What A Day - How The Israeli Far Right And Netanyahu Embolden Each Other
Episode Date: August 4, 2025U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee and Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff traveled to Gaza Friday to tour an Israeli-backed aid site, amid growing global outcry over the country’s handling of its ...war with Hamas. New polling from Gallup shows barely a third of Americans support Israel’s actions in Gaza, a new low. And two Israeli human rights organizations last week concluded Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, a first since the start of the war almost two years ago. But as of now, there’s no indication Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his right-wing government have any plans to wind down the war. Yair Rosenberg, a staff writer at The Atlantic, talks about the ‘corrupt bargain’ that went into the making of Netanyahu’s coalition.And in headlines: White House officials defended President Donald Trump’s decision to fire the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics after a bad jobs report, Texas House Democrats fled the state to block Republicans from redrawing the state’s congressional map, and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting said it would shut down.Show notes:Read Yair's work - https://www.theatlantic.com/author/yair-rosenberg/Learn More About The Texas Redistricting Push - https://tinyurl.com/4x9f9ee8Call Congress – 202-224-3121Subscribe to the What A Day Newsletter – https://tinyurl.com/3kk4nyz8What A Day – YouTube – https://www.youtube.com/@whatadaypodcastFollow us on Instagram – https://www.instagram.com/crookedmedia/For a transcript of this episode, please visit crooked.com/whataday
Transcript
Discussion (0)
It's Monday, August 4th.
I'm Jane Coaston, and this is What A Day, the show that welcomes all of you to August,
the Bored Month, where we all just do our best.
Look, when an ad for jeans is allegedly causing controversy, you know we are in the Bored
Month.
Just hold out for September, guys.
On today's show, Trump fires the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics because he
doesn't like bad news.
And Texas House Democrats are fleeing the state to block Republicans from redrawing
the state's congressional map.
But let's start by talking about Gaza.
On Friday, U., US Ambassador to Israel
Mike Huckabee and Middle East envoy Steve Whitkoff traveled to Gaza to tour
an Israeli-backed aid site and report back to President Donald Trump on the
conditions as Palestinians in Gaza continue to die from hunger and
starvation. Their visit to Gaza comes at an inflection point for the US-Israeli
relationship. Barely a third of Americans support Israel's actions in Gaza, a new low.
Support for Israel's actions has even dropped among Republicans, and that unfavorable view
extends to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which isn't great for him given
that the United States is Israel's largest and most powerful ally.
The problems faced by Israel's right-wing government are manyfold.
Hamas has refused to disarm, despite indications from Witkoff that it might. And Netanyahu
has stuck firm to the idea that the people of Gaza are doing just fine, and that the
real focus should be on freeing the remaining hostages by eliminating Hamas. Here he is
in a social media video posted last week.
There is no starvation in Gaza,
no policy of starvation in Gaza.
And I assure you that we have a commitment
to achieve our war goals.
We'll continue to fight,
that we achieve the release of our hostages
and the destruction of Hamas' military
and governing capabilities.
They shall be there no more.
And the Israeli public wants the hostages home too, especially the families of hostages
like Evyatar David, who was being held by Hamas and who was featured in a video released
by the terrorist organization last week, clearly suffering from starvation.
But many Israelis, including the 60,000 who gathered in Tel Aviv on Saturday to protest
David's horrific condition,
want a ceasefire deal that gets the hostages back and ends the violence in Gaza.
But the government isn't listening.
Instead, Israeli officials are reportedly planning to expand the war.
Netanyahu is focused on doing more military operations in Gaza,
with the belief that only through completely eliminating Hamas can the hostages be freed.
The families of the hostages don't agree. In a statement, a group of families of hostages being
held by Hamas said Sunday, quote, the truth must be told. Expanding the war endangers the lives of
the hostages who are at risk of imminent death. We saw the chilling images of the hostages in the
tunnels. They won't survive more long days of horror. So how did we get here and what comes next? The Atlantic's Yair Rosenberg
suggested to understand Netanyahu's thinking we have to understand what went
into the making of his government. What Rosenberg describes as a corrupt
bargain. Yair, welcome to what a day. Thanks for having me here. Just for some
context to back up a little bit, can you take us back to 2022, well before October 7th?
