What Bitcoin Did - Only Bitcoin Can Stop Government Corruption | Peter McCormack

Episode Date: January 8, 2026

Peter McCormack is back on the show for a conversation on power, the state of the UK, and why the system is broken. We get into how debt, inflation, and centralised government incentives have hollowed out public services, destroyed the middle class, and turned politics into a fight over power rather than outcomes. Peter explains why inflation is the real tax, why asset inflation benefits elites at the expense of everyone else, and why neither the left nor the right is willing or able to fix the underlying problem. THANKS TO OUR SPONSORS: ANCHORWATCH BLOCKWARE LEDN BITKEY SWAN FOLLOW: Danny Knowles: https://x.com/\_DannyKnowles or https://primal.net/danny Peter McCormack: https://x.com/PeterMcCormack

I no longer consent. Individually, it means nothing. Collectively, it means everything. Do not give them anything to stop you. Ultimately, everything is downstream as central government. Whether it's ideology or incompetence, it doesn't really matter. The output comes the same. That's why power centralises, debt increases, everyone else pays for it.

And I don't think we can vote our way out of this. There'll be no opportunity. We will go into periods of high hyperinflation. Like, it's obvious. There's no point winning when everyone's losing. Like if you win when everyone's losing, that sucks. And that's what it is. As setflation is you win by other people losing.

As many people as possible have to win. The pie itself has to get bigger. Bitcoin is central to this. I just don't say Bitcoin. How are you? I've been good. How are you? Good, good to see you.

The boys are back. Boys are back in town. It's been a little while. Actually, it's not been that long. I saw you in Vegas. When was we were in Vegas? That was only a couple months ago. When Connor won all the money.

Yeah. How much did you win Connor? 3K. 3K. That's pretty important. impressive from like $300. Yeah. I did not.

I went one hour too long. So I was down 2.5K. Got up to 500 bucks up and because we thought we were on a magic machine like rub it and you win.

I carried on and lost $1,500 in about an hour. That's how it gets you. I walked away from you that night and also did the same thing. Vegas always went. Did you? Yeah. Fucking loser. I don't even remember.

how I lost my money, but I woke up without it. So, man, it's good to see. Hold on, I'm not interviewing you. It's your show now. Have you fixed Britain yet, P? No. I tell you what, though. I take an interesting place to start this, because last time we spoke up in Manchester,

and then again here. And then here. Yeah. We didn't record it in Manchester. Oh, we did, did we? We did. We. It was at this table.

At this table. And we spoke about what's going on in Bedford, the private security, trying to fix Bedford. So I gave up in Bedford. And the reason I gave up on Bedford is because everything I was trying was creating a political divide. And also, it doesn't, it doesn't, I realized it didn't matter what I did in Bedford. Ultimately, everything is downstream of central government. And so I can go out there and try and help and create businesses. I was about to open that piece of place, which I pulled out of. Did I tell you you, I pulled out of? Yeah, I know you're

Yeah. And because what's been happening is the country is being hollowed out by this Labor Party, whether it's ideology or incompetence. It doesn't really matter. The outcome is the same. More businesses are closing in Bedford. And as I walk around and talk to people, I ask very simple question, how you doing? What do you think of this government? How's work? How's life? And it's very similar responses. We were, me and Connor, a game recently, met two teachers that we know. They used to play for our women's side. Both of them are saying teaching is very hard at the moment. They are having to buy supplies themselves. Yeah, they have to buy supplies themselves because the schools do not have enough money to pay for everything they need. So they have to buy supplies themselves.

Only small, it might be some pricksicks or some pens or whatever. So that's insane. Oh, it's totally utterly insane that our government with everything it borrows and everything it spends, cannot support education. And it might be controversial, but for me, education is actually a priority over what the NHS does for adults. So health of the kids first, education of the kids second, adults, third. And that comes back to a broader point whereby, you know where Hoddle talks about money being a proxy for time.

If we create debt, we're borrowing from the future. So we're borrowing from Conner's future and your kid's future, my kid's future. And so if you're of the belief that we should stop that because our goal is parents to our own children, but to the children of the country is to create a better future for them than ours, what our parents certainly did for us, then we have to stop the debt. But if we also have to stop the debt, we have to give them the best education and the best start possible. So just talking to them, that was really interesting. But there are other problems.

There are immigration problems now affecting certain state schools in that the class dynamic and the demographic split is very, very high. You've got a lot of, you know, a substantial number of children who don't even speak English and they have to work out how to teach these kids in those lessons, which means maybe a bit more attention, which means a bit more neglect for other kids. You've got kids from different cultures who don't know how to behave in classrooms. So they said it's very hard. I met another teacher the other day.

I was just in the pub. You know the one over the road from me? It's the guy who does a camera work for us at the football. He was there with his mate. And he came over to me and said, oh, I want to say thanks. We gave £500 to 50 schools in Bedford to buy football equipment. It's a large amount of money, but small for each school. He said, it was really helpful because our budgets are difficult.

And I said, tell me more. And he said, we're just under so much pressure. He says, I love the job. I love teaching, but we're under so much pressure. We do not have enough teachers in the school. So everybody has overworked. We don't have enough funding. And he said, they're about to lose their PE premium,

which is the amount of money they get. I think it's about 10 to 15,000 to £1 a year to support PE. He said, that's probably going. And I was like, what's the impact of that? He said, well, you know, we do sports matches. I take kids to football matches. And we have a minibus. It's old, it's falling apart, we need a new one.

We just won't be able to even replace it, let alone fix it. P.E. will get cut. And this is basically a lens for the entire problem of the country is that in every single direction, things are getting cut because the government doesn't have enough money to pay for public services. And then if you go into people's private lives, they're also having to make cuts because inflation is higher than wage. growth and you haven't choices to be made.

Why are the cuts happening, though? Because is this specifically a labor problem? No, this is a multi-party, multi-decade problem of the slow creep of socialism. Everything that the Bitcoin has tell you about, the ill discipline around money and the ill discipline around government budgets. I mean, the best way I can put it is, is that if you're a political party, it doesn't matter who you are. It doesn't matter if you're Nigel Farage and you sound mean because you want to do tough

things like reduce welfare and reduce immigration, or you can be super nice and be Zach Polanski and say, we need to let everybody in the country and fart rainbows, whatever. It doesn't really matter. the one thing that unites every single political party and every single political operative is your goal is to win power and then defend power. That's how you think. You might say, I'm here to represent the country.

I'm your MP. I'm here to represent you in Parliament, but really your goal is to win a seat and defend your seat. And that creates incentives. And so if you're a party who wants to defend your power, your position staying government, you have a number of levers that you can pull based around, like rights, regulation, and money. Let's keep it to those three. There's lots more. But let's say

rights. So the Labour Party heavily criticised, wanting to stop riots during Southport, don't like people criticizing people online go and arrest a few more people for the things they say. They create a Lucy Connolly chilling effect. That's an infringement on your rights.

When they talk about getting rid of jury trials and moving decisions on cases to judges, that's the state now arbitrating decisions rather than you or I having the right to go to our peers to. judge whether we're guilty or not. When they choose to raise taxes on wealthier people and give them to poorer people, all the decisions they're making are about the special interests they have

or the special interests of the groups that will vote for them. Unions. So we have new employment laws. They are catastrophic for business. They will cost, ultimately, they will cost jobs. But the unions are so tied to the Labour Party that they basically say, want our block vote, you need to do these things. So when Labor won the election, they've put these employment rules in. It's all about special interests of the groups that vote for you. And so

when you have control of those powers, the incentives are that you do things which aren't in the best interests of the country. That's why power centralises, debt increases, and ultimately, everyone else pays for it. You pay for it running a business and it becomes harder because you have more red tape, more regulation, more tax. Or you pay for it as an individual. because the money creation through fractional reserve banking and Bank of England money creation means you get asset inflation, which always outpaces wages.

And so in the last 30 years, I think house prices up about 1,500%, whereas wages are at 500%. So it was harder for you to buy a house and your parents, and it's harder for Connors buy a house than me. And so when my parents bought their first house, it was a four-bedroom detached house. And my mum probably wasn't working.

because she was raising my brother and sister, and my dad was a low-level aircraft engineer. But they bought a four-bedroom house. Conner's got a high-profile job now. He's on a podcast. He's a producer-slash editor. If he wants to buy a house in Bedford, most likely the one he can afford on his salary now,

which probably isn't far of what my dad would have had at a similar time, is a one-bedroom flat. That's inflation at its core. And so, really, we are in, constant decay. It's just a constant decay of the country because the incentives are such that we live in inflationary environment. I think the easiest thing to blame it on is the money, which is great because this is a Bitcoin show. And it truly is the money is the problem. But the money

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when you use the code WBD. That's B-I-T-K-E-Y.world and use the code WBD. See, I don't know if it is that, like, do you think Labor truly are trying to defend their seat right now? Because they must be the most unpopular political party in the UK this quickly after an election in my lifetime. Like, no one is happy with what they're doing. So are they actually trying to defend their seat? Well, put yourself in their position. If you're Keir Stama and you wake up this morning and you read the papers,

you look on social media and you have your advisors, they're all saying this is not going well. So whatever is choices. I'm literally asking you as Keer Stama, what are you thinking right now? Not as Danny Knowles as Keir Stama. I could only think as me. I know what I'd do. What are his choices?

I honestly don't know what he can do. He can't be fiscally responsible. No, no, but his actual choices are resign or carry on. Oh, yeah, and he's going to carry on until he's forced, until there's a vote no confidence. Yes, but a voter no confidence is not going to happen because they've got a parliamentary majority. And so a parliamentary...

