Will Cain Country - Should the Government Pay Parents to Stay Home? (ft. David Marcus)

Episode Date: September 8, 2026

The Trump administration has introduced a proposal to pay stay at home parents. Is it the Right’s answer to the rise of socialism, or them actually embracing it? FOX News Columnist David Marcus joins the show to discuss the drama over the proposal and analyze whether the affordability messaging ahead of the midterm elections truly reflects the concerns of voters. Plus, Will and David break down the neck and neck race for Texas senate, why the Right has fully embraced “fighting the culture war,” and the Boomer CEOs who just don’t know when to quit. Subscribe to ‘Will Cain Country’ on YouTube here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Watch Will Cain Country!⁠⁠⁠ Follow ‘Will Cain Country’ on X (⁠⁠⁠@willcainshow⁠⁠⁠), Instagram (⁠⁠⁠@willcainshow⁠⁠⁠), TikTok (⁠⁠⁠@willcainshow⁠⁠⁠), and Facebook (⁠⁠⁠@WillCainNews) Follow Will on X: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@WillCain Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

It is Wilcane Country streaming live at the Wilcane Country YouTube channel, the Willcane Facebook page. Always here for you just hit. Subscribe at Spotify or on Apple. Fox News Digital investigative reporter, man on the ground, David Marcus is on the ground in Dallas, Texas, complaining. Not illegitimately about the heat. It is as a local weather guy. just described it, the gates of hell. And they have not closed, despite the fact it's turned to September. And September triggers in your brain that it should be at least the advent of fall. But no, welcome to

105. Thank you. Well, yeah, look, I don't mind it in the afternoon. The problem is when it's 8.30 at night and it's dark out and it's 90 degrees. Or when I wake up this morning and go out to have my 6.30 a.m. cigarette, assuming it's going to be nice and brief. No, just right back into the oven. You are wearing a vest. I wasn't then. You're that dedicated to being a finance, bro, that you're going to wear that best in August and 70. No, I wear it because people talk to me. Sometimes not in the nicest ways, but this gets people to say, like, hey, I want to talk about politics with you. So, very helpful. Why is David's chair higher than mine, Scott? What's going on? I think I'm just taller than you. You're not either.

Scott's trying to pull a powerpoint here. You ever seen Colin Coward? He has a desk and it's on a platform. Didn't Johnny Carson have that too? Like you had like step up on the platform. But the guests, Johnny Carson had the guest seats on the platform too. Collins are down. They're off the platform.

So you're literally looking down on your guess. I like that. I want that. Well, one day. Yeah, maybe one day. Hey, college football is back. We got our helmets out. David requested West Virginia and Notre Dame.

Let's go, baby. Helmet guy. Let's go. As I've been described, helmet guy. His friends. Yeah. Yeah, that's Congressman Riley Moore. Oh, beautiful.

I love him. Yeah. Look at you. You're pulling out some Zins? I mean, unless you're going to let me smoke. Oh, you can't smoke in here. That's right. No.

He did ask. The big boss is here today right here behind the glass. You know. I don't need to get any more trouble. Ask him. this in. Yeah. Ask him if you can smoke. It's okay with me. Light it up and see what happens. No. Do it.

It's a whale trying to go. I know. It's my studio. I don't care. I miss it. It was my favorite part of the show. The sprinkler. The fact that we had a guy just ripping darts, the whole show. Go ask Scott. Go ask Scott if David can smoke in it. The last show I saw on TV that would do, it was Charlie Rose.

I remember, like, I want to say, like, 03, he was interviewing Bowie. and he still let people But that was the last one I remember I don't remember people smoking on Charlie Rose Yeah he would Bowie definitely smoked on although I mean if Bowie does whatever he wants

But and I'm not Bowie but I mean think about a time When that was just so normal Like people just sitting at their desk Smoking you know People smoking on TV That was good David smokes on this show

Yeah On airplanes God that's the wow as one because the air filtration system. Are you guys too young to remember ashtrays in the armrest? Oh, God, no. My first two cars had ashtrays in the armrest. I never smoked on a plane, but I do remember when I was in high school, we had a school

trip to D.C. from Philly, and we took Amtrak, and Amtrak still had a smoking car. And my friends and I, who smoked, we went to the smoking car and smoked a lot. And our teachers were like, go ahead. I don't remember people lighting up on a parking car. I don't, but I remember all the planes were, were outfitted for that because they clearly, what year did they stop you allowing you to smoke on the plane? It was Bush. It was Bush 1, so I want to say it was like 89 or 90.

Oh, well, I was on airplanes before that. I just don't remember it. But I do remember, like, now that I have kids, my kids are grown. 1988. You'd sit down on the airplane. 88, really? Yeah. It ended in stages.

Oh, I think there was a smoking section. Was there a smoking section? Yeah, you probably weren't in the smoking section. So 2000 was the full band. They had the little ashtray in the armrest of the, and you sit there and you play with it. You'd flip it up, flip it down, flip it up, flip it down. And your mom would be like, that's so dirty. Stop playing with that.

Oh, yeah, people always put gum in it. Yeah, it was, I remember when they outlawed smoking in Texas in bars. And that, I thought, was, there are very few times when I'm like, you know, yeah, like, that's a literal affront to freedom. I remember Austin, Texas outlawing. I'm like, that just doesn't make sense. Like, people smoke in bars. Yeah. That's what they do.

And if a bar owner wants to say, you can't smoke in my bar, that's different. But it's his bar. Yeah. It's legal to smoke. Why can't he allow people to smoke in his bar? And then they put that, there's no good argument. Now, I will tell you, everybody's argument is, yeah, but I don't want to have to sit next to somebody who's smoking. Well, then go somewhere else.

Yeah, but the problem is that, like, this somewhere else will suck. right i have a right to be in your establishment you've created an awesome establishment that i enjoy coming to and there's a draw and i want to be here now i need to change it yes that's the argument and by the way for anyone listening because i feel like whenever i have this conversation there's always like no no no i hate it well i will tell you i like i'm well past the staying out till 1 a.m. 2 a m bar but there was a time in my life and i remember you would take your clothes off and you put them down

as you went to bed you wake up the next morning you're like oh my god my clothes smell awful and I enjoy not having that but my enjoyment shouldn't override someone else's freedom no the one upside though in these past 15 or 20 years

are a little more I guess when you couldn't smoke in bars is you do meet very interesting people outside the bar because it's like everyone who smokes goes there and then also the people who don't smoke, by which they mean they only smoke Dave's cigarettes, have two drinks. And they're like, you mean they get asked you for a cigarette? Can I give you a dollar for one of these?

Yes. And I never take the dollar, but I always leave. When I'm going to a social event, I always have at least two or three packs because this happens. Like people get two drinks in them in. They're like, I really want a cigarette. And I'm like, here you go. And those are nice conversations that you wouldn't have otherwise had because they would have been over there smoking. You would have been over there smoking.