What was the political situation surrounding Netanyahu at the time he was running again for prime minister?
Yeah, so Netanyahu had been ousted from power for the first time in a very, very long time.
It had been out of office for an entire year, where a sort of rainbow coalition of Israeli opposition parties, left, center,
right, had come together for a year to prevent Netanyahu from getting back into power.
Their government was very precarious and it fell apart.
Netanyahu finally gets back into office in 2022, but he does it in an extraordinarily
precarious way.
In order to get there, he actually only gets 48.4% of the vote in the election. And a sort of electoral college like quirk,
he still gets 64 out of 120 seats in the parliament.
So he walks in with sort of less than half
of popular support.
And in order to create this 64 seat coalition out of 120,
he gets 14 seats from, I would argue,
the most extreme, most chauvinist racist parties
in Israeli parliamentary
history.
And they're led by two men, Itamar Ben-Ghivir and Bitsalus Motrich.
Perhaps your listeners know these names, perhaps they don't.
One of them was a disciple of Rabbi Meir Kahana, a rabbi from America originally who wanted
to expel all of the Arabs from the land of Israel and Palestine.
And his party was banned from the Israeli parliament
because it was fascist.
But this is one of his disciples now leading a new party
and it gets in.
And the other man, Metzalos Smotrich,
was basically sort of a more cerebral big thinker.
How could I get into power and sort of use the government
to annex the West Bank, take over Gaza,
and get rid of all the Palestinians slowly but surely. Netanyahu lets these people into government because they're
the only other way that he's going to get this office back. So these people can basically
hold him over, you know, rake him over the coals. Anytime he does anything, they don't
want him to do.
So this is the corrupt bargain you write about. What's an example of how this bargain has played out?
Because I'm thinking that this kind of tells me how this war has gone.
Yeah.
So when the war starts out, Netanyahu has this very extreme government.
Hamas invades Israel.
This is one of the many horrific aspects of what Hamas did.
They were fully aware what kind of government
was running Israel and what kind of response would likely be engendered.
And they did this anyway, right, without the consent of any of the people of Gaza and so
on.
And I want to explicitly spell out what the far right wanted from the start of this war,
because I think that's important.
From basically the first days of the war, the far right saw an opportunity to not only
go back into Gaza and smash Hamas, but to go back into Gaza and take over the land, to conquer the land, and then to plant Jewish settlements
in Gaza.
Now, for those who are familiar, have been around a little bit, they know that Israel
used to have thousands of settlers in Gaza.
And then in the early 2000s, under Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, Israel pulled all of those people
out forcibly, which is something the Israeli right has never forgiven. And they've always wanted to go back.
And they never had an opportunity until this moment.
So they said, we're gonna take the land back.
And in addition to taking the land back,
we're gonna have to move the Palestinians out of there.
That entails ethnic cleansing in a whole little part of Gaza.
And they also said, we should probably just stop getting
any humanitarian aid to Gaza because A,
well, it would just go to Hamas,
but B, we want these people out,
so why would we be helping them?
And so there's this very coherent vision that the far right has.
It's held back by Yoav Galant, Netanyahu's own defense minister, who was kind of a liaison
with the Biden administration and wanted a very different version of the war.
He wanted a war where you go and you smash Hamas, then you strike a deal and you get the hostages out,
and then you hand over Gaza to non-Hamas Palestinian administration with the help of the international
community and various Arab states.
That was Galan's plan.
He gives a public address in Israel.
He goes on television and he says that Netanyahu is refusing to make the tough decisions for
the future of Israel because he has personal political considerations, which is a shocking thing for the defense minister of a country to say.
Eventually, Netanyahu fires Gallant on the day that Harris loses to Trump in the United
States when everyone is looking elsewhere.