I'd resign. He can get pressure internally, but your choice is to resign. Or you say, look, there's an election in three and a half years. You know, you don't, but maybe you perhaps convince yourself. A bit like if you're a manager of Manchester United, that's a great example. Amaran? Yeah. Yeah.

How did last year go? Terribly. Terribly. Do you think he blamed himself or do you think he blamed the history, the infrastructure, the players? I know I can sort this out next season. And he's kind of turned around a little bit, right? Kirstama might go, well, conservatives have handed me a shit show. $22 billion black hole.

I've got to turn this around. And it can't be done in a year. But in three years, if we do this, this and this, and the OBR's right, you know, by the time of the next election, we might turn this around. But the problem is, like, the brave choices he has to make are do something very, very serious with the NHS. Like, that is an absolute mess. I was speaking to a family member. I don't want to docks him.

But he worked for the NHS for, like, 30 years. Yeah. He's in, like, private industry now. But he was telling me just how bad the NHS is. And it is literally, it's over. Like, people haven't accepted it yet, but it's 100% over. Yeah, totally. Like, his, one of my elderly relatives went into A&E with like an emergency

and was in there for three days sat in a chair waiting to get bed. Like, it's absolutely insane. That's some third world stuff. Interestingly, because that's an anecdotal point. I've also heard some good anecdotal points since labor coming on accident and emergency. So somebody I know, daughter, a few days before Christmas, fell over, banged her head on a radiator, cut it open. She was seen within half an hour.

And I've heard other anecdotal data around that. I think that is one of the things that Labor have put money into. But that comes to a broader point because you can say the NHS is screwed. This is a hard question for you to answer, so I can answer it for if you if you can't because you've been away in Australia. But name me something that has got better under government because of government decisions in the last 25 years. Something that's got better.

I honestly don't know. From afar, well, you've just said the NHS has. No, that's definitely not. I can tell you education. I've just told you education hasn't. Yep. Borders? Definitely worse.

Roads? Probably worse. I don't know. I've not spent enough time here. They're worse. Yeah. Councils? I'm sure they're worse. Up and down the country,

there's so many, I think Section 114, it's called, where they're going to, essentially into bankruptcy. They've got no money. Okay. What else does the government do? Do you know what's insane here is I was in rural northern Kenya before I came here, and the phone signal service, was infinitely better than in the middle of the Cotswolds.

What did you say last week? When we were driving along, we couldn't get a reception. I think it was kind of like, how can we put rockets up in space and not get a reception? Yeah, and the internet here is dreadful. So you should listen to Tucker Carlson just in an interview with Matt Walsh. And it was really interesting

because Matt Walsh said at one point, it's like reiterated what I'm saying. So just to finish off what I was saying is, nothing has got better. Matt Walsh was saying the same to Tucker Carlson. Everything has got worse. He said, just going out for dinner. You go out for dinner now, go to a pizza place.

It doesn't matter which piece of place you go to. They all get their ingredients from the same place. It's not like they're importing, I mean, somebody's... Like flour from Italy. Yeah, and mozzarella from Napoli and, you know, I don't know where they get tomatoes from. Tomatoes going from America, you know. They were never in Italy.

Is that true? Yeah. But there's a small... Excuse me. A small number of suppliers. of food. And so when you get your cheese now, you're getting pre-grated, frozen, big packs of cheese, goes in the freezer, you get it out, you spread on the pizza. Like food is getting, he's actually getting noticeably shit. Yeah, especially the chains. Yeah. And you get less and

of the, you know, our coffee shop is a locally run place where we've sourced the best coffee from Monmouth here in London and we get Jersey milk. We're not making any money. because we're trying to make the best cup of coffee possible. But most people are going to Costa or Starbucks. Their product is worse than ours. But they can do it because they have regulatory capture. When you have strong employment laws and strong accounting laws and tax laws, they have large departments that handle and manage this

and they have the ability to move money offshore. It's very hard to compete. We've created an environment which is great for huge businesses, terrible for small businesses. So what we're actually doing is we're killing the middle class. But it's just the homogenization of everything, though. It's like, it's like no one wants to make anything that's slightly out there in case it causes offence. Like whether that's food or music or film, like everything has just become homogenized, like hit the biggest audience possible because like that's the only way you make the economics of running a business work.

So that's good because we should have that conversation we've had before about film and music. I'll come back to that because that's really important point. There's like the tyranny of algorithms, which is I think a really important point. But just on, this, there are people who want to run local businesses. It's just really hard to make money because if you've got, say, a coffee shop, your first bill is your business rate, which is a tax you pay before you even do anything. When you buy your products, because it's food-based, you don't get to reclaim the VAT. But you have to...

So I can't reclaim the VAT on the Beans because it's a raw product. It's a raw food product. But I have to charge 20% VAT on the cup of coffee. which goes straight to the government. So 20% of everything we sell goes to the government. And then you have the business rates, which works out about 8%. So we're about 28%. And then you've got, not only have you got,

then you've got minimum wage, which has increased. I mean, minimum wage is a bit of a joke for our kind of business because it goes back to Matt Walsh's point. He said, all these restaurants, they've just got a bit rubbish. He said, the people that work in them now is really interesting because it used to be someone like Connor's first job or my daughter's first job. But actually now we've had such a large influx of immigration

that most of these jobs now being done by immigrants. And so the experience has changed as well. And so that kind of localism has gone. Or because the minimum wage has gone up, the difference between hiring a 16-year-old and a 30-year-old with experience is kind of worth that extra pound an hour. And the mad thing is, it's like if you take on a young person, I don't know, 18-year-old,

and I've got minimum wage. I've got to pay them. I don't know what it. Say it's 10 pound 50. I have to give them 12.3% of the days worked in holiday. Now, when I had my first job, whether it was, when I worked in a shop, I didn't have holiday allowance.

No, I don't know holiday pay. You know, you've got to throw in sick pay. You've got to throw in employment rights. You've got to throw in maternity. You've got to throw all this stuff in, which it basically is a tax on the business. Now what's happened to energy prices? We have the highest energy prices, I think, in the world. Put that all in together, how many businesses could exist, middle-class businesses, local

businesses could exist that don't. And so when you drive around a town centre and everything's closed and boarded up and shit, but you go to the edge of a town and you see one of these little pods of like there's a pizza express, McDonald's and a Starbucks, it kind of makes sense. And so going back to the broader point is that we have decayed our country by taking more and more. The government takes more and more. They take rights, they take money through taxation, they take money through inflation, and they take, how do you put it, ability through red tape. So if that constantly gets worse, harder, more difficult, you have less of it being done.

And so you are burning through the middle class. And when you burn through the middle class, what do you have left? You have a working class and an elite. And then what happens? In that scenario, the working class is dependent upon the state, and the elite wins whatever. Think about the elites. They win in every fucking environment.

So I keep going back to, I've been hammering Zach Pallanski and Gary government, Gary Economics on, because neither of them would talk about inflation in the way it should be talked about. Because both of them support inflationary economics. Because both of them want a continuation what we have, which is money creation,

because neither of them ideologically can come to the table with an idea where we must balance the books. Therefore, all their kind of speeches and YouTube videos and Twitter videos about tax the rich and we must look after the poor is all bullocks because the biggest tax you can put on the rich and the best tax relief you can put on the poor is getting rid of inflation.

That's it. The rich make the majority of their money through asset inflation. Through asset inflation. And the poorest get crushed most through inflation of cost of living and stagnated wages. But neither of them would deal with it.

So to get to like the main point on this is where I've come to is that the problem of our country and the problem of Western liberal democracies, US, all of Europe, to an extent, Australia, and maybe New Zealand, I don't know enough, is that the progressive project has failed. Okay? The progressive project has completely and utterly failed,

and I don't think we can vote our way out of this easily. So what do you think has to happen? Well, I think the choices on the table are quite clear. I'll tell you what I think is going to happen is we're going to keep having this kind of extreme swing from left to right, where each side treats each other as an existential crisis. In the US, Kamala Harris was an existential crisis because of the crazy left wing woke stuff, so we get Trump.

But Trump is now an existential crisis to the left. So their next election, if it's Gavin Newsom v. J.D. Vance, it will be treated as an existential crisis if you lose. You pick a side and government still wins. In the end, government still wins. In the UK, we're heading to that through possibly and probably some kind of left-wing coalition between Greens and Lib Dems and then a right-wing coalition between reform and conservative. Is that what you think will happen?

Yeah, because reform is starting to slip a bit and conservatives are coming back a bit. And if you cannot get a parliamentary majority, you don't have the power to make changes. And you need that. You need your 350 seats. And so, but what's happening is both sides are treating each other as an existential crisis. Whoever wins has the levers of power. And in that scenario, it's like, do I believe that Nigel Farage and Reform can fix this country? I believe they can talk about fixing this country to a point where people who vote for them think they will fix it.

And certainly will do some things. And it's the exact same argument on the left. And so if they can't fix this, which I don't think any of them can, Because I think once, say, reform, get into power, they're like, fuck, look at this mess. We can't afford this. We can't afford that. Shit, we might have to raise taxes or just borrow. Like, this is such a mess.