But, you know, it is what it is. It's the world we live in now. Do you think smoking has changed your voice? I think it has. I probably has. I don't know. I noticed when I sing in, when I was in high school, I was like a baritone. And when I sing in church now, I can hit those really low bits.

But I don't really know. In a good way. Like a smoker voice is kind of John Wayne, you know, kind of Marlboro Man. Do you think you'd be a little less cool? Black Cherry's in is nice, too. Whoa. You're saying isn't. No.

David? No, you still be. is simply cool. Okay. Yeah. I just care. It's not what makes you cool. I feel like it adds like one or two points, you know? No. I know.

Do you think it's generational? It's cinema and TV. I just rewatch Madden. Which they paid for. A few months ago. And it was badass. It just looks cool. See, I think what the Gen Z kids like about it is that it's completely

analog. You don't plug it in. You don't, it's not connected to anything. You just take it out of the. pack, you light some fire, and you're doing it. But they're not smoking, are they? Are there stats and so they're smoking? They're starting more so than millennials. Yeah, I think there is an uptick among Gen Z. And I think that's why. I think, you know, it's one of these things that you can do that's exactly the same as people were doing 100 years ago. I just wrote a piece about AM radio,

and I feel the same way about that. Like, when you listen to AM local news radio, you're getting the same experience, basically, that your grandparents were getting. And there's something about that that's sort of reassuring. It's like guitars going electric. Do you know what I want to bring back? I've said this to my TV staff. I said, do this. We've got to figure how to do this on the Will Cain show.

Or maybe this is my next career move. Paul Harvey. Paul Harvey was the voice of America. Do you grow up knowing Paul Harvey? Yeah, a little bit. I think less in the Northeast probably, but yeah. He did news updates, right, on AM radio, and it was syndicated across the country. And it was very middle of America.

It was. and he'd read everything on the page, you know, page two. You know, he would say that. And he had the most distinctive voice. And he would tell the news. And then he always had his big, long story he would tell you, and now you know the rest of the story. Like today, I did one for you guys, right?

I gave you the hurricane in Hawaii. You want to, you want me to do Paul Harvey right now? Yes. Okay. All right. As we speak, there's currently a hurricane going over Nihau, Hawaii. I can't, I'm not going to do the voice. You need some more cigarettes.

I do need some more cigarettes. You know, what's the name of this hurricane? Lowell. I think it's Lowell. Lowell is going over Hawaii. Okay? I think everybody will enjoy this story. So we'll get to the news today.

Everybody just buckle in. I told you guys, did you enjoy this story? Can I get a thumbs up or thumbs down? Dan and Pat? Okay, thumbs up. Okay. The hurricane is going over Hawaii. It's going over as the news is talking about it,

the island of Kauai. Hawaii is in most people's imagination, the northern western most island in the chain. If you picture the chain, it's kind of a diagonal, you know, from southeast to northwest, right? And people know Oahu. They don't really know Oahu. They just, that's where Honolulu is. There's an island called Hawaii, like the state's called Hawaii. There's also one of the islands.

That's the big island. This is gripping so far, well. They know Maui. And then I'd say they know Kauai in there. Kauai is the Garden Isle. Okay. But there's another island just to the northwest of Kauai. Basically, this island is in the eye of the storm of Lowell, and it's blowing right over them.

And I saw this morning on Fox and Friends 100 plus mile an hour winds. So rough. So what do you know about Nehau? You ever heard of Nehaw? No. Okay. Nehaw is an island that was bought in the mid-1800s by the Robinson family for $10,000 from King Kamehamea. The Robinson family has allowed no one to go to Nehau.

No tourism, no resort. no visiting Nihau. It's called the forbidden aisle. 50 to 80 people live on Nihau. They don't have running water. They don't have an electrical grid. They don't have paved roads. They live a sustenance lifestyle in America of fishing, ranching, farming. They have water from catchments. They apparently do have some solar electricity. All right. So that's it. You can only imagine how those people are suffering right now in that situation, America. When the 1940s, when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor.

The people of Nihau, with limited communication, knew something was going on. Like they knew there was a burgeoning tensions between Japan and America and the world was potentially at war. Well, the Japanese set a crash landing site, meaning in their plans, for all the fleets of kamikazis and planes that flew into Pearl Harbor, as Nihau. So they told their pilots, if you crash land, go there. one did one crash lands on knee how okay he gets knocked out in the process the villagers probably similar size village at the time they know enough to know we should probably detain him right like so they get him out of his plane take his side arm away um and detain him what does that mean who knows they didn't have handcuffs i don't know they tied him up put him in a hut and they said watch them and they had a and then you know a couple dozen people on the island are you giving me some music So some of the people living on Nihau were of Japanese descent.

He talked to them in Japanese and convinced them to let him go, to untie him, and give him his sidearm. They did. He killed, I think, one person, maybe two. The Hawaiian villagers catch him, get him. I think, I picture this, like, 250-pound, like, Samoan-Tongan-Hawaiian-type guy lifting this little Japanese dude above his head and doing an Eric von Eric on him over his knee. And I think that's what happened. And that's the story. And it's called the Niehow incident. A few years later, FDR uses this as predicate, as a central piece of evidence to begin the Japanese internment camps. Oh. That you cannot trust the Japanese

they will side with their historical lineage. How about that? That's good. And now you know the rest of the story. Lovely. I found a little bit of his voice if you want to hear it. It's interesting. Yes. So I'd set about however necessary to take over the United States. If I were the devil at the law. I'd begin with a campaign of whispers.

With the wisdom of a serpent, I would whisper to you as I whispered to Eve. Do as you please. I know it's, yeah, I know this. This particular, if I were the devil. I would convince them that man created God. I don't know if this is the one. There's another famous one. I'm not sure if this is the one.

Is there another very famous one? about America. I pause that, Dan. He did one that was in like a Chevy commercial. Yeah, that's what I'm thinking of. Was it if God made a farmer or God made the farmer? God made the farmer. Something like, yeah, that's the one I'm thinking of.

It's really good. That one is if I were the devil. He did that, I'm going to say in the early 1970s, and he describes what he would do if he were the devil. And my God, man, has it not played out? Yeah. Has it not played out in America? He's like, I would undermine the United States.

Here's how I would undermine it. I would do this, this, this, and this. And I'm telling you, it sounds, honestly, I'll do respect to our friends on the left listening, it sounds like the progressive agenda. Now you can say, okay, well, Paul Harvey was a guy of the right or whatever. This is half a century ago. Yeah. Not just as much.

I mean, very little changes, right? I mean, it's, you go back 6,000 years, well, maybe not 600, 600 years, 2,000 years, and you find a lot of these tensions really don't go away. Yeah. Go ahead, Pat. A friend of Cure of the Dawn had a nice, he took that Paul Harvey, if I were the devil, and he made a nice song with it. So, go check that out. It's pretty good. Oh, cool.