So that's internal obstacle number two to the Far-rights vision gone.
And obviously we just referenced there was one other major obstacle to the Far-rights
vision, one other counter pressure on Netanyahu.
And that was the Biden administration.
I think that what we see here, and you've given a great explanation of how all of the guardrails against
the right-wing Israeli government are gone.
And it seems like this humanitarian crisis that's now hitting Gaza,
that is the result of no guardrails.
Is that how you see it as well?
Yeah, it's the result of sort of a Netanyahu
being the figurehead for a government
whose decisions are largely being made
by the far-right ministers in it.
Because again, Netanyahu is gone
as soon as they say, we're leaving your coalition.
He doesn't really have a majority anymore,
not a functional governing majority.
And if the far right party say, well, you're not doing what we want, we're going to vote
to topple this government, Israel goes to elections and spoiler alert, the polls have
showed for years that Netanyahu would lose those elections universally before October
7th, and it hasn't recovered.
I think that that actually leads to another question, which obviously we've seen tons
of outcry about the humanitarian situation in Gaza but something I've been really interested in
is how Israelis are seeing what's taking place in Gaza. We've seen protests over
the last couple of years against what's taking place, you know, I've seen protests in
Tel Aviv for example, but two Israeli human rights groups have recently broken a
taboo in their own country and they're accusing the government of committing
genocide. How are the politics around this issue in Israel changing?
Because you mentioned Netanyahu is not that popular, but also I'm guessing Hamas isn't
super popular either.
How is this shifting?
Yeah.
So for some time you had all of these protests against the government and they were organized
pretty much entirely around getting the hostages back.
That began to change recently just as it has changed around the world as people began to see
sort of the results of the
You know humanitarian
System if we call it that that was put in place by natanyahu and the trump administration
Which is first they cut off all the aid right then they set up this strange alternate
uh humanitarian system called the gaza humanitarian foundation
Um, which wasn't sufficient or adequate in any way to really serve the needs of the population. And predictably, what we are seeing now is the results. And
Israelis began to see this, it began to penetrate Israeli media. It's not just these particular
human rights groups, it's more that you're also starting to see more protests in the streets.
But I want to be careful to say that that's not the majority sentiment, right? Most of the protests
against Netanyahu are saying, we don't want this war, we don't want to keep fighting it, what is
the point of it? Let's get the hostages back,
because that's what most Israelis wanted in the first place.
But it's not to say they have tremendous sympathy
for Gaza or for the Gazans,
they see themselves as locked in a war with them.
And the international situation is changing too.
France, Britain, Canada, Germany,
have all signaled varying degrees of readiness
to recognize a Palestinian state
after horrific evidence of starvation. Now, on the one hand, I was thinking this could change Netanyahu's
calculus, but on the other hand, he doesn't need France or Britain or Canada or Germany.
He needs this Israeli right wing. So does this kind of lock him in more?
Yeah, I don't think it matters one way or the other so much to Netanyahu's calculus,
precisely because he cares internally what keeps him in power
And it's sort of inside. I want to be like say this carefully
But I think that Netanyahu in his head finds ways to reconcile the national interest with his personal political interests
So that they're always the same now in practice when leaders do that, that's extremely dangerous for a country
Um, but I think he believes that in his head, right that he is this singular figure
But I think he believes that in his head, right? That he is this singular figure who is basically the only thing between Israel and annihilation.
And therefore he's justified in making all of these compromises and all of these deals
with the devils that he's done over the years and not just this time, in order to keep himself
in the position of power for as long as possible.
And I'm curious though, if that includes President Donald Donald Trump who seems to sort of shift when
faced with the overwhelming images of starvation inside Gaza and starving children in particular.
Netanyahu recently said that there is no starvation in Gaza but Trump disagreed.
That's real starvation stuff.
I see it.
And you can't fake that. So we're gonna be even more involved.
How does Trump factor into Netanyahu's political thinking
and what he'll do next?
I mean, there's a neighborhood in Israel named for Trump,
but now Trump is saying that he's gonna quote,
get people fed.