We just get a continuation of the problem because the problem is constraints and power. That's it. But a coalition is a continuation of the problem. Like the only, so I don't pay any attention to politics. I don't really care for it. But, and I don't know exactly, I definitely don't know everything reform stand for. But as an outsider looking in, the idea of reform is exciting to me because it looks at least from the outside as meaningful change for the UK,

where it's really, since my, in my entire lifetime, the parties have just been swinging like central left, center, right? Nothing's ever actually changed. It's just government growing bigger. Whereas reforms seem like that kind of outside candidate that can be like almost like when Trump was elected the first time in the US and like it's a signal that something meaningful is about to change.

But if they get into a coalition with the conservatives, that is not interesting to me. It depends the balance of power in that coalition. It might mean they have full control, they elect the prime minister, conservatives get to put some things on the table. In that scenario, what you want is a conservative party that's more right-wing than reform. So it doesn't stop them doing what reform wants to do, rather than the more Lib Dem version of conservative, which will dilute what they want to do.

But you're small C conservative, right? Classic liberal. Classic liberal. Same thing. Yeah. What you see is exciting about reform, a lefty sees about Zach Pallancy and Green. Because in their worldview, reform is an existential crisis.

They believe in multiculturalism. They believe in immigration. They think diversity makes us stronger. And Zach Pallanski is going to Calais and making videos of people coming over on the boats and why. And he's the good guy. He's the guy saying tax the rich. They see exactly what you see, but from their vantage point.

And that's the existential crisis of government, not party. This is why I'm not aligned to any party at the matter. I'm not going to vote in the election as it is. I certainly won't vote for reform. I'm happy to criticize reform. I'll criticize the conservatives. I never will vote for left because I don't think the left. I think, look, if you ask me for a version of the world I want to live in,

I'm always going to choose conservatism over, kind of progressive left ideas. But I'm not voting for anyone at the moment because I don't, I think whoever you vote for, you get decay. You might get slower decay under reform. You might get faster decay under a green Lib Dem Coalition, but I'm not voting for decay because nobody is dealing with what I personally see as the problem, which is constraints on power.

I mean, you know how much I love American history and how much I... read American history and I must have read the US Constitution 30 times now. But I've been researching, I've been going a bit deeper in what happened after the revolutionary war. What happened with the 13 colonies? So I don't know how much of this you know, but afterwards they have the Articles of Confederation, which was how the colonies would work together.

By the way, if anyone listening is American who studied this and I get anything wrong, correct. But for the sake of the argument, the article was the Confederation, they were seen as a bit weak. And there were issues between the colonies, essentially the 13 states, in that interstate commerce was a problem because people were you put in tariffs on. Not everyone had a singular, everyone had different currencies. So you didn't kind of always want the other state's currency. And also, there was a weakness whereby, like a small state could be influenced by other countries. You know, say Britain came back over and went to Delaware and went, hey, you know, like, you're a bit of a small state here, you're struggling, we'll lend you some money, we'll help you rebuild yourself, we just, you know, want to be part of this. So you could get that infiltration from other countries.

And so the federalists made the argument that you need a strong federal government to make the states work better and defend themselves. And so they argued for the constitution, for a strong federal government. You also had the anti-federalists, which, by the way, when I first heard about these, I think it was Hoddle said to me, you've got to go and read the anti-federalist papers. I assumed they were just people who were against the creation of federal government. But it was deeper than that. It was more about preserving liberty. They just fought out a tyrannical British government who wanted to tax them without representation.

And they didn't want to return to that. And their views was that a strong federal government would always centralize, okay, would always become tyrannical. So you had this tension between federal government of, a strong federal government that could defend the country and make the country operate better, but with state's rights independent. And then you had the anti-federalists were all about liberty,

and there's tension of the two. And that's where you ended up getting the Constitution. But this is a really interesting thing. Name me one part of the... Can you name me a part of the Constitution? I mean, yes, the right to bear arms. Okay, cool. So this is something I learned about it.

It's not really the Constitution. So the Constitution itself is how the federal government works, the separations of powers, the executive office, etc., etc. What happened was when these debates happened regarding the Constitution, the anti-federalists wanted a Bill of Rights, which was to say, okay, if we agree to this, we want individual rights for us. And so the First Amendment, Second Amendment, and so I think there were ten amendments to begin with, were were created as a Bill of Rights. So it's actually not the Constitution. It's the Bill of Rights. But the Bill of Rights is appended into the Constitution,

so it's one document. But it's actually a Bill of Rights. And they were created to create the protection of liberty of the individual. And so when you look back at that, it was that tension between having what you want from a strong federal government, while at the same time protecting the liberty of the individuals.

You could argue that the federal because they wanted a central government, and they got it. But if you look now, the anti-federalists were right. Because essentially, it did, like, centralized power. Centralized power, and you have now got this factionalism problem whereby, you know, when I hear about the right to bear arms

is there to protect against a tyrannical government, I mean, I think if Britain was tyrannical and deserved a revolutionary war, then the current government is even more tyrannical than what Britain was to the US. Yes, we governed from distance from 3,000 miles away, and it takes three months on a ship or whatever to get there. But actually, I think it's way more tyrannical now, but you're not going to get people raise their guns

and fight a tyrannical, this form of tyrantal government, because it's their government, the people with the guns. And we're okay with our tyrannical government, right? they might raise their guns if they get a tyrannical left-man government afterwards, which infringes too much, which really is civil war. So I've started to see, I don't see any scenario where the right to bear arms and leading to the country united to fight against the government. I see it as the only scenario is there's a civil war because the sides are so far apart.

And you probably will know where I'm going with this. The point is, is that if you don't have enough constraints from government, government will become tyrannical. I will argue that the US is tyrannical now, and I'll argue the UK is tyrannical, I'll argue that Europe is tyrannical, because we are now essentially serves. They don't serve the people, we serve government. We go to work to serve government, and we are constrained by the limited rights we have and the bureaucracy within, and and the money they let us have at the end. That's not what government should be. And so if you believe the anti-federalists were right,

the only solution for me personally is that we have to move to a place where we implement new constraints of power. So I believe in the UK we need a codified constitution. We have a constitution, it's not codified, which basically means I can't sue the government. They can do what the fuck they want, Parliament sovereign. That's okay.

Like a non-codified constitution is okay, a century or two ago where we were good chaps and the aristocracy ran the place for the benefit of the people. We don't have good politicians anymore. I could probably name me three that I think a decent have a backbone. But the point doesn't really matter whether you have good politicians, bad politicians. The incentives are there for power. And so without a codified constitution, which limits what they can do, it's always going to be this way.

This is the nature of man. So I'm only interested in a party that comes out and says, I'm an MP. I'm going to be your prime minister. The first thing you need to know is the incentives for me and my party are to damage you as the country, as every party has done in the past. We want to build a stronger country. So the only way we can do that is with having constraints and power on what we can do. So the incentives aren't for us to do short-term things that damage the country for the benefit of us as a party. We should be here to govern you with in strict limitations. And by the way, we should have a Bill of Rights which protects you as

individuals. You should have free speech. We shouldn't be able to surveil you. We should have, you should have the right to a jury trial. We should put everything in place to protect you. The government who comes out and says that, I'm like, you got my vote. Yeah, but that's never going to happen. Unless you run for MP, that's never going to happen. Or you create a popular movement, which I'm trying to do. Which is this, I do not consent. I no longer consent. I no longer consent. But so I have some issues with this. Okay. Because... Should we explain what it is?

Yeah, yeah. You explain what it is. So I've come to that conclusion on my own. So let's talk about what consent is. There's explicit consent. Yeah, there's a website. There's explicit consent. We have an election.

We vote for Labor. They have the explicit consent of the country. And they have parliamentary majority. They can make decisions. I believe assuming consent is a mistake. I think consent is fluid. And I can withdraw my consent. Now, what does that actually mean?

As an individual on my own, it means fuck all. I no longer consent to government. So what, fuck off. We're doing this anyway. If a million people say I no longer consent, well, we're a voting bloc like the unions are. You know, if you want us to vote for you, you should play that Nick Fuentes video in a minute, Connor.

But if you want us to vote for you, these are our demands, and maybe we get something. It's a bit like, if you look at the libertarian movement in America, they have no power. But they got Ross Albrecht released. That's a start. The libertarians did something big and important there. They got Ross Ulbric release.

They said to Trump, you want the libertarian vote? You release Ross Oldbrick. They got the libertarian vote. They released Ross Oldbrick. Now we know there are, as Angela McArle we had in, didn't she? She's a libertarian. She's now in there as part of the government starting to influence with libertarian ideas. Okay.

So I'm pro-liberty guy. If I can build a movement that has enough people, and just say, reformer winning. I can say you do not get this vote. This vote is not going to vote unless you do a bill of right. One thing, give me one thing. I want a bill of rights that protects speech in this country like it's protected America. Every single person that's currently in jail for a speech crime is released.

Everybody who's been historically prosecuted for a speech crime, they all, I don't know what the term is where you revoke their, but they all get removed. we have a codified, binded protection in the future for speech. If we win just that, we've done something big and important for the country. But can you do more? Like if you make the country believe that we are in charge,

not the politics, not the 650 people in Whitehall, or the thousands work in the civil service who are destroying the country, if you make the country believe we are in charge, and they'll ask how are we in charge. It's like, well, government only operates and gets to exist because millions of us go about our daily business every day.

