is recognize
that it is not real because aspirations and dreams are not real. The trick is to make those,
have those dreams, and to recognize how to construct a society where they can become real for everybody.
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but I'm going to ask you because it just keeps popping up in my head right now.
During the Democratic National Convention with Harris and Walz. I remember feeling hopeful when I saw a photograph, and I saw it in real
time on television, where there were placards that said, when we fight, we win. And there was
a part of me as a, you know, just full media disclosure, I would self-identify as a
progressive democratic, I think, was so in some ways relieved to see that language
and to not see us backing away from the fact that we're going to have to fight for what we believe is this great
nation and this experiment and democracy, that it's okay to say we have to fight as opposed to
like, let's not use anything that has any kind of fight energy because we're not that party.
We're like, if we love, we win. And then I think about history and I think about
every expansion of democracy that we've seen
has had a lot of fight in it. So, I mean, what am I trying to say?
Well, it sounds to me like what you're trying to say is sometimes,
in order to love something, you have to fight for it. And again, to go back to your Western stuff,
there was in the late 19th century, a deliberate attempt to counter that cowboy idea with the idea
of a community that values education and compromise and negotiation.
At times that community has to fight for what it believes in. There's a wonderful moment in 1856 when for decades,
Northerners had tried to make peace with Southerners.
Okay, we'll compromise on this.
Okay, no, we're not trying to make you angry.
And as they did that, the more they did that,
the more outrageous Southern elite enslavers got. The
more they brought their guns to the floor of Congress, they threatened people, they lynched
people, they did all kinds of stuff. And then in May of 1856, a Southerner who was famous for being
just a blowhard came up behind Charles Sumner, who was a senator from Massachusetts. And Sumner was a large man,
but his legs were wedged under the desk,
which was bolted to the ground,
where he was sitting and writing.
And the guy comes up behind him
and he starts to beat him over the head
with essentially what is a blackjack.
Everybody always says it's a gutta-percha cane.
Well, a gutta-percha is that heavy black rubber
that has a little flex to it, but not a lot.
And he beats him almost to death.
He cuts him to the bone in the head in three different places. You can imagine how bloody it
was. And there are senators, Democratic senators, standing around, and they won't help. And they
actually stop some people from helping Sumner. And Sumner actually wrenches the desk out of the
floor in his attempt to stand up and fight back against a guy, but he's beaten almost to death.
And the Southerners think this is just hilarious. This is great. And the guy who does it,
Preston Brooks, resigns from Congress, goes back to South Carolina, which unanimously re-elects him to go back into Congress. And this guy stands up from Massachusetts, a guy named Anson Burlingame.
He's in the House of Representatives. After this happens, and of course, Sumner is from the same state as he is, and he stands up and he says, you guys are making a big mistake because we will fight. We will fight for our rights. We will fight for the principles of this country, and we will win. Because you think that we are all a bunch of shopkeepers
because we're busy minding our own business,
but you've gone too far.
And all the Southerners are like,
whoa, whoa, whoa, how can you say this?
He's attacking us.
But the bottom line was I think about that a lot
because if you think about people like you and me,
we're basically living our own lives over here
and working in our communities and doing everything,
and we're happy to give a lot of ground. But then there comes a time when we say
no. And it always reminds me, and I think this might resonate with you, it always reminds me
of somebody who's been in an abusive relationship of some sort. And you give and you give and you
give and you give and you give, trying constantly to make things work for everybody. And you give and you give and you give and you give and you give, trying constantly to make
things work for everybody. And then there's one day where it's just too much. And that's when you
say no. And when that happens, the abuser says, they double down. And we know this from all the
studies of domestic abuse, that's when people become really dangerous because they don't want to lose control. And I've said this for ages about the Republican Party and
the American people. We are at that moment where the American people are saying no. And we all
know how that comes out. Either the abuser wins and destroys the victim, or the victim stands up,
regains control, and says, you have never mattered.
You have always been smaller than me. And my future is going to be absolutely spectacular,
and you are not going to be part of it. And I think that's what we're looking at in the 2024
election. In 2015, I was asked to write a forward for a book that was being published by a group of women who were Nobel Peace Prize winners.
And it was a collection of essays on courage and activism.
And I thought Trump was going to win before the election for sure.