I do remember this rammed truck. Paul Harvey. With him. Yeah. Play it. And said, I need a caretaker. So God made a farmer. God said, I need somebody willing to get up before dawn.

Milk cows work all day in the fields, milk cows again, eat supper, then go to town. and stay past midnight at a meeting of the school board. So God made a farmer. God said I need somebody. So good. That's great. All right. Speaking of that and the people, how's it going for you in Dallas? We're here. We have the R&C this week. The R&C first ever Republican National Midterm Convention.

I don't know if I used all those words in the right sequential order. Everybody's here. Yeah. Vance, Trump, Bessent, Duffy. I don't even know who else. A ton. Everybody's here. And so are you? And you're making your way around Dallas and talking to the people.

Yeah. So, I mean, I got here yesterday morning. So I started out focusing on the Democrats because I'm not just looking at the convention. I'm also covering the Texas Senate race. So there was a Labor Day, I think it's an annual Labor Day event, not, you know, about not too far from downtown that I went to. And I interviewed a lot of Democrats. And then I was sort of around town last night talking to a lot of Democrats. And I was sort of around town last night talking to a lot of Democrats. And, One, I got a lot of takeaways that I'll end up in my column probably come out tomorrow. But one thing, and I'm curious if this tracks with you, because I had one guy who said to me, Democrat, you know, fairly liberal guy, he said one big difference between now and 2018 is that the energy behind Beto was palpable. It was just visceral. He said up and down the street, you could feel it. It was there. And he's like, I don't feel that this time. For Tala RICO.

For Tala RICO. Which to me, I mean. I mean, one issue is the whole Crockett thing, right? And I knew about that. This I didn't know about. And so I'll even ask you, you know, I assume you were around in 2018. Do you feel that? Because then I talked to subsequent Democrats, and it's funny.

They all kind of acknowledged it in one way or the other. But this is a kind of question where, like, I'll ask, like, do you feel like there's less enthusiasm behind Tala Rico than you saw back with Beto in 18? And there'll be a – even the ones who shrug it off, there's a split second where I can see in their eyes that it's true. Yeah. Right? They go. And then they say, well, I don't know if that's true.

So I kind of know. Let's take a quick break, but continue this with columnist for Fox News Digital. David Marcus here on Will King Country. Welcome back to Will Kane Country. We're still hanging out with Fox News Digital's columnist, David Marcus. Well, okay, I was in New York in 2018, but I'm from here. All my friends are from here. Not all.

Let's have some friends out there. But so I'm plugged in. You know, families here. I would agree. I think the Beto mania was bigger than Tala Rico. Right. We haven't heard Tala RICO mania. Right. There's not a word for it. There's not a thing for it. But the question is how much of the Beto mania was manufactured. The media fell in love with Beto.

And honestly, I think the media thought that Beto would be a modern-day Kennedy. Like they thought he's a good-looking guy. He's Gen X-E. He's just enough Texas in his style. That there was just like, I will give Beto that. Like, on the surface, he had an amalgamation of things. that made mainstream media and a certain type of Texan love him. And he did get within three points. Another guy I spoke to this guy who's a elementary school principal, very lefty guy.

But the way he put it was he was like Beto was stylish and has Riz and Talarico's a square. Now, you can win as a square, but it's not that kind of like I'm really excited about this guy. I'm not getting that vibe for Tala RICO. And that was something I did. The Crockett stuff I knew. What do you keep saying with Crockett? She's not supporting him? She's not supporting him, and he's got issues with the black vote, just like El Cahed has issues with the black vote in Michigan.

This is why I think you will see Kamala Harris in Texas. Not sure you'll see Kamala Harris in Michigan, A, because El Ceyad has had some not so nice things to say about her in the past. But also, he might be a little too toxic for her brand right now. I'm not sure that she wants video of herself standing next to El Cic. I add in 2028. That's not an issue with Tala Rico. I assume that she'll be down here. But it's an issue with the Black vote. Here's what I would say about the Tala Rico thing. Somebody asked him about this this weekend. I said, listen, do I think Tala Rico has a shot? Yeah. You can't look at current polling and not come away with that unless you just totally reject current polling.

And I would not begrudge you of that if you did. You're one of the biggest doubters of polling. And I don't look. I just think it's one way of telling the story. And I have a different way of telling the story that's like Selena's way, right? Like there's a few people who do it our way. Lots of people do it the poll way. And they're both useful and you just play off of them. If, let's presume for a moment that Talarico wins, then the national narrative will be Texas is now a swing state and Texas is purple

or Texas is at least pink, you know. And that will be wrong. Here's why that will be wrong. And Tala Rico, here's my other bet, would be a one-term senator. He will lose in six years with what? whatever generic Republican went up against him. And that has to do, look, it's, there is a lot of dislike for Ken Paxton. There just is.

And there are going to be reluctant or stay at home Republicans because of that. Okay. Whether or not it's, you know, and Ken has sat there. Ken has been on my show many times, but you've got to tell the truth about it. And it's, it's the corruption stuff. It's the infidelity stuff. It's all of that. And so there are, you know, I think that the world or the online world would make you want to believe.

And there may be some people listening to like, this is the base against the establishment Republican. And there is probably some elements of that at play. But I think it's more about him as an individual. Yeah. And I'm not saying whether it's right or wrong, I'm just telling you it is. Yeah. It exists. And because of that, it won't necessarily be a reflection of Tala Rico or.

or of Texas's movement at large. Those are voters who the Paxton campaign and Republicans in general are going to have to scare in regard to the broader DSA craziness, right? So that those voters will hold their nose and say, God, you know, I really don't love the guy, but I can't do this. But that's a lot, yeah, I mean, that's harder than saying, I'm awesome vote for me, which like Ted Cruz was able to do in 2018. Like, whether you think he's awesome or not,

he didn't have all of these kinds of things hanging over him. Right. And Cornyn wouldn't have, although Cornyn would have had his own problems with the GOP base, but I do think that Cornyn in the place of a generic Republican probably would have beaten Talarico. That doesn't mean that Paxton can't and, you know, all that. Go ahead, Dan. And the lefties in my circles are trying to force Tala Rico. You can tell it they're forcing it. They don't really like him.

They don't want to support him. But they're like, he's better than the other guy. I'm like, what do you really like about him? And they have nothing to back it up, so it just seems super forced. to back this guy. I would think that the lefties would love him, actually. They do. I'm a little surprised by that. To some degree, I mean, like the brunch

crew guys like him, more than just the average person that doesn't know much about it. But yeah, they not huge fans. They seem like they're just forcing him on themselves. I just saw a clip of Newsom.

And Newsom was talking about how there wasn't much of a difference between Democratic socialism and just regular Democratic ideas. And I wonder, and I don't think there is. I mean, like, you know, he was just going down a list of all the things that they have in common. And it's like, I do think they have to scare people into turning out.