But if we stop doing that, maybe the starting point, let's go in fantasy world, say 10 million people sign up to I no longer consent. Okay, we want a bill of rights for the country. On the 1st of February, it's a national strike. None of us are going to work. Does anything happen? Maybe, maybe not. Okay. Two days. three-day strike. The country has to believe, and enough people have to believe that they can force government to make change, because government goes with the wind. I could never have imagined as a scenario where a Labour Party became so anti-immigration, but it became such a hot topic in the country they had to be. And so if you can express the will of the nation to the politicians, they will

have to go with the will of the nation. And look, I know this is all a big fantasy, but what else? What are your other options? Well, so this is, the two things that I have an issue with are, what does not consenting actually mean? Like, because you're not asking people to take action here as in stop paying their taxes or stop paying road tax or whatever it might be. This is just signing up to be part of this group. I am saying right now, all you have to, all you have to do is say two things. This country doesn't work anymore. I no longer consent. And you have to understand one thing is that individually it means nothing, collectively it means everything. If we can build a collective, we can build a movement.

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But like the big issue I have is why you haven't brought Bitcoin into this, as Pete the Bitcoiner. I got a really easy answer. But I think I'm not going to like your answer because I think you're going to say it's going to put people off. No, I have brought Bitcoin into this. Okay. How? Bitcoin is central to this. I just don't say. Bitcoin. Why? Because it distracts from, let's call it an AB test. Every time I talk to somebody who doesn't understand Bitcoin and I explain to them the problems with the money, they get it.

When I get to Bitcoin, I lose more than half of them. But my problem is like Bitcoin can be the action. Like you're not asking for people to stop paying taxes or whatever, but Bitcoin is actually, like Nick Carter's article, Most Peaceful Revolution. Like this is how you take power from the government and like it fits so well with this movement that I don't know why Bitcoin's not a part of it. But it is. I just don't bring it up. But if you don't bring it up, then no one knows it's part of the movement. And like what, like if you get a million people, 10 million people sign up to this thing and they start saving in Bitcoin, then they're essentially starving the government from that those, that income. Well, they're not starving it. They're just not spending it.

But Bitcoin is still integrated with the tax system, the spend system. So you're talking about saving. But, but... No, it's not even that. It's that, like, you're taking that out of the Fiat system that they control. Sure. They kind of control the Bitcoin system through regulation anyway. Let's just be real about that. But it's not fueling the debt-based Fiat system for them.

Sure. But it might be, you know, essentially, is that the accelerationist argument in that if we take it out, they have to print more Fiat, accelerates the... Yeah, sure. Let me come at this a different direction. Why are you sat that side of the table right now? because this is what Bitcoin did. Okay, and so what am I?

The guest. Okay, and so what do I do now? You tell me stuff. No, no, no, but what's my job? What do you mean? Like, you're the host of what Bitcoin did. What am I? You're the host of the Pete McCormack show.

And you were there through everything. Why did I choose to do it? Well, I mean, a few reasons. You got sick of talking about Bitcoin. You wanted to make a change in Bedford. You want to make a change in the UK? Yes. I personally went as far as I could with Bitcoin.

I got to, like, your podcast is the most important podcast. Bitcoin. You've absolutely crushed it. You do the necessary important job in Bitcoin, which is when people come in and they want to learn, they're there, but you keep the crowd in. You manage the Bitcoin crowd and accumulate people in. Okay. I'm for the pre-Bitcoin crowd. And in not doing the podcast, I came out of the bubble. So my life isn't now going to Nashville with you and having dinner with Harry Sederk or going to Vegas and shooting guns with Hoddle and And just talking about Bitcoin. By leaving the bubble, I'm now in the real world where hardly anyone is talking about Bitcoin.

And the time it will take to educate and get them into Bitcoin will slow what I need to do, which is educate them why the financial system doesn't work. I put up a post yesterday, criticizing Zach Polanski and Gary Government, about this exact thing. The minute I go by Bitcoin, I lose a much of people that go, oh, you're just promoting that fucking scam. Bitcoin's a scam. It's a Ponzo. Like, just lose people.

I don't need to convince them of Bitcoin. They will get there. I need to get a coalition of people who realize the country doesn't work, realize the financial system doesn't work, realizes, you know, you can temporarily vote your way out of this. You can get a bouquet. You know, that tough CEO, strong man who comes in, It looks authoritarian, a little bit scary.

That bunch of people are like, great, he's doing what I want. Other people are shit scared. But in a country like the UK, if that person swings too far to the right, you're just going to get a swing back to the left. What we need is to bind government to limitations. What was it, Safety and said? The biggest threat to Bitcoin is a government that has a responsible monetary policy. Okay.

In some ways, what I'm doing is kind of operating a threat to Bitcoin in that what I'm saying is we need to bind government to certain constraints. One of those constraints would be, for example, let's spitball some ideas here. The government cannot grow faster than GDP. So set it as a percentage. Say we look, I don't know, say we're 40% now, we know that's terrible. the, you know, we were great when it's 28%. Okay, it has to be 28%.

A bit like your home budget. It's 28%. That's what it has to be. Let's say, like, one of the things that people really hate about the Labour Party is their manifesto explicitly said, we will not raise taxes on working people. They got into power, realized financially the other than fuck, couldn't pay for all the things they wanted to do.

And so the first budget they did, they raised national insurance, employers' national insurance. Now, anyone with half a brain knows that there are no corporate taxes. Do you know the argument? There are no corporate taxes. So it's what Reagan said. If you can find that interview, it's brilliant.

There are no corporate taxes because companies have to make a profit. The minute you put a new tax on them, that goes into the cost of the product to the people. So the end consumer always pays for that tax. So a tax, a employer's national insurance on my coffee shop means I have to raise the price of the coffee. Yeah. So it's a tax on consumers. So they lied, and they put a tax on working people. They made sure all products were more expensive

and more companies closed down. Okay, we get to the second budget. Bear in mind, they've already said they're not going to raise taxes on working people. Okay, get to the second budget. What were the taxes they did? I try if I can remember. Schools?

Increased national insurance. Yeah, that was the first budget. The second budget, they... Why can I not remember this? Because I should know this recently. Look it up. But they raised taxes again in the last election. Oh, no, that's what they did.

They froze the thresholds. So the thresholds are based on knowing there's inflation, you raise the thresholds for the different tax rates. If you freeze those, it's essentially a tax because life's got more expensive, but the thresholds haven't moved with inflation. They froze them for another five years or three years or whatever. It's another tax on working people.

And so they lied. They did a manifesto. They made a promise and then they lied. Well, why don't we bind governments to their manifestos or debt? If we know debt is stealing for the future, if a government cannot balance, if every government should come in with a budget and a mandate. Okay, so say reform come in and say, we're going to balance the books. Labor are not going to win an election if they come in and say, we're going to. to borrow, I know, 150 billion? Because everyone's going to go, well, we'll go with the one who balances the books. Okay, well, what if reform come in and they get to their first budget and they say, we can't balance the books, we need to borrow 100 billion. Okay, so you've failed on your manifesto that immediately triggers a referendum. And the referendum says, do they continue on new election? Once you change the incentives that the public gets to vote on whether it wants more debt

or not, a government cannot get more debt. But this is why I think Bitcoin needs to be a part of this. this. Because if you get people taking money out of the banking sector, it limits the amount of debt that these governments can take. You're not going to sell. You can sell revolution to the country. You cannot sell Bitcoin to 70 million people like that. Danny, we've been trying for years. No, I know, but you stepped outside of Bitcoin to try and talk to a broader audience. And the idea was always that Bitcoin was going to be a part of the conversation. And this is where it fits perfectly into the conversation. You're trying to do a peaceful, like, disempowerment of the state. And that is exactly what Bitcoin is. is. Don't get me wrong. I want it to be. I'm just telling you my lived experience is, I can't get people to make the leap from inflation is bad, government is bad, Bitcoin is a solution. Some people do. But you've been with me for seven, eight years on a

journey. You know it's hard. Some people just have that moment and they don't. Usually it's their moment. They're like, I've heard about Bitcoin. You get rich price and I'll buy some. I've got rich score. I'm in. A lot of people, also a lot of people just don't have spare capital for Bitcoin. Yeah, and that's true, and they've got nothing they can do with that. But like, when you're trying to educate on people on why they can withdraw consent from the government, it just seems like a perfect moment to bring this in as an idea. And it's not to say Bitcoin won't be part of it. One of my posts recently, I wrote an article. What was the article? I think I called MMT Marxist Monetary Theory, or why MMT is Marxist. And my footnote was

buy Bitcoin. So I do include it. I'm just not making it. central, because if I make it central, I will lose people and I can't win. I think you're deemed as a grifter. Yeah, because they know I've got Bitcoin as well. Plus, the other thing is, is one of the other things I've been trying to do is trying to say, this isn't even left or right issue. If you look at the complaints from the Marxists versus the complaints from the, say, free market capitalist, they're both, it's horseshoe.

They're both saying the same thing. The richer getting richer because of the institutions, and the way the system works. They both diagnose the problem. Yeah. The problem is, is the richer getting richer and the poorer getting poorer.

We all know this is unfair. We know that asset inflation is unfair. It's great for people with assets, but it's unfair because it only happens because of fractional reserve banking and money creation and fiscal policy. Those three things drive inflation. If you're poor and you're not near this bigger, you're fucked.

So we know it's unfair. But they're choice. Like their choices that exist. And so if the Marxists are saying it's a problem, they're absolutely right. It's totally unfair. Okay. But they're saying the solution is tax the rich, it's not. The free market guys are saying this is a problem, but their solution is right.

Their solution is deregulate, government smaller. The libertarians are right. The libertarians are 100% right. But they're both diagnosing the same problem. So I'm going, this isn't a left-to-leveler. a right issue, you're both saying what the problem is. I don't even need to say whether we should have a Marxist solution or a free market solution. My opinion is free market, but we both agree that the problem is this.