There has been obviously this past weekend,
the visit from Middle East envoy, Steve Wittkopf
and US ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, the visit from Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff and U.S. Ambassador
to Israel, Mike Huckabee, the visit to Gaza, how is that factoring into Netanyahu's thinking?
So I'll say two things.
The first is that Trump is probably the only person internationally that Netanyahu actually
needs to stay in power.
And it's not about, oh, because Trump could cut off weapons or this or that.
Israel could keep fighting in Gaza for quite a while without American weapons
It doesn't take nearly as much as say fighting Iran or Hezbollah and such like that
The issue is is that you know
Netanyahu has presented himself as this
statesman of stature on the world stage who can manage the American relationship and
Can bring Trump into the Israeli corner and that is a huge part of his electoral pitch to many Israelis who are otherwise skeptical of him
He's saying you can't trust any of these other, you know,
Pretenders to the throne to actually manage this very mercurial American president now
It's a very interesting argument if Trump comes out and really were to make a point of saying Israel has to change course
That wouldn't just be important for Palestinians. Of course, right, and for the region, it would be important for Netanyahu's political future.
That being said, I would say the most consequential thing Trump has done in this conflict since
coming into office has been to join the Israeli far right in putting more pressure on Netanyahu
in the opposite direction towards ending the war.
What do I mean by that?
We all remember that when Netanyahu was visiting Trump for the first time after he got reelected, Trump says, we should clear out Gaza.
We should relocate all the Gazan people and we should build some sort of Riviera in the
Middle East.
You know who heard that as a warrant for ethnic cleansing and everything they ever wanted?
The Israeli far right.
And I think until Trump comes out and repudiates that plan and says, that's not the end goal
I seek, that's not what I want, then you're going to continue to see all of this energy
going in the other direction
towards what I think are extraordinarily dark
and terrible scenarios.
Yair, thank you so much for joining me.
Thanks for having me, Jane.
Next time, hopefully we'll have better news.
That was my conversation with Yair Rosenberg,
staff writer for The Atlantic.
We'll link to his work on our show notes.
We'll get to more of the news in a moment, but if you like the show, make sure to subscribe,
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Here's what else we're following today.
Head of Lines.
Bottom line, were the numbers wrong? Do you have any hard evidence that you can present to the
American public that these numbers, these revisions that were reported, and there were plenty of
revisions under former President Biden, including right before the election. Do you have any hard evidence that these numbers were wrong?
Yeah, there is very hard evidence that we're looking at the biggest revisions since 1968.
Are you going to present those?
No.
If you look at the number itself, it is the evidence.
But you're saying it's an outlier's not evidence, Mr. Hassett.
It's a historically important outlier.
It's something that's unprecedented.
It's still not evidence, though.
I've been looking at it for 40 years and I'm like, it must be a typo.
Kevin Hassett, the director of the White House National Economic Council, defended President
Trump's decision to fire the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics during an interview on
NBC Sunday. On Friday, Trump fired Commissioner Erika McIntarfer after the most recent jobs
report from her team of experienced economists made him look
like he's running the U.S. economy like a man who's bankrupted multiple casinos. Oh wait.
The report showed the U.S. only added 73,000 jobs last month, way lower than expected.
The BLS also revised down its job numbers for May and June by a whopping 258,000.
It suggests the job market is, um, well, it's not doing great right now.
Trump accused McIntarfer of faking the data in the report for political purposes.
Did he have any evidence?
Nope.
But clearly, there's no way the president's erratic tariff spree could have caused economic
instability.
It's much more logical that yet another woman is lying, just despite him.
Here's what the president said to reporters on Friday.
We're doing so well, I believe the numbers were phony just like they were before the
election and there were other times.
So you know what I did?
I fired her.
And you know what?
I did the right thing.
Oh, okay.
But William Beach, the guy who led the bureau during Trump's first term, defended McIntarfer
on Friday.
He said there's no way the commissioner could interfere in the revision process, which is
conducted by a team of career employees.