I think that's true, Patrick. There's not a lot. When Newsom says that, I think it's true. I think that your average mainstream Democrat just doesn't want the abolish the Senate stuff. Do you know what I mean? Right. Like there's some formal things that D.S. says about basically totally reimagining the American government that they don't want.

But policy-wise, I think that there's very little daylight between DSA and Democrats. I think one place that where I've seen it in Texas, not just in this last day, but when I was here back during the primary, is the abolish ice stuff doesn't play very well in these border states, right? It's, yes, reform ice, right? But when you talk to people in Texas, even a lot of Democrats about the state of the border under Joe Biden, nobody wants to go back to that. Whereas if you talk to a voter in Michigan about that, it's just not a big issue for them. It should be. But, you know, it's not as immediate. Right. Okay. So I think that there's outside of Paul Harvey, everything we're talking about so far today and what I think we will. And I think what actually I think this Republican National Convention is going to be about a lot of this as well is affordability.

So I don't know how much of the DSA's rise is predicated upon affordability issues. It could be, what do you think? Is that window dressing? I'm not talking about the candidates. Yeah. I'm talking about the people that are drawn to it. Do you think affordability is simply the thing they say, but they're actually into like radical transformation? Or is it radical transformation in order to get to affordability?

Oh, no. I mean, it's the former, right? Affordability is the bait that they put on the hook to create socialism and communism. But I will say one thing about the affordability argument is we first saw it with Mom Dani last year in New York. And you've lived in New York. I've lived in New York. New York City is one giant affordability crisis made out of glass. It always has been. It always will be.

Nobody's ever lived in New York. New York with a normal job and said, boy, this is actually kind of easy. That's just not a thing, right? So when you try to extrapolate that onto the rest of the country, what you need is a sort of 2024 style economic anxiety. And that's not something that I'm seeing. Like, I always tell the story of being in Bedford, Pennsylvania, in October of 24, and I'm on this little patio of this restaurant, just talking to some voters the way I do.

And this woman who's a regular walks in, and apropos of nothing, says, I can't believe what I just paid for groceries. And everyone there went, oh, my God, I know, right? That's not happening. That's not what I'm feeling. I'm feeling it's uncomfortable. I'm feeling we wish gas prices were lower, but it's not this existential fear of I don't know if I'm going to be able to afford my life. So I think Democrats have to be careful. Today, Elsaid has some ad. It's not an ad. It's like one of his TikTok videos, right, where he's playing the prices right with people, trying to show them how much the prices have increased. But everyone who asks, if they nail the price increase exactly

and they don't look shocked by it, they're just kind of like, yeah, we know. It's not great. But it's not this crisis that it was two years ago. And so I think Democrats need more than that. Do you disagree with that, Patrick? I don't know. Take your time.

I don't know. I mean, David says things, and then it takes me a minute to think about it. So, like, yeah, I don't know. Nice throw. Yeah. Yeah, thanks for being here. The reason I turned to you, so.

The reason I turned to you on that, well, now you know? No, I don't know. I know why you probably did. Yeah, because I complain about it all the time. Well, because I think you complain about it. Yes, you complain about it. But I'm not saying that in a negative way. you know, I got a call this week, late last week from Rachel Campos Duffy.

And she won't mind me saying this. She's like, I think this affordability thing, when I see young people talk about DSA, she's like, this is why they're talking about it. Do you think it's a talking point, not a real thing, like you're saying? Do you think they're just, young people are just saying it? This is where I am on this. Okay, I want to get to this because there's a debate on the right. Okay, there's a debate on the right over J.D. Vance's driven proposal to extend payments to stay at home moms, $9,000 a year. We're going to get to the merits of this in just a minute. But I told the guys, okay, this is complicated. I have a lot of stuff I want to show you, David, and everybody watching at home.

Let's see if we can walk through this together. The first thing is, do I think affordability resonates? I do. Now, you're questioning that to some extent. I think with younger people more so, and I think that's usually the case. But, like, you know, for 40 or 50-year-old, I think affordability is a different issue than it is for the person who's trying to start their life. So, yes, I would say for voters under 30, affordability is still a... and always will be a very important issue.

Okay. All right. So the question is, is it a feeling or is it rooted in reality? And there are feelings that are not rooted in reality. That doesn't make, we can't wish those feelings away. They exist, right? And so is it a feeling out there that animates people to move in a certain direction, whether not that's democratic socialism or just voting against Republicans in the midterm?

But we first need, the response to this requires us to answer, is it a feeling or is it something that really exists? Now I want to share some things with you before we get to this proposal. Okay, so job stuff. All right, here's one. Headline from the New York Post. The U.S. job market is booming in a historic way for workers with no college degrees. So the thing we've talked about for a while, and I don't know if we have deeper stats on this, but the job market is booming for people, here we go, who are in blue collar jobs.

hard hat labor, electrical contractors, HVAC, utility, commercial construction. You can see what's happened, David, on this chart from the economist over the last year and a half. I mean, it has absolutely boomed, right? Now, who was it? Besant? No, it was David Sacks, who's our AIsar, put out that AI has created, in response to that you can see above that, a million jobs. buy it. AI has our, we worry about AI eating jobs. Right now, they're saying it's create.

That's a lot of jobs, by the way. A million is a lot of jobs. Now, obviously, a lot of that is in the construction of data centers and such. It's blue collar, trades, and so forth. So we're trying to figure out this economy, and if affordability is a real concern or a feel, right? On the flip side of this, because this is job creation, is inflation. and inflation drives the affordability conversation. Do you agree with that, Patrick?

Yes. Take your time. It does. It's on the delay. The rate of the rate... See? I see you reaching up there to... I said that like four.

You're making it worse. Inflation rate is down. What is it right now? Is it 3%? Somewhere in the 3%. And under Biden, it got up to a... what, eight? Yes.

Eight percent. But that's baked in. Yeah. That's baked in. Those eight percent inflation gains are baked in. In other words, prices don't come down. They just slow down in their rate of growth. So people are living with what they were adjusted to five years ago.

Groceries, milk, eggs, gas, all that, right? So on one hand, we got this inflation that people are unhappy about. On the other hand, reality seems to suggest we're doing pretty good in terms of jobs. So is it a feeling or is it real? It's both. But I mean, the feeling part of it is always tricky. And again, I just don't think the intensity of the feeling is where we were because I don't think there's as much fear, right? I think I've said this on the show before. I always talk about there being two types of political issues when I talk to voters. There's the ones they think about and there's the ones they feel in their gut. Right. Crime is if you live in the city and you get on public transportation and you don't feel safe, you don't think about that, you feel it. Right. If you go to the grocery store. want to see Reason Magazine put out a chart about how crime is not going to matter. It's not going to matter. And if you are in line at the grocery store and you're watching that tally and you're not sure you have enough money in your bank account, you feel that right here, right?