Well, then we both can agree that constraints on power is the solution. It's not to allow people to wield power for the benefit of an elite against everyone else. And that is a collective thing that I believe the left and the right can get behind. It's like, do you want... But do you think the left are going to get behind the I Do Not Consent Movement? I think some will. Not the far left won't won't wanty weirdos, because they're Marxists. They want government to have more power.

I'm talking about the old-school traditional left. So the classic liberals. Classic liberals, old working class, Labor, SDP, the Labor voters who have gone to reform. The Labor voters, like... Has that happened? Are people moving from labor to reform? Yes.

That's wild. Well, think about it like this. If you're, like, what radicalizes most people is being broke. Yeah. And if you're broke because of decisions that weren't yours, you know, if you've gone to, if you've got up every day at 6 o'clock and gone to work, built walls, plumbed houses, built buildings, you know, whatever job it is, you've gone out and then you're doing things. And suddenly you're like, in the end of my fucking money left.

Like, there's a week to go, and I've got no money left. We've got no savings, I can't go on holiday, all the things my dad could afford to do on a working class wage. You can't do. It's like, well, why is this happening? And then you've got another party, you know, and this has happened at a time where you've had mass immigration. And we should talk about immigration, and we should talk about British identity, because the over-to-window shifted on that. But if you've seen that, and then you're seeing every single day that people are coming to the country illegally, and they've been put up in hotels,

if you are seeing the shape of your town center change, the culture of your town change, and you've got a political leader saying, look, we need to get a grip on this immigration. This is causing problems. And also, we need to get a grip on welfare because that's what's taking money. Why would you not vote for that?

I mean, it's interesting. We should talk about immigration. Because this has been a really hot topic. I've been in Sarin Sester. Okay, you're in a bubble. I'm in a bubble. Like, there is not that much diversity there. Tell me what the, like, state of the country is.

Like, what's the temperature of the country on immigration right now? I mean, the temperature of the country itself, I think, the valve is, like, starting to pop. Well, last time we spoke, you thought we were going to go into a civil war. Well, I think we were already in a civil war. It's like a cold civil war now. But we're in a civil war at the moment because a number of debates, which you couldn't even have five years ago, and now front and central.

Okay, so immigration. Immigration isn't even controversial now. To say we want zero immigration, that is not even a controversial position. The more controversial conversations that are going mainstream are. Is what you do about the immigrants there here? Yes.

So this is where you get into the new ones. Okay, immigration is a problem. Go to zero. Great. Okay. I think a lot of people can get behind that. It's the discussions of reimmigration, you know, essentially expelling people

from the country. and where people are comfortable on that spectrum. Because we did the interview with Carl Benjamin, and I said, look, these are going to be uncomfortable conversations for people. You go on the YouTube comments. They're like, you're a pussy. You're the reason the country's going to shit. I'm just saying, I'm trying to say, realistically,

if you think immigration is a problem, there's questions you need to answer. What policies do you want to enact the change that you would like to see? How do you accumulate enough power to make that happen? How do you execute it? And how do you bind it? so it's not undone when a different party comes in power, maybe five or ten years later. They're really important questions to have.

And so if you go to the very extreme right of this, there are people here in this country basically just want it to be a white country. And there's no argument. This needs to be a white country is for white people. That's what Englishness is. And they'll debate things like... I disagree that that's what Englishness is. I think it's what Englishness was.

So they'll say things like, yeah, like Rishi Sunak is an English. David Lammy is an English because Richie's like of Indian descent and David Lammy's black, right? But I was talking about my experience. I went into Bedford Town Center yesterday. I went to the coffee shop and I was sat there and outside the bank, there's a mentally disabled guy. He comes into a coffee shop. He was outside the bank and there was a black lady that he was whacking with a crutch and then started grabbing by the hair. No one did anything.

So I ran out, put my cape on, got him off her. and the lady from the bank said, oh, that's his carer. She said, I'm not his carer. I don't know him. And she skulls off. He then, I get him to calm down. But before he calmed down, he's grabbing at my neck and grabbing at me. He's quite strong for a little guy.

Calm him down and he goes off. But as he gets about 50 metres up the road, he starts whacking a window with his crush. I'm like, fuck. So I run up to get him. There's two other guys who come into my coffee shop. I think they're Indian guys. One's a boxer and his brother. I was like, come and help me.

So they run up and they helped me. We saw him out. We calmed down. Eventually, the antisocial behavior officers in the town come. I think both of those were Muslim. We getting sorted. They'll please come up and take him away. After that, I go and get my hair cut by a gay, Indian.

I think he's Indian. Is he Indian? He's a whole max. Yeah. But he's, I'm pretty sure his parents, his grandparent parents, are Sikh or Hindu. And then I go back to my, go back to the coffee shop. And I look back at that at the moment, I was like, there's two Indian guys who help me.

And they're like very assimilated, come to the coffee shop. We have different colour skin, but we're very similar people. The antisocial behaviour guys, they come and help. And then the gay Sikh of heritage. I'll have to check with Shane. Sorry, Shane, I forgot this wrong. But, but like, I'm like, well, this is an English experience. You know, when I watch videos outside Arsenal,

and you've got black and white guys arguing about Arsenal and they've been shit. That's just English to me. And so I refuse to get into this discussion about Englishness being a white thing. I just refuse to have it because I think it's, it may be what it was, it may be what you want it to be,

but to me that is verging on kind of racism. And I can't see Connor as a third generation immigrant different from like a lad he went to school with who's third generation, I don't know, Jamaican descent. they think the same, they operate the same, they might have some different cultural things, but they're pretty much the same. I refuse to do that.

But if you want to have a conversation about when I go into my town center, and as I walk through, you've got Albanian guys, Eastern European guys, Polish guys, Muslims and Sikhs, and you go into quite a diluted experience, and that creates coldest acts

of groups of people, I'm willing to have the conversation and say, well, this experience is, when you have too many cultures, you have no culture, I'm open to having that conversation what it means. And I'm open to saying, okay, well, what can you do about it? Because Bedford itself has a strong, diverse cultural experience in that, even any of those pure ethnets, they've definitely gone down Tavisok Street and there's Indian restaurants, because if I can great. Chat House is one of the best restaurants I've ever eaten in. And so, and people all mock and make memes and things like, like they did it with Pierce Morgan, but I've had a nice curry meme. But the truth is, it's like, okay, let's not have a discussion about what it

means to be English, because I think it's a dumb discussion. Let's say, what is the outcome you want and how are you going to get there? I think there is a strong argument that too much immigration is damaging for the country. I have no doubt about that. because if you have no restrictions on really who comes in, most people are coming what for a better life? So they're probably coming from a poor start. So they're possibly probably coming in the country in a financial position, even if they want to work, that they're going to bring GDP per capita down.

They might be a net taker. So what we're saying is every hardworking person gets up and goes to work, they have to pay more tax for other people to come into the country. If you dilute the education of the country, you're basically saying to parents, look, to have high levels of immigration, your kids are going to get a worse education. They're going to have worse outcomes in healthcare.

I just think democratically we deserve a right to vote for this. And if we deserve a right to vote for this, then we have to debate it. And it's on the table. And so I think this will define the next election. I think as it was in America, the main debate will be around immigration. What do you want to come out of that? What do you think the right policy is on immigration?

I want constraints on power. This is all I care about. I want constraints from power. And so how does that affect immigration? Well, you don't have unelected, unaccountable government offices or quangos making these decisions. If a party wins... Look, if the Greens win the election, they want uncontrolled immigration, that's what the country said. I don't want it.

I may leave, but I don't think they will get it. But say if reform come in, then the decisions regarding immigration policy cannot be defected or cannot be directed by an unelected government quango. It can't be like a department, like within the government. It has to be done and controlled by the party itself. They have to have authority over that and be accountable for it. And if the country says we do not want immigration, then they have to go solve that. And constraints from power will do that because it directs the constraints to the government themselves. Ultimately, I think we should go not to zero immigration.

Immigration should be a function of a growing country. I don't care where somebody's come from. I don't care what their background is. if they have a skill that we don't have here that we need it, that makes us more productive and grows the country great. And I'm open to genuine asylum claims because they do exist. But I'm very, have you followed this case of this? I can't say his name, Allah, that came up recently, LAA.

This is wild, right? The first we all became aware of this, really, was this Kirstama tweet, where he put It's this whole story is just wild. But I think if you go on to Keistama's profile, this is to me a lens for the country. I'm delighted that Allah Abda El Theta is back in UK and has been reunited with his loved ones.

You must be feeling profound relief. I want to pay tribute to Allah's family and to those who have worked in campaign for this movement. Alice Case has been a top priority of my government since we came to office. I'm grateful to President CeC for his decision to grant the pardon. So he was, he's been in prison in Egypt for, I don't know, 10, 15 years for protesting against the government. I don't know the full exact details, so I won't explain them.

But what happened is people just started searching his Twitter. All right, what's this? Dear international PhD students, by the way, I'm a racist, I don't like white people so piss off. This is from the guy that's... Yeah, fuck that. Sounds like you need more fear. Random shooting of white males should convince us...

than racism costs lives. I'll switch to something else. Advocating killing police, hate white people, assassination plot against Salal Diyah, Deh, Abraham. But there's so many of these. They've all come out.

And people are saying, why are you working in my back? Now, there was a change to the law in the UK, which, yeah, look at this. Don't worry. We were only discussing how we'll take over your town and rape your women.