And I thought mostly that because I had been doing a really deep dive on the emotional power of nostalgia.
And I thought, wow, this is going to be strong. And I remember writing that my concern at the time was that we were facing
not just white male power, but a very specific kind of power, power over, not power with or power to, but power over,
that my greatest fear is that we were on the precipice of experiencing white male power over
making a last stand. And that my concern came from the fact that if you study last stands over
history, they're long, they're violent, they're unrelenting.
I mean, desperate people are dangerous people. Do you think there's anything valid about that
because of shifting demographics, because of immigration, because of reproductive rights?
Does it have a last stand feel to you? Oh, yes, absolutely. Absolutely. And, you know, if you look, for
example, with what people are calling the Theo bros, trying to reassert power over women and get
women, especially out of the public sphere, that is pretty clearly an attempt to guarantee that
they are not outvoted any longer, because we know women break heavily for the Democrats now and have
since Reagan in 1980, although that gap
has been increasing. I think that's absolutely right. And to go all Texan on you, the dying
mule kicks the hardest. But one of the reasons that I'm really trying to emphasize that community
idea is because this is not inherently a gendered division. It is one that has been artificially created, I think, by that cowboy
emphasis that Reagan took on in 1980 that kind of was pioneered by people like Arizona Senator
Barry Goldwater in the 1950s and the early 1960s. And that was never real. It was always a myth.
As I said earlier, the whole concept of a real man as being one who protects a community and makes it possible for
people to get educations, who negotiates, who tries to get an education. You know, one of the
things that I think you've seen is the isolation, especially of a certain group of young men from
the tools that they need to survive in the 21st century as an economic actor, as well as a social actor, that the denigration of education has,
that men don't need education,
has basically walked a lot of young men into a cul-de-sac,
whereas young women, of course,
have continued to get educations.
So now they're looking and they're saying,
well, we gotta stop women from getting educations.
Well, the answer to the fact that young men
are in this dead end, if you will, is not to say, well, then we're going to take that
road away from women. The answer is to say, we need to get rid of the ideology that said to you,
you didn't have to do this in order to participate in the 21st century economy.
And of course, we're answering that in a number of different ways. The Biden-Harris administration
has gone out of its way, as have a number of states. Josh Shapiro in Pennsylvania is one of them, to say you don't
need a college education to have these kind of jobs. And that helps, I think, to defang that a
little bit. But it really isn't a question of men versus women or the individualist versus the
collectivist. It's really a question of the image versus the reality and
reclaiming our history in those community values that were the centerpiece of the American West,
for sure, but also of all of American history. So, somebody my age, you know, all the parents,
and I won't even just say the men, but all the parents we grew up with, had been through World War II. And the men, many of them were scarred. And I am not suggesting that there was nothing in their
lives that should not have been celebrated, but they were 100% about the family and the community.
And I learned to shingle a roof from a guy who was with Patton's Army. I learned to sail from a guy who was a POW in Japan.
And they weren't blood relatives, but you took care of the kids in the community.
And nobody would have looked at either one of those men and said they were not alpha men.
You know, they were not betas.
They were not cucks.
They were people who cared about the next generation and creating a world in which people could get along. And that was really a definitionian, when the rodeo comes to town,
even when my kids were in elementary school, we would drive them in buses to watch them.
But the rodeo that we all watched come in every year, and still this is the one they line up for,
it's hundreds of black cowboys. And when you think about Houston, like my kids went to public school here for elementary school,
51 countries of origin in my daughter's school,
first generation,
and to me, when I think about black cowboys,
when I think about the Houston Medical Center
where it's like we don't build walls,
we build really long tables,
and the number of people represented in cultures, it's like the Texas that's real, that works,
that is no walls, long tables.
All you have to do to have a seat is work hard, be kind, and then come on.
It's so different than the mythology. And so what I want to understand is,
like we're talking about the cowboy image, the Republican National Convention with everyone
with the ear bandage on and the fist up, and it's like helped by medical workers,
helped by science, helped by all the things
you'd put down.
It's like the cowboy image here, and what I see in a lot of young white men here is
kind of, fuck science.
We don't believe in education.
We don't trust anyone or need anyone, and we want to be physically capable of killing you with our
bare hands, and we are absolute victims. I can't make sense of it.