That's what, and I could be wrong, but I don't sense that the feeling is at that gut level right now. I feel like it is more something that people are thinking about. And I think that accrues to the benefit of really whoever's in power, in this case the Republicans. But that's not to say it's not an issue. I just don't think it's at the place that it was. Well, but then we decide then, okay, in analyzing this and trying to look at where we are in the job market, by the way, there's another stat out there that the Trump administration put out that, what is it, 98 out of 100 new jobs have gone to women in job creation, which I'm having trouble. I don't even know how that's possible. And I don't know how that with, if all the job growth we just saw was

in the trades and blue collar jobs, how, I mean, that's men. That seems crazy to me. That's confused me all week. I don't understand. Yeah, because I used to work in data center on the electrical side of creating data centers, and my brother still does it and my friends and stuff. It's all dudes. Like, all the dudes do that work, so I don't know where that's coming from. Is this World Cup? Is this like, isn't it a lot of service industry?

Isn't that, like, the one explanation that people are giving that a lot of these jobs were service industry jobs, and that's why we see when it seems like a crazy stat. It looks like one of those stats where I'm like, this is hard. I mean, I'm not doubting that it's. I mean, colleges are filled up with 65. Honestly. Right? So they're going to college more than that.

Yeah, but the question is how much this job growth, this just said the job growth is non-college. Right? Interesting. So I'm having trouble squaring these stats. But in response to the idea that affordability is a real issue, now we want to talk. So Tiki CAM said women are taking over the medical industry. And I think that's where a lot of the jobs are coming from as nursing medical field. And that is booming as well because we have so many damn boomers in this country.

Right. No, that makes sense. Let's take a quick break. But continue this with columnist for Fox News Digital. David Marcus here on Wilcane Country. Welcome back to Will Kane Country. We're still hanging out with Fox News Digital's columnist David Marcus. He's going to get on that in a minute.

We're going to let him do his anti-boomer thing in a minute. I'm all for it. But so here's the Trump administration's plan. And it's a little hard for me, and maybe you can help me understand it a little bit. Trump officials plan to draft pay-at-home parents using funds for working ones. So the proposed benefits, the top policy priority for Vice President J.D. Vance would apply only to married couples and tap a fund intended to provide federal child care subsidies to working parents. So if you are a stay-at-home mom and you qualify, because it's got to be. under a certain income level.

You get, and a parent. Then you are $9,000. They're going to send you $9,000. Now, many on the ride are like, what are you doing? This is socialism. You're just shifting it. You're taking money from the taxpayer and giving it to somebody. And I think Dana Lash had a pretty pithy rebuttal to this where she said it's not yours to give.

And it's a quote from Davy Crockett. The response from the others on the right is, this is not new money. This is just, this is a welfare program that's been in existence for 30 years. And we're going to move it to incentivize child rearing. Married couples, stay at home mom. And their argument is these programs were never going to go away. It's been bipartisan forever. You're not doing away with it.

So if the rights response is, tax me less, stop moving welfare around. They're like, just be a realist. That's not happened. That's not going to happen. So use it to incentivize family creation, stay-at-home moms, childwary. I think that's exactly the right analysis, Will. And it's something that I've been saying because I'm very sympathetic to both sides. I mean, I'm technically an opinion writer, but I don't write my opinion.

I write the opinions of the people who I meet, right? And I have very good relationships with the people on both sides of this argument. But the one thing that I say to my more traditionally conservative, fiscally conservative friends is voters aren't comparing this. option to some perfect libertarian system in which everything works well. They're comparing this option to the status quo, which is one in which we give money to every mother unless they're married, right? Right. Where for a long time, we are discouraging marriage. We are discouraging having fathers in the home. Which, by the way, is a fact, a statistical fact. Welfare incentivizes not getting married. Yes. So, unless,

I think that unless the more traditional fiscally, you know, centered conservatives, who, let's be fair, we're not talking about the bulwark. We're not talking about these people who abandoned Trump. We're talking about the people who said, okay, I don't love everything about populism, but Trump got elected. We can all work together. This will be okay. They need to, in an era in which, as I recently wrote in a column, our Congress can barely pass go in monopoly, let alone serious, you know, cuts in welfare, they can't even pass the Save America Act. You want them to, you want voters to believe that you're going to cut welfare? They need to be able to make a better argument about how they're going to change the system if they're not willing to let married people in the system. And I think that's the problem they have. But if I can just say one other thing, and this is just everybody, every pundit, every person I know, listen, these kinds of things come up and all these people who I really like and who aren't jerks, they suddenly turn into the five families. I mean, they're going to the mattresses and they're calling each other names and you're a socialist and you're an idiot and you're, it's like, guys, stop.

That's what they're saying. This is woke right socialist. Yes. And it's like both sides need to chill with that because two years from now there's not going to be any more Donald Trump to tie us all together. We're going to have to do that by ourselves. And it's not helpful when we're out here calling each other traitors. So I just urge people not to do that. There's reasonable arguments on both sides of this and let's have the arguments.

let's not start kicking people out of the tent. Oh, man. I mean, I do think about that in two years when there's no Donald Trump. I mean, I don't think we have to guess. I think we're already seeing it like this fracture on the right and on what lines it will fracture. I mean, foreign policy will be a huge one. Foreign policy will be a huge one. And so will some of this, whatever we're going to call it, you know, I don't even want to.

versus it's not yeah but is it is it expansion of a social welfare state it's not expansion is it is it reprioritizing the existing social welfare state like it's going to be on this affordability issue right it's going to be a segment

of the right that says the economy doesn't serve the middle class and lower middle class and we need to figure out beyond and you can see the lines beyond vice president jd vans used it with me in an interview a few weeks ago beyond what do you call it?

Economic platitudes, free market free market economic platitudes. And so it will be and then that side which will probably be embodied by J.D. Vance which is a more doveish look on foreign policy or America first.

And a more perhaps populist view of middle and lower middle class Americans will be called socialist. Yes. Well look there are There are four, there have always been four core MAGA issues that are not going to change that 95% of today's Republicans.

Oh, I'm sorry. And the flip side will be the Marco Rubio side will be the Neocon side. Or somebody. I tend to think that's more likely to be Cruz. But yes, somebody. Do you mean that electorally or that Marco wouldn't choose to run? I think it's difficult for, I think Rubio would have to resign pretty quickly after the midterms. He can't run and be Secretary of State. You can't have the vice president. the Secretary of State arguing foreign policy in a presidential division. Sure. And I just don't think you can do that.

I just think Marcos' electoral hopes are far above cruises. Yeah, but Cruz isn't in the cabinet. So maybe it's DeSantis, although DeSantis is almost this third thing where I don't even know that we know DeSantis' foreign policy. That's fair. My suspicion is DeSantis is closer to Rubio. I would imagine so, too, but I'm not sure. But what I was going to say was there are four issues that aren't going to change.