Us terrorists tend to do that. I mean, that sounds like he's joking. Yeah, but there's a lot of these. and he talks a lot about hating white people. Okay. That's his choice. Fine. The reason he is able,

when he was pardoned or whatever in Egypt, to come here, he has a citizenship right because his mother is British. He's never lived here. Actually, he's never been to the country before. He's never worked here. He's never paid tax.

Him coming back, he's instantly a burden on the state because of his tweets. He now has to be investigated by the security services, he might have to be monitored. So he's instantly a burden on the state. So I think there is a fair discussion to have around citizenship.

Like he's lived in Egypt his whole life. Yes, he's been pardoned. Well, I know his mother is British, but should we automatically grant citizenship rights based on that? Because I understand why these exist. Like if both your parents are British, this is really, really unfortunate for us. But he has dual citizenship. Like he's a, he has Egyptian passport. He can now have a British one. But for him to get his British passport is an administrative

process. There is no moral judgment on him. There's no judgment on his previous tweets or whatever. But why shouldn't there be? You know, if he's been out there calling for the murder of white people and Jews, if he is a citizen, Egypt, can't we not say, no, we don't want this person in our country? Whether he's a citizen or not, I agree with that. Yeah. But that to me, this is almost like an inflection point. I think I tweeted this, an inflection point for the country, because it touched so many of the issues of what it means to be British, immigration, culture, identity. And, I mean, there has been uprover

this. But what it means to be British, I think that's the most interesting part of this conversation, because there's been all the people trying to fly Union Jacks and English flags outside the houses, getting loads of shit. I've seen loads of them in the Cotswolds. Yeah. And I hate the idea that for some reason, waving your country's flag is a racist thing, which is genuinely what I think people on the left thing.

Well, I mean, look, again, people seem to be afraid of nuance. It isn't racist to raise your flag, and there will be some racist who've raised their flag. Yeah, but raising the flag is not a racist flag. And like that's been a huge controversy, which I think is very strange. And but I do think... But you know why?

Well, I mean, I guess that it's signaling something, but I don't know why. I don't understand why. It's because everything's political. Yeah, but... So those raising the flags are likely, more likely to be reform voters. Yeah. More likely to be working class. More likely to be people who agree with Tommy Robinson.

They're less likely to be libtards. You're not getting a... But people aren't going ripping out like green, like green party banners out of people. Of course, they aren't. But that's a different thing, because that's a political identity. One is a national identity. But the point is, you don't have Green Party voters going around putting up flags. It's like my security, private security in Bedford, was non-political by me, was judged politically

by the public. So the raising the flags was not a political idea directly. it was like a national identity, defense of national identity. But it became political, like everything. Pick what we want, abortion, education, borders, immigration. There is always a political split. Always.

Name me anything, the country has consensus on the moment. It has large consensus on immigration, but not full consensus. Is there anything we have consensus on? But I think you can probably say that about most countries. Like, everything has become left or right. The problem is, I think that's key. Can I say why that's key? Everything is left and right.

So if everything is left and right and there are no constraints on government, what will they do? They will direct rights, bureaucracy, financial resources to the special interests of their voting bloc. So we will swing, left to right, more extreme, more existential,

the less constraints that government have. The more we constrain government have. the less they can do that. But how do you constrain government? Codified constitution, Bill of Rights. You just limit what they can do. What is the actual role? Like the base...

I think I put out a tweet the other day where I said, if tomorrow government collapsed and all you had was border security with a job of protecting the border. The police are protecting safety and the courts protecting contracts, would we live in a better or worse country. Clearly better. Better because you would have more money to direct to those

powers that protect the rights, the laws and the sovereignty of the individual, and less bureaucracy and waste. And look, we get into arguing, well, what about poor people? Well, the incentives change. If there's no welfare state, you've got a choice. You get up and go to work. Or you don't. But if you don't, you don't, you don't eat. Or people have more money in their pockets because they're not paying endless taxes for bureaucracy and bullshit so they can be a bit more generous. They can help their fellow man. You're not going to have inflation because you don't have a Bank of England. Like, you probably need one.

Essentially speaking, you're going to have a lot less inflation. So that means you're not going to be scaring kids away from being able to afford a home, but you're going to have more money to invest. You're going to create more jobs. Like, naturally, it would be a better place. Well, that's the ultimate constraint on power if all government can do is those three things. But I want to do that. I'm not finished on the national identity thing.

Because my issue with it is, like, I think it's great that people are raising and the Union Jack and the English flag, like, cool. But I think if you asked any of those people doing that, what is British identity? I don't know if there's, like, something everyone agrees with. Like, if you look back at classic English identity, it was like gentry and serfs and Christianity. More than that, though, it was kind of like exploring, adventurism.

And literature and all these things. Inventing things. But that isn't Britain today. No, because... So I think people need to find what the British identity is to have something to actually go after. Sure. Or decide what we want it to be. Yeah. Dominic Cummings wrote a great two-part article called Hollow Men.

Like absolutely eviscerated what government has become and like so impotent. And he said we should target a large amount of this education. We should become the best place to learn and teach and develop people in the world. Let's focus on education. You should want to be educated in this country. because we have deep, you know, we deeply think about engineering and technology and philosophy. I think that's great. I think that's great.

And like, obviously, there's Cambridge and Oxford, really good schools. But, like, when you think of things that the UK excels at, there's not many. And I think British people... Premier League football. That's it? Football, yeah. But there's... I think British people have this, like, hangover from being, you know, the colonial empire.

Of no, I think we're really important. Whereas the rest of the world looks at us like... They're laughing at us. Completely. We're being humiliated on the world stage. And so, like, I think the need to find something that Britain's great at again. Like, it needs to be, it needs to, maybe it is philosophy, maybe it's education, whatever, but there needs to be something that the UK actually excels at, because we don't have one at the moment.

London was a financial capital of the world for a very long time. Yeah. And now, like, it's just fading away into nothingness. I mean, in the short term, what we can do is show strong leadership that doesn't descend into authoritative. I mean, the problems we have aren't as it. It's similar as the US, but it's a different dynamic. They're much more similar in Europe. Like, what huge companies have been built in Europe?

Only fans. Spotify? Yeah. Look at the US. Look what they've built. Look at every large AI company. Look at every large social media company. Look at all the plumbing to the,

you know, look at Uber, look at SpaceX, look at Tesla. It's all built out in America, right? We haven't done that. We haven't done it in Europe. Why? Because we're bureaucratic hellholes. Well, and the cultural success.

I'll just demonize it. We used to have it, though. But the bureaucracy gets in the way. If we had 0% corporation tax, people would invest in this country. I'm not saying we should have that. When Ireland reduced their corporation tax, what happened?

Apple moved there. Everyone moved there. And so we can create, these are all choices. We can create this. But I think what we can do is show strong leadership in a world of crumbling bureaucracy, which is destroying Europe. We can show strong leadership. We can show a strong and fair immigration policy.

We can have a strong identity around leadership, education, excellence. I think we can do that. I really think we can. But it's not going to happen when government has leavers the power, which means they have to look after special interest groups. It never is. But you must be so much more optimistic than me

because I don't see that future. It's not optimistic. It's just realism. No, no, what I'm saying is, like, you're here trying to fight to get that. No, I'm just saying I think that's the answer. Like, there's two ways... But you are trying to, like, with your movement,

you are trying to get to that goal. I don't know why you've not just left. because I love this country and fight for it do my bit. Look, I may be completely wrong. I may be embarrassed myself. I did that when I bought a football club and I said I was going to get them in the Premier League.

They're 40 fans. I'm still trying. I started a podcast. You put yourself in the arena and you get embarrassed. Maybe I'm embarrassing myself, Daddy, right now. That's every possibility. By the way, have you seen this little mark here that's like a penis?

I can't stop looking at it. Love it. You ever seen this when you were saying this. Maybe I'm wrong. But the options on the table are is a left-wing coalition wins, we go more socialist, more Marxist, and the country collapses,

and I will leave. I will not stay if this country becomes a... I'll argue we're already socialist, by the way. I think you did realize, on the town level, you definitely realized? Yeah, I did. And you packed it in. Yeah, I gave up...

I think eventually he will stop. It's just a matter of... There are scenarios where I stop. So I stopped in the town because I realized the council's broke. There's no money to do anything. Central government sucks everything out. So I gave up because the only answer is through central government. And what role can you play in that?

Odin made smallish media property. So gave up at the town level to work at a national level, realizing everything's downstream. If it's another left one government government, I leave the country. There's no choice. There's no option. There's no option for my children. Like we're heading to we will become South Africa. We will become pre-Malay, Argentina. There will be no opportunity. We will have we will go into periods of high hyperinflation like it's obvious. We might get something more right-wing that can

steady the ship improve certain things on certain measures. Maybe stick around for that. The real risk there is that they get in reform getting in Nothing really changes. Populist dilemma. Nema Parvini's book talks about that because they can't. They physically can't. Not that they physically can't. They haven't got the stomach to deliver it.