Well, this is your territory more than mine, but it always strikes me that that bravado masks extraordinary fear of vulnerability, fear that you can't do that, because the reality is that nobody can live like that.
No.
And that might say something about the extraordinary mental health crisis in young men, young white men, because they're trying to live up to a myth that has never been real.
It has never been real.
It has never been real.
This so much reminds me of the research from John Cassioppo, who passed away recently.
He studied loneliness at the University of Chicago.
He said, if you're a social species, the mark of great development is not the ability to be autonomous, but the greatest prize you can win in the human species context is to be a person on whom others can depend. Right, right. Which, you know, I'm working on a new project, and one of the. But I think when Frances Perkins wrote and put into place the 1935 Social Security Act,
what she did with that act and what FDR did, but I think it's important that it was
Frances Perkins who did it. She was the first female cabinet secretary. She was at the Department of Labor
for I think about 12 years,
is that she used that law to recognize reality.
That is, until then,
what essentially the government did was
it had an economic function.
It was designed to negotiate
between workers, employers, and resources, and the
government. The government stepped into that. And that's really the language on which the people who
launched the American Revolution based their idea of independence, the idea that they wanted a
different kind of economic relationship with the government than they had with the king.
And what she did with the Social Security Act in 35 was to say, no, no, no, no, government is not
about economic relationships. Government is about community. And everybody is equally valuable,
even if you're a child, even if you're disabled, et cetera. And that was an attempt to recognize the reality of society, because American society
had always depended on community, always on everybody participating in it, people of color,
women, brand new immigrants, the disabled, the elderly, and so on. And that shift,
that recognition of reality, and the pushback on it from those who wanted to get rid of government regulation that was inherent in it and the social safety net that was also inherent in it has been central now to this attempt to return power to a few white men and to limit the power of government simply to negotiating those economic relationships,
because that permits a very few people to take over a society rather than reinforcing that idea
of community. But community has always been the centerpiece of American life.
I mean, that goes down to our neurobiology. I mean, we're neurobiologically hardwired
to be in connection and in community.
And in the absence of that, there's always suffering.
So it makes a ton of sense.
We're going to stop here.
Join us next week for part two.
We're going to do an interesting historical rapid fire
with Heather in part two, a shorter episode, but dang, I'm
grateful for you. Really. Well, this is a great deal of fun because I don't usually get to bring
in the myth stuff, but I'm laughing. We're going to do a rapid fire that's going to be fun for whom?
Is it going to be fun for Heather as well as for- No, no, no. It's going to be fun for me. Oh, okay.
No, I think it'll be fun for you too.
I hope it's going to be fun for you.
And I think our listeners, I mean, I just, artifact, mythology, history, you know, if
you want to get scrappy with people around what's on the surface, it's just a waste of
time without understanding the mythology and the story and the narrative behind what's
driving this.
Everything that you just walked us through is, I think, not only the political tension that we're seeing, tension is an understatement, but it's also a tension inside a lot of us. And so I'm
grateful for the folklore and mythology part of your work. Well, thanks. It's been great to be here.
What did y'all think?
Oh, my God.
I love history so much.
And I love Heather Cox Richardson.
And I love talking to her.
And I'm so grateful that y'all joined us for this conversation.
I just cannot think of anything moreall joined us for this conversation.
I just cannot think of anything more important right now to talk about. So I'm glad you're here.
I'm glad you got part one. Part two is, oh my God, so much fun, so hard, but also very hopeful.
You can learn more about this episode along with all the show notes on brennabrown.com. Just go to the website, pick podcast, pick Unlocking Us,
and you'll see this one come right up. We're going to link to Heather's book, Democracy Awakening.
And also, she has got the most amazing daily letter that she writes. It is incredible. And
I highly recommend that you look. I mean, I really look into it. It's just,
I find myself, sometimes I'll read it every day. Sometimes I'll collect them and read three or
four in a row. She just, I think, makes the world a better place. We'll have transcripts for you
within three to five days of the episode going live. You can sign up for our newsletters on the
same page. Stay tuned for part two. It's really good. And stay awkward, brave, and kind, and register to vote.
Bye, y'all.
Please show up and vote.
Take care.
Unlocking Us is produced by Brene Brown Education and Research Group.
The music is by Keri Rodriguez and Gina Chavez.
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