They're the core four issues that got Trump elected, and there are issues that the previous iterations of the Republican Party failed to go after hard enough. They are secure the border, energy independence or drill baby drill, no bad trade deal, sort of anti-globalism, and fight the culture war aggressively. Those four things— You wouldn't put foreign wars? No. No. In fact, Donald Trump has never been clear, has never set a doctrine on foreign policy. The only doctrine Donald Trump has on foreign policy is put me on a phone with the guy.

So hold on. I want to dig into these things. So the podcastistan was, which are drawing their line on. So this is, honestly, this is like Theo Vaughn. Yeah. This is. Andrew Schultz. Andrew Schultz, maybe Joe Rogan. Those, that, to the extent that they represented part of a Trump coalition in 2024, they're the ones that are most upset with him now over Iran.

Are you saying they don't represent a large part of the electorate? No, I think they do. I just don't think that either side, I don't think the interventionists or the non-interventionists or the America First versus the neocon, however you want to put it. I don't think Trump has put a stamp on that. I mean, Trump killed Soleimani, you know, in his first term. Right. And everyone said, oh, my goodness, the whole world's going to set on fire, and it didn't, right?

So Trump is purely transactional in foreign policy, the result of which is, whereas Reagan left us a very clear doctrine, peace through strength. You know, this is what you do. You occupy these territories. Trump's foreign policy isn't like that. And so I do think it's a little bit up for grabs. And I think that both sides are going to have to make their cases. Okay. Okay. But no, I don't think the other side has a right to say we're with Donald Trump.

Okay. Say your four then again. The four are secure the border. energy independence, no bad trade deals, and aggressively fight the culture war. Okay, I want to go into a couple of these. Okay, and follow up question. Secure the border. Is that simply secure the border?

Or do you think that coalition also is about immigration at large? So that would include conversations now around deportations. Yes. And being much more hawkish on legal immigration. Yes. You think that the Republican coalition is signed up for those two things as well, under the security? Not 95%, but maybe 70 to 75%. Yes. I do think that you still have some more economically driven Republicans who are like, listen, who's going to pick the crops, who's going to blah, blah, blah, right? So I think there are still those Republicans, but largely. And the tech side, who's going to do the coding? Yes. But I do think that more aggressive deportation, as long as it doesn't mean those ICE.

incidents, which have calmed down. Yeah, I think that's part of it. Okay. So you think the next Republican president should be, this isn't what I want. I can tell you what I want as a separate conversation. Mine is yes. Yes, secure the border. Yes, deportations. Yes, control legal immigration, much more strictly. But I just wonder, the people watching out there, are they all on on every little three legs of that stool I said under the immigration banner? I think they're all on secure the border. I think there's a little bit of division in terms of the nature of legal immigration. But yes, I do think that remains one of the core for what it do. And, of course, the optics of how it looks.

Yeah. Okay. So number two was energy independence, which, look, Trump probably gets a 10 out of 10 on that. I mean, he's crushed that. Yeah. Now, the trick on that is he would argue a lot of his foreign intervention is undergirding that, is helping that. Venezuela and potentially Iran. Yeah.

right so the argument for that would start to blend into the foreign intervention you see what I'm saying yes I do okay and I think people would accept that I don't think people are opposed to what we did in Venezuela like they like they see that they like that and they like the the fruits of it right and if Iran turns out the same way they will yeah it's a matter of how long because the the this isn't Iraq and this isn't Afghanistan this isn't a forever war with American casualties in the thousands and even the hundred The problem is you're right in the middle of it. You're right in the middle of it. We don't know how it'll play out. So that's why people freak out about it. But if it didn't tomorrow, then people go, yeah, okay. Okay. So the next Republican president, we feel like it would be smart, like just electorally, not intellectually, electorally,

electorally to pick up those two banners of where Trump is. And maybe even be more hawkish on immigration. I do see some people saying he's not hawkish enough. Yeah. On deportations. So then the third is no bad trade deals. You're talking about me? Now, I think there's a lot of people.

I think there's a lot of people. Yeah, you're talking about me. Definitely me. No bad trade deals, you said, right? Yes. Now, that could potentially be more divisive. Yeah. That is, did tariffs have tariffs contributed to inflation?

Have tariffs brought back manufacturing? We know it has, by the way, to some degree. Either that has, or the AI data center boom, you know, and so forth. But I do that there's a long game on the Trump manufacturing that is coming back. I get that sense. Do you? I do. I don't know how big it'll be, but I definitely think.

I mean, I can tell you, you know, where I live in West Virginia, there's, you know, plants that are coming up. There's a lot of houses coming up. I think it's definitely parts of the country that are benefiting enormously from that. Maybe not parts of the country that people in New York and D.C. pay a lot of attention to. But, yeah, for sure. But the free market conservative doesn't honestly, doesn't like the tariffs. No.

does not no i mean they won't and i mean they have an argument um but the problem yeah i mean you know this one could be a little muddier i believe i think so i can't imagine that that you know cruise or or desantis would be as bullish on tariffs um as trump is i i imagine vance probably would be but yeah yeah and then the fordleg was what aggressively fight the culture war and this was really the one i think where republican voters felt most betrayed They felt betrayed on the border. Really? Yes.

They felt betrayed on the border because, you know, Republicans, including Rubio at the time, were constantly saying, oh, let's make these deals and we'll do. And they were like, no, secure it first. Then we can talk about stuff. But on the culture war, I think they just felt completely abandoned. The absolute cowardice of the Romney iteration. Oh, you said before Trump. Yeah, yeah, yeah.

Oh, I thought you said they feel abandoned last year and a half. No, no. No, no. No, they feel the exact opposite in regard to Trump. But prior to Trump, Republican voters felt left completely in left field. all by themselves as Republican elected officials were falling all over themselves. Even in the time of George Floyd, by the way, I think that ship has sailed. Every Republican candidate will aggressively fight the culture war for the foreseeable future.

Yes. Every single one. And that's a sea change, Will. I mean, that's a sea change. You think back to 2012, what Republican was aggressively. The only Republican in my lifetime who ever fought the culture war with the aggressiveness of Trump was Pap Buchanan. Right. It's the only analogy that you can make.

So, yeah, I don't think that's going anywhere anytime soon. Yeah, you're right. I don't know. That is wild. Before Trump, was there a Republican that fought the culture war? Buchanan. Yeah. No, for sure I give you Buchanan.

I'm trying to think about anybody else at all. They didn't want to, man. The wins were all in the opposite direction. Like, nobody wanted to get out there and say, like, you know, white people are being disadvantaged by affirmative action. You couldn't say that in 2012. Right. The entire media, but a little bit.

You know who did? And he was mocked. Rick Santorum. Yep. Yeah. Actually, Rick Santorum did it. A fair amount. Yeah, Santorum was a culture war guy because he was a big abortion guy. Yeah. Big anti-abortion.

And so when you do that, it's interesting for me because it allows us to look into the future and see which candidates, how they'll position themselves and which ones could rise. But you don't have affordability in there. This entire conversation that so many are worried about. And to some extent, the Trump administration, perhaps through J.D. Vance, is pushing here with this family policy, is in your mind maybe much ado about nothing. Much of you about nothing is going too far. And by the way, what do you say to James Carville's famous saying it's the economy, stupid? But it's always the economy, right? Like, I think that's a truism. And I think the question again goes back to the level of intensity. And this is what, this is where polls really fail, right? where polls have a real problem is that you're not looking in somebody's face. You're just getting a number back.

So, yeah, look, I don't think it's necessarily helpful when Trump goes out and says this is the greatest economy that America has ever seen. I don't think anybody particularly believes that. But no, I don't think affordability will ultimately be what defines either this midterm or 2028. All right. Let's do a few other stories really quick with David Marcus here. But for over two decades, the Tumblr's Foundation has been there for our fallen and

catastrophically injured first responders, military, and Gold Star families. Born from the tragedy of 9-11, Tunneling Towers provides mortgage-free homes to Gold Star and fallen first-responder families with young children and built specially adapted smart homes for catastrophically injured veterans and first responders. The Foundation also offers scholarships for college and trade school programs for the children of Gold Star families, fallen first-response. and catastrophically injured veterans. Antonyl Towers was committed to eradicating veteran homelessness and helping America never forget

September 11th. To learn more about the foundation, its mission, impact, and how you can support our nation's heroes, visit T2T.org. We got the 25th anniversary of 9-11 here this coming Friday. It's the only time of the year. I mean, I often miss New York for various reasons. I'm extremely happy in West Virginia, but this is the last three years in West Virginia, when this time comes around, I miss not.

seeing the lights. And when I was raising my son in Brooklyn, we could see it from our backyard every year. And I remember, he must have been four or five, maybe six, like the first time he asked, like, what is that? And it was like, all right, sit down. You know, I'll tell you. How old is your son? He's 16 now. Yeah. So he doesn't remember it, obviously. But like, let's take a quick break. But continue this with columnist for Fox News Digital. David Mark is here on Will Kane Country. When West Jet first took flight in 1996, the vibes were a bit different. People thought denim on denim was peak fashion, inline skates were everywhere, and two out

of three women rocked, the Rachel. While those things stayed in the 90s, one thing that hasn't is that fuzzy feeling you get when WestJet welcomes you on board. Here's to West Jetting since 96. Travel back in time with us and actually travel with us at westjet.com slash 30 years. Welcome back to Will Kane Country. We're still hanging out with Fox News Digital's columnist, David Marcus. You know, I's got to think about this this morning, David. I was, again, at the gym

this morning. And I was, Fox and Friends was on in the gym. And, you know, I started doing the math. And I was like, okay, we're coming up on the 25th anniversary. I did a thing last week with Andy Card. And his big thing was like remembering. Like, there's a lot of young people there. Like, they weren't alive for this. And I was thinking about, okay, Pearl Harbor was 1941, right? I was born in 75. So I did the math on 25, so that's 66, right? Did Pearl Harbor loom large in the minds of people in 1966? I started wondering. You know, like...

I don't know if I can answer that question because it's basically pre-Vietnam. I think Vietnam had an impact on how we looked at all. But do you think dropping the bombs kind of like changed that, how people looked at it? Maybe. You know, it's a little more somber. None of us are old enough. none of us are old enough to recognize the emotional impact that had on the average American citizen and how they carried that, right, including how they viewed the Japanese. Like that was huge, a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.

I can't remember how many people died. My point is, obviously, I'm not, this is just analysis. We're probably getting pretty close to a stage where 9-11 doesn't have, the cultural resonance. It's only natural. I mean, of course. How are we getting there? Yeah, but I mean, look, I don't care how old you are when you see those images of people having to jump out of the building, right?

I mean, the difference between Pearl Harbor and September 11th was that these were civilians, right? And I think that the, I think that what Mondani and El Sayed and all these people really don't understand about this when they talk about it and they want to talk about it in terms of moral relativism, right? Notice they've stopped blaming us, but they say, oh, it was inevitable. It was inevitable because of U.S. actions. For those of us who are old enough to remember that day to remember, I just, one thing I'll never forget is, like, we started getting reports from the hospitals and they were empty. They were empty.

It's like, everybody's like, okay, let's get ready for all the injured. There weren't, because they were all dead. And so I think when you have these, particularly the Muslim politicians today who are trying to create some sort of moral equivalency, it makes people angry, and it makes people angry because of the Norm MacDonald joke because this entire country went out of its way from day one from September 12th to say do not attack the mosque do not attack the Muslim people it's not their fault George Bush said that Giuliani said that we all said that and yet you've got Mamdani walking around talking about like well my

aunt was getting dirty looks and it's like dude shut up just shut up you know my rebuttal to you on that is Mom Dani is mayor. And El Sayed is a Democratic Senate candidate. Yep. And so when I ask, are we getting to a place where it doesn't have that cultural resonance, let me ask you this. Can Mom Dani have been mayor of New York 10 years ago? No.

No way. That's a great point. He is today. But the Gen Z kids on TikTok are justifying. 9-11. You know, they keep doing that. They say. And where will we be in 10 more years?

You know? Where will we be in 10 more? years. Well, maybe a lot of that goes back to that immigration question, Will. Yeah. Because that's the coalition now, right? Yeah, because earlier we were talking about the problems that Democrats are having with black voters, right? And I think part of the reason that it's not freaking them out as much as maybe we think it would is that the new Democratic coalition is college educated whites and immigrants. And I think that's where the growth is, right? If Democrats get back in power, they're going to open the voters again. And honestly, those are your

true groups that don't like America very much. 9-11 doesn't do a lot for them. Nope. Pro-Palestine crowd. It's the party now. The college-educated whites. The immigrant, okay. It came from somewhere else. It wasn't an attack on your country.

You know, all that. You can go through the mental exercise of how an immigrant doesn't feel that way. Right. We know the answer. I know if you're yelling at your screen and you want to type in. I know the answer. I know it's because of college, but how wild. Yeah. And look, the immigrant isn't always that way.

No, no, no, right. My first, you know, on my Irish side, the earliest immigrants that we had, the first thing they did was fighting the civil war. Like, they got off the boat and they're like, oh, there's a fight? Right. Well, let's go fight. Right. Fight for our new country, right? But they weren't coming here in an environment in which Democrats and colleges and state and local governments were, you know, basically.

saying America's bad and you know here's 10 million dollars in fraudulent money go open your your leering center or whatever it's an entirely different set of expectations for the immigrant right right right um all right let's do this really quickly Patrick it's uh we need to get a theme song and we need an intro for this it's Patrick's daily attack on baby boomers oh I love it um the headline reads baby boomer executives aren't leaving the C suites and that's setting up a crisis for corporate America. Now, if you're listening, we have a lot of baby boomers. Just know, I'm here for you

at the end of this. So if you're going to be mad, be mad at tinfoil patch. Sure, sure. So if I knew that we were going to do this, I would have prepared something, but... Who knows? I brought the music and everything.

It's like the most predictable train wreck. It's the most predictable train wreck in the history of railfare. Like, you know... Exactly. So, So, So,

So, So, Boomer and and let go. Yeah, just there you go. Perfect. Yeah,

I even wrote a chapter about this, so, but I don't have it ready. Anyway, so over 40% of boom. Yeah. Chapter 4.

I'm writing a book about this. About boomers? Oh, I think that's called a manifesto. Yeah. No, it's, it's much different.

It's much different. Is it in a spiral notebook with pictures? Yeah. Okay. So maybe there's a list. Yeah. Okay, you're right. So 40, over 40% of CEOs in this country are still baby boomers.

So they are controlling the C suites across the country. And not letting anybody, especially Gen X, I mean, have rain. I mean, you look at the presidency. They've held on to, I mean, our president, we like him, but he's over 80, you know, or is he's in his 80s. Biden before him was in his 70s. So, like, oh, Gen X get skipped. If James gets skipped. If Gen X just gets skipped.

But that's what we wanted, man. We didn't want it. What's Rubio? Just like, nobody. Gen X? Rubio, is he Gen X or millennial? He might be Gen X. I don't know.

Cruz is that. Cruz would be the Gen Xer. And Cruz, that makes sense because we all went to high school with Cruz. And he was like the debate team guy and the like. Yeah, there's a picture going to run a Cruz wearing a, um, what band? Oh, Rush. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Rubio is Genet.

I'm sorry, Patrick. We interrupted you, though. Yeah. No, no, no, no. So it gave me a second to think. So really what's happening is they believe that, you know, it's not healthy to keep, to not keep working. That to retire means that they're going to probably die because they have nothing to live for. And it's true.

I mean, there's an element of that. And we should, you know, look toward our elders who have something to deliver. But they also should be stepping down and giving other people a shot. when it comes to things like this. They should be becoming American- American- That's the most ridiculous thing I've ever heard. And not just like running-

They should be stepping down for the greater good because that's always happened. For the greater good. That's... It has. It has always happened. It has typically happened. No, these, there's also so many boomers, right?

And this is the problem with millennials as well. Because if you look at, if you look at Gen X, part of what explains this is specifically our moment of Gen X, that the early 70s part of it, right? You had three factors that made birth rates really low. You had the Vietnam War, you had the pill, and you had Roe v. Wade, that all kind of came at once. Wasn't there free love, though, then if you recall, yeah, but if you have the pill and Roby Wade, then you can have all the free love that you want, right?

So if you recall, like, when we were in high school and you think about what a REACH school was in 1992 or 1993, A reach school was basically like an Ivy, UVA, Michigan, maybe a cow. That's it. Like everything else is kind of up for grabs, right? 10 years later, when, you know, my brother-in-law was graduating from the same high school, Vanderbilt's a reach school. And that's not an attack on Vanderbilt. It's just that there were so many more people applying.

University of Texas is a reach. Absolutely. Like, that's exactly what he's saying, exactly true. Like, it is, there's so many schools for kids to say, I can't really get into that one, which is wild. that that's happening. And it's meant to rise. By the way, this is part of the, this is part of the SEC's,

football is a big part of it as well, but like Georgia's a good school. Yeah. But when we were kids, Georgia was not a good school. I mean, it was a school. It was a fine school. But like out of stateers go to Georgia. It's a good school.

That wouldn't have been the case back then. Yeah. And people make, I mean, first of all, I wrote a column about Sean Duffy. God bless him. I'm like, you know, I don't know that I would feel.

forbid my son from going to an Ivy League school. I wouldn't pay for it, not that I could anyway. But I think that's part of it. It's like you look at these Ivy League schools and you're like, I'm not sending my kid to Columbia to go like wear a kaffia and storm around the quad. I'm sending my kid somewhere to go learn something. Are millennials? You said millennials. Are they as big as baby boomers?

They're pretty big. I don't know. Some of them can maybe look it up. But I think statistically there are maybe not as many millennials as boomers, but a lot more. Yeah. And we're doing millennial. It would be like 80 to what, 95, 90. I know. Well, here's what caught my attention about what Patrick has worked up about this one. Senior citizens outnumber young kids across the world for the first time in human history. Elon Musk is really the only one on this. But population decline is a real thing. And by the way, I think the latest stat I saw is it's everywhere. Like everybody talks about third world countries. They're the only place where it's booming. No, it's down there too. It's down everywhere.

Um, and, you know, I think it's your heart. You're a Malthusian, Patrick. I kind of think that you are. And what I said this, meaning it's, you know, a Malthusian, there's limited resources. We got to split them up. There's only so much it's going to go downhill. Okay. But, um, this is bad news. First of all, Medicare and Social Security are done and dusted if this is the way it's going to be. Like if the whole thing is predicated on birth rates. And so I don't know how those two things continue. You know, I don't know. I was looking at this this morning, and I was wondering if maybe greater life expectancy plays into this to some degree. But I don't know. In a negative way. In a negative way. Yes, yes, yes.

But that's part of the explanation. When they did it, it was 65, you were living to 75. You were on Medicare for 10 years. Now you're on it for 20 years. I think it's the ability to get pregnant older, too, because people would think of a week. Meanwhile, I think child death has been fairly level over the past, like, 50 or 60 years. So I learned this recently, and I really didn't know it, but like, when you look at life expectancy prior to 1800, right? We all assume, well, you know, the average guy was probably dying around 55 or 60.

No. No, it's factoring. If you manage to, yes, if you managed to make it to 16 or 20, you had a really good chance to get to 70. So, but yeah, no, it's not, we need, we need more kids. Like, I'm not offering, but like, no, because the ultimate, the problem is, dude, you're doing everybody's part. The ultimate currency in civilization is idea generation. That's the, in the end, that's all this is.

That's what an economy is. I got an idea for a product. I got an idea for service. I got an invention. I got an innovation off an existing invention. Whatever. It's ideas. And ideas need people because it's a volume game.

It's an absolute volume game on ideas. And so if we have fewer people, that is regression. Yeah. It is economic regression. You have fewer consumers, fewer products, fewer everything. Like these guys try to make everyone. No, there's more for everybody. No, that's not how it works.

It doesn't work that there's a fixed pile of inventions or a fixed pile of money. That's socialist thinking that you just got to redistribute. It's a