Or if they try and deliver it, the country hasn't got the stomach for it. Because it might mean immigration policies that people don't like or it might mean budget constraints that people don't like. It's a bit like, I don't know, if you get a mose of debt and you want to pay off your debt and get your life back, you have to go back. to work, maybe have a second job, maybe going back and live with your parents. Like, you have to downgrade your life to rebuild. I think the UK has to downgrade its life to rebuild. He has to reset a lot of these debt issues. Country might not have the stomach for it. Yeah, reform

could come in and go, right, look, us MPs, we're all going to take a 20% pay cut. We're in this together. We're going to reduce taxation. We're going to reduce borrowing, but we're going to reduce welfare. We're going to privatize half the NHS. We're going to do all these things because they have to be done to get us to a place where we're paying off our debt. And that's painful. The country might prefer. this slow erosion of standards rather than like a hard reset. That's a reality. The reason I'm so keen on constraints of power is if you can implement the right set of

constraints and power, you bind it to future governments. So you fix the problem of incentives within government and you ensure that we must run a budget that the country can afford and we must pay off our debt and we must pay off our debt and we must rebuild and we must make the right decisions for our country regarding education, health, welfare, so we don't continue to decay. And if you bind that, it doesn't matter who gets in power because they're bound by those constraints. And I could be entirely wrong.

I may be entirely wrong, but I am, I, this is what I believe. And so my entire focus is I no longer consent. I would like to build a movement in this country around that, a voting block. I'm speaking to various people of influence, various lawyers, various MPs, and saying this is all I care about. And if we can have some influence, which forces government to make change,

which puts the country first, the rights of the individuals first, that creates a real bill of rights, which constrains the creation of money, which leads this country to a place where it can rebuild itself, then that's worth it for me. And if that fails,

Well, at least I tried and I did what I think is right, because you only have to look at history. You only have to look at what happened, the tension between the federalist and the anti-federalists, which was between liberty and central government. You look at that tension and you look at the outcomes. They told us what would happen and it's happened. And it will continue to happen until we constrain government

to operate for the people. The government made up for the people by the people. Is that what it is? And to me, that is foundation, that is rooted in liberty. Like, this is how we get out of this. It is a, like the libertarians are right. Directionally, they are 100% right. We have to root this in liberty because the people build this country, not the politicians.

They extract from it. They extract from it for special interests of power. The people build this country. And the way they can rebuild this country is through liberty, which is lower taxes, no infringement on their rights. the freedom, the freedom to just do shit. I mean, everything you say is clearly right. Like, I agree with everything you're saying. I don't know. I could be wrong, Danny.

Well, I think you're right. I'm a moron. Yeah, well, me too. But I think you're right. The problem I have with it is, like, can you actually change, like, the government behemoth without something very catastrophic happening first? Who knows?

I mean, could... When the colonies wrote their Declaration of Independence, could they really get rid of the Brits? when Gandhi wanted to expel the British or restore, I don't know what it's actual but when the Indians wanted to expel the British, could they really? No, when, I know,

the solidarity of movement in Czechoslovak, when they wanted to bring down the Czech government, could they really do it? Could Malcolm X and Martin Luther King really create a civil rights movement that would see blacks equal in America? It only starts with someone going, can this be done and then try it?

I mean, this could, this could, in a month or two, just, like, not have worked and dribble out, and I'm just some irrelevant half-wit podcaster who tried something and nobody cares. Or it could be something. But, like, you've got to shoot your shot. Yeah. You've got to say, this is what I believe. I firmly believe that prosperity comes from liberty. Okay.

Well, what is the constraints on liberty? It's government. So we need to constrain government to allow for liberty. And if we allow for liberty, we allow people to give them freedom to think, to speak, to act, to create business, to trade with each other, we may create a more prosperous environment. If we create a more prosperous environment, we create a better country to live. And I can't, I'm so stuck in this. I can't see any other solution. I see temporary fixes, and I see people argue against me.

but when they argue against me, they're just arguing for more government. And I just think they're wrong. Well, I think they're wrong as well. We haven't really talked about Bitcoin. But I think it needs to be like, you need civil unrest, I think. I think just removing consent

is maybe not enough. Maybe if it gets to a big enough scale where you can make everyone strike, things like that, that might get you a seat at the table to actually try and make some changes. But without civil unrest, they'll just ignore you. Sure.

And that may happen anyway. I'm trying to do something before civil unrest. I can't advocate for civil unrest. I've become a domestic terrorist. I'm immediately on a watch list. I'm immediately followed. And I'm not talking.

I'm not trying to advocate for it. I'm just saying, I think, to have change, it probably needs that. But people keep saying that. The people are going, oh, you're too late. You're too much a pussy. Oh, yeah, you would consent, what now? You know, you need a violent uprising. To every one of those, I was like, well, where are you doing your violent?

I'm not seeing you doing it. Okay. It's very easy to get on a keyboard and tap. Yeah, we need to, yeah. But it doesn't have. have to be violent. Like, you can be striking or whatever. Yes, yeah, but that is, like, my starting point, it has to be mass, noncompliance, nonviolent, and legal.

The minute you cross that line, you give the state the reason to close you down, arrest you, I mean, they'll arrest you for words at the moment. Yeah. Don't give them that. Stay within the bounds of the law, but force their hand. The minute you start advocating for the civil unrest, which becomes violent, you're fucked. Now, you might get explosions of civil unrest,

like we got with the Southport riots. That might happen and probably will happen. I just don't advocate for it. I would condemn it every time I say. It's a bit like Tommy Robinson. When he had his United Kingdom March in London, he said, be peaceful. Do not drink.

Do not wear face masks. Okay? We were there. I saw two things that didn't help. A bunch of guys taking a piss up on the street. It doesn't help you because people take photos. They look, they're just louts pissing on the street. And I saw one, uh, violent, uh, moment where they basically corralled a group down to a dead end who couldn't get to where the speeches were. And there were

some pissed people at the front. They saw in a logger's bottles. It was, they, the police. No, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, the, but they weren't too bad. It mean, it's dangerous. It was dangerous, right? And they'll I don't think it's their work site. Yeah. But in terms of that violent bit, how long did that last? 10 minutes?

Yeah. Would you say, would you say it was less than 1% of the people at the protest? I would say it was less than that. I think you're talking like, if there were 300,000 people there, maybe 150 people who got all worked up. Which is always going to happen.

Yeah, but what happened? You go to the Daily Mail. What's on the front? What's on the, like, literally the homepage? Videos of bottles being launched, a policeman walking off with blood on his, face, immediately, everyone goes, it's a bunch of racist thugs. Yeah.

And it wasn't. It just wasn't a bunch of racist thugs. There was, the same happened with BLM. They were more violent. Way more violent. They didn't lead with the violence. And if they did, they would always show the kind of like the anti-BLM crowd, the right-wing agitators say they've come to scores.

And so do not give them, do not give them anything to stop you. Do not give them a reason to arrest you, imprison you and shut you down. mass, non-violent, lawful, non-compliance. The shape that takes to be decided. All right now is people have to say, this country doesn't work anymore, we cannot vote our way out of this, and I no longer consent.

And once the country realizes they are in charge, if they can collectively come together, they can force the hand of the government. I mean, it's a big task. You know, buying a football team with, 40 fans are saying, I'm going to get you in the Premier League, it's fucking ridiculous. A half-wit from Bedford with a podcast saying, we can bring down the government, we can force hand. It's ridiculous. But every revolutionary moment started with someone with a ridiculous idea,

and they went through with it. And the thing that's on our side is we are capturing, we are capturing the imagination of the public. And 3,000 people, I took eight days after I created the Twitter account, I had a thousand followers. The last two days I've got a thousand followers each day. Nearly a thousand have signed the declaration. And most of those, there are people saying, no longer on consent.

This country doesn't work anymore. All giving me, like they're writing a whole passage on what they're fed up about. People aren't happy in this country in all different directions. You can't do this. If this is a period of time where Labor doing an okay, Like under a Blair era, you can't do this because Blair's going to get re-elected.

What we have now as a government that no one likes, that is fucking terrible, that's come after a previously terrible government. And so we have a moment in time where the country is not happy, almost collectively. If you at the moment still support labor, you're either ideologically labor, you somehow benefit from it, or you're in cope.

You're just in pure cope. And so we have a moment where collectively the country is against the government. They're just not united behind an idea. They're united either behind different parties. I'm saying I don't think a party can fix this. I don't think you can vote your way out of it because the incentives are wrong. So does that mean you're not going to... I know you're not going to do the mayor thing anymore.

No, I'm not going to run for government in any way. Not in any way at all. I don't want to be part of government. I could. I would have to pass vetting and maybe I won't, you know, you know my pass, but I don't want to be. I don't want to be an MP because I'm suddenly stuck

in the incentive structure. Even if you went in, you could just speak your truth. Because you're not stuck in the incentive structure of, like you don't need the wage. No, no, no, but you are bound by... You have to tow the party line. And that exists for a reason, I get it.

You know, the loyalty, you need loyalty to the leader so they can execute the will of the party and the will of the nation. And you have the whip which says what you have to vote on. And every day, and once you see it, it's mad, but you get your talking points down from, you know, if it's conservative, CCHQ, whoever, whatever party is.

And you just become part of the machine. I personally think I could be an independent. You could be a Thomas Massey type character. Yeah, or you could be a Rupert Lowe. But, like, I think I genuinely care about the collective of this country and the future of this country. I believe in conservative economics.

I absolutely do. I am socially liberal. I think there are some good hearts within the left of this country. And I think there's some good brains within the right of this country. But I collectively want the country to get better. It's funny, me and Connor were driving down today. And I'm in a financially good position. And Connor, what was the question you asked me?

I said, oh, God. Do you worry about your financial future? You worried in this current position. And what was my answer? I always think I could go broke. And carry on, just so I'm not making this up. What did I say would be the scenario if I went broke? What would I maybe do?

You would go in a cafe on a beach somewhere and chill? Like, if I got to a scenario where my financial position was all I could do is I could maybe buy a house, a little small house on the coast and a cafe, and I could still be happy. I could. Yeah, the thing about making money is It never gives you a happiness that you think it does Because once you get the house in the car You're like, I still got to be happy every day

What am I happy doing? I'm not happy looking at my bank balance I'm not happy thinking about what I can buy I'm happy about this time I spend with my friends and family And like if anything I'll tell you something really honest I've been pretty down for the last six months But and I've been in the best financial position in my life

Mm-hmm And the reason I've been down is the country's down. You know, so have you watched this plebius, plebius, that series on Apple TV? No. I'll tell you a little bit about it, but not so it gives it away. There's essentially a virus that comes to the planet, and everyone infected with it all becomes the same existence. So everything I know, the entirety of knowledge of every person that exists, and you do too. And so you become one being.

And I kind of feel like the country's depressed. Because nothing works. Everyone's getting poorer. We're all fighting over what the answers are. And I think I've absorbed that like a sponge. It's not, there's nothing enjoyable about doing well in life when nobody else is. You buy a nice car and you know somebody else can't afford a holiday. it fucking sucks.

So like money, money, for me, having money is lost meaning because I want the country to do well. And so if I want the country to do well, then I don't care if I go broke. I don't care if I lose my sponsors. I don't care if,

I care about my kids' future, park a bit of money for them, but I genuinely don't care anymore because there's no point winning when everyone's losing. Like if you win when everyone's losing, that sucks. And that's what it is.

Asset inflation is you win by other people losing. I fucking hate that. It's funny. It's like Conner said once, I can't say it's funny. Conner said once about the juicing of the market and how it's good for us. He's like, but as a bitconer, like, government's fucking up inflation. It's like, it's good for us. And I was like, yeah, you know what it is?

And then he was like, well, why do Bitcoiners argue against it? And I think it's, Bitcoiners know what's happening and then are to protect themselves. but ultimately they don't want it to happen. And I think it comes from a good heart. It comes from a good moral foundation about how a country should operate. And so for me now, I don't care if I lose my reputation, my money,

I don't care what I lose as I want this country to win. And that means as many people as possible have to win. The pie itself has to get bigger. and everybody it's not it's not equity it's not everybody has to win everybody has the chance of winning and right now they just don't danny like this is like you go into schools now like somebody showed me a photo of a school where they had a big board up and it was all about the labor party there was another school where they were teaching the reform a fascist there was a professor recently

They had Nigel Farage next to Adolf Hitler. There was another, I think it was a professor who was referred to counter-terrorism, correct me if I'm wrong on this, for playing Trump videos. That's insane. We are not building our goal. There are two groups that our lives should be dedicated for, our own children and everyone's children. And I say that because you have the things you can do for your children. you can give them wisdom and advice

and set them up financially, maybe help them buy a house. But there is a collective responsibility for all children, for the same reason I'm not happy now, is there's no point Connor and Scarlett winning if their friends lose. And so if we continue to increase the debt,

our children will lose. If we continue to make it harder to create jobs, our children will lose. If we continue to infringement on rights, our children lose. Everything we're doing now is making a worst world for our children because we're trying to make a better world for us right now.

And that's bullshit. We have to make the sacrifices now for our children to have a better future. And so if I lose, but Connor and Scarlett win and their friends win, I'm cool with that because that's our duty as a parent. Is that not what we should be doing? Yeah.

But adults aren't doing that. They're stealing from that children instead. Yeah, adults right now are saying I want a better future now, even if it means my children's is shit. They won't admit it, but that's literally what we're doing. We are going, I want a better future now. And the children, the kids are all about the kids, man. But the kids are paying.

And I just cannot, like, morally, ethically, I cannot be that person. It's fucking disgusting. It's disgusting that we're doing this. And so I can't be part of a party, because that means I'm part of a government infrastructure and a set of incentives, which is stealing from the future of our kids. I refuse to be part of that. And I refuse to leave the country because what I'm doing is I'm allowing my children to win in another jurisdiction and just saying, fuck it to all the other kids.

That just cannot be that person. I refuse to be that person. What way to end it, man. Yeah. No Bitcoin. We don't need to talk about Bitcoin. You've done plenty of shows talking about Bitcoin. Yeah.

How you've been? Good, man. Are you enjoying the show? Yeah. I just, the last trip I did, I wish you were on it. In Kenya with the gridless guys, it was incredible. Let me tell you something. One of the reasons I stopped doing the show is like, it was so demanding to travel and make the show.

Making a show in London is more demanding because we used to, I mean, every six weeks I went on holiday. Yeah. I went on holiday. It's like, Daddy, where are we going on holiday? We go to Australia. We go to Nashville. We're going to Ghana. We just went on holidays.

Got a nice Airbnb like people doing holidays. I would always be so excited. That first moment where we'd get there and we'd go down the pub, we'd have like eight beers or whatever we'd do, we'd talk about at Manu being sheared and whatever. And then our friends would come around, we'd talk to them,

and then we're going to have dinner with our friends, and then I'd go home. And we would do that for 10 days, and then for like five, five, six weeks, I'd have to have a conversation in the morning about a title three days a week. By the way, you just talked to God about me and him arguing on titles. But that wasn't life.

And it was really easy. I thought it would be easier having a studio in London. It's not, actually. Because we come here two, three times a week. And so we lose two, three days every single week. And so it's harder. I don't have a holiday every six weeks anymore. I see you less.

I don't see our friends. And, yeah, so it's different. But now you're like, well, how long have you been doing? Nearly 18 months now. 15 months. Are you missing the trouble yet? Because I know that was the big reason you wanted to stop. No, genuinely, the biggest thing I miss is you.

I swear. No. But it comes in two ways. Like, there's a drift. No, but there's a, like, even the, we used to speak every day. Yeah. Now it's every three, four days. Yeah.

And we were, but we were on a mission together. Shut up, it's cool us, gay. But we were on a mission together. And there's a fog, in a road. You're on yours and you're on mine. Yeah. Like, we're doing our own thing. And I miss that.

I miss that. But then I also miss the, I would always get excited the day before traveling. It's like, yeah, we're going to go away. We're going on holiday and get to the airport, get on the plane, Lancy, you have the beers. And then I'd miss seeing like Matt or Harry or Hoddle getting together. So that's why Vegas was great. Are you going to come to Vegas next year?

Yes, I am. Yeah. So I miss that. I don't miss, I don't even get to think about missing Bitcoin as a topic because, because this has become so central. But no, I miss, I'm, without being condescending, I'm very proud of what you're done.

Thank you, man. I wish you nothing but success. There's no one in the world who could have taken it and made it better, which I think you're doing. I think so too. I mean, does anyone miss me? I get a lot of comments,

especially I used to get a lot of comments asking, like, where you've gone and stuff. I got one, I don't know if I told you. Who's Pete? Yeah. Who's Pete comment? He's Pete. Yeah, listen, look, your hand over maybe one day, and that's a cool thing.

But yeah, look, I miss you. I miss a lot of things, but I'm tired. You're on an important mission, man. And doing what I'm doing. I'm doing what I'm doing. How is the football club doing? I've honestly struggled to follow it this year. This is our toughest year.

We are, we were up to a position where if we won our games on hand, we would go joint second. And then we went on a run where we won. 10 out of 11. We were brilliant. And then we just had a little bit of a sticky batch where we've lost a couple and drawn a couple. Yeah, we lost on Saturday again, we should have won. We just didn't finish our chances. It's the fine lines. You get less chances, so you must take your chances. And equally, you have to be much more disciplined in defence. So, yeah, and so it's just harder. So is automatic promotion out of the question now? No.

but it would be very hard. We need to go on an epic run. We've got to beat the team at the top twice. I take playoffs now. I'll be over the moon with playoffs. But to go 6, 5, 4, 3 and get playoffs in 3 would be epic. What I do know is I know how to win it next year. Like, if we want to go and win it next year, I know how to win it next year.

Just more money. Not just more money. It isn't always just more money. Some of it is time. And some of it is, like this year, Spordinger Harbourer have been trying to get the promotion for two or three years each now, and they've just gone for it. If they both go up next year, that doesn't exist in the league. We're kind of one of them, and Kettering will be kind of be one of them.

And then the other teams around it don't have the access to budget that those two do. So it's not necessarily more budget. Maybe it's just more consistency, more training time with the players, more contact time, you know, a couple of players maybe change. Not necessarily money. It's just more getting the pieces together. But yeah, like, with the football, I always used to go and watch like the league above

and two leagues above. And I'd always be scared of two leagues above. I'm not scared of this division in the slightest, but a couple of years ago, I was like, fucking set three is hard. I'm not even scared of step two now. Step one is the one that scares me. And so we've got this.

best manager in non-league football. He knows how to win this league, and he will win us this league. And then when we get to step two, we'll do the same again. I think we will, I think the project of football league in 10 years is still on, because we've got six years now, seven, including this season, it's seven to do three. And I think we'll do, each one will take at least two years. So we should do it in nine. So I think it's on. So when we have cheat code, It won't be playing for the... That'll be basically before playoffs. They'll be fighting to get playoff places.

Maybe. Maybe secured. Maybe still fighting for the league. We won't win the league that day because it's earlier in the year. Buy your tickets for cheatcode. Cheatcode.com. We need to do a lot of talking about Cheatco.

Yeah, we do. But yeah, no, no, I'm very confident. Very cool. Yeah. So keep doing your thing, man. Love you. Thank you, Pete. This is awesome.

Cheers.