When asked if Trump is prepared to fire anyone who reports data he disagrees with, Hassett
said quote,
Absolutely not.
The president wants his own people there so that when we see the numbers, they are more
transparent and more reliable.
Cool. That's totally not suspicious.
We're here on a summer Saturday morning in a meeting announced just before midnight last
night, less than 10 hours ago, to ram through a discriminatory and racially motivated congressional
map to the full House of Representatives.
That's Texas Democratic State Representative Chris Turner speaking Saturday at a meeting of
the state's House Redistricting Committee. On Sunday, a group of Democratic Texas lawmakers
left the state in order to stop Republicans from passing their highly suspicious redistricting plan.
In case you weren't listening to Waterday last week, which is mortifying for you.
At the behest of President Trump, Texas Republicans recently proposed a plan to redraw the state's
congressional map, way outside of the normal schedule.
It's a nakedly partisan attempt by Republicans to maintain their majority in the U.S. House
after next year's midterm elections.
We'll link to the episode in our show notes.
Roughly 30 Texas Democrats headed to Chicago as part of a plan
hatched with Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker. Others headed to New York to see Governor
Kathy Hochul. For now, the Democrats' plan is simple. If they don't show up to work,
Texas Republicans can't meet the required quorum to pass a new map. So if the Democrats
piece out, that's curtains on the legislature's ongoing special session. However, ditching work could come at the cost of a $500 a day fine per missing lawmaker.
And the plan doesn't come with any guarantees.
While the tactic could delay Texas Republicans for a matter of weeks,
similar attempts to stop Republican legislation in Texas have failed in the past.
Meanwhile, the Texas House is scheduled to reconvene at 3 p.m. Central Time today.
the Texas House is scheduled to reconvene at 3 p.m. Central Time today.
The U.S. Office of Special Counsel is launching an investigation into former Special Counsel Jack Smith. He oversaw two federal criminal cases against President Trump, over his handling of
classified documents after he left office, and efforts to overturn the 2020 election.
The Watchdog agency confirmed reports Saturday. Days earlier, Arkansas Republican Senator Tom Cotton asked the OSC to investigate Smith.
In a series of posts to Twitter, Cotton insinuated that Smith's activities were a violation
of the Hatch Act.
The law limits federal employees from certain political activities.
Its goal is to remove partisan influence over how the government functions.
On Twitter, Cotton accused Smith of, quote,
unprecedented interference in the 2024 presidential election
and said the investigations were, quote,
nothing more than a tool for the Biden and Harris campaigns,
i.e. the campaigns that did not win the 2024 election.
It's not totally clear what the end goal here is, though.
The Hatch Act mainly applies to current federal workers,
and Smith
left the government after winding down the two Trump cases.
Funding for this program is provided in part by the Corporation for Public
Broadcasting.
The Corporation for Public Broadcasting, whose name you've heard a million times
at the end of a million episodes of Sesame Street and Arthur,
announced Friday it's shutting down. Through Congress, the CPB helped provide funding for NPR,
PBS, and more than a thousand local radio stations and newsrooms. But last month, Republicans in
Congress clawed back the more than $1 billion in federal funding CPB was supposed to get for the
next two years. It was part of a big rescissions package pushed by President Trump that also included huge
cuts to foreign aid.
And just last week, the Senate Appropriations Committee doubled down on those cuts when
it excluded CPP funding in a bigger 2026 spending bill.
Washington Democratic Senator Patty Murray commented on what happens next.
It is a shameful reality and now communities across the country will suffer the consequences
as over 1,500 stations lose critical funding.
I really hope that Republicans will join us to restore this funding down the line and
I want you to know I'm going to keep pushing to do that.
In a statement, the CPB said most rules there would conclude by the end of September.
The CPB was created almost 60 years ago by the end of September. The CPB was created almost 60 years ago, following the passage of the Public Broadcasting Act
of 1967.
Since then, it's supported local journalism, educational programming, emergency communications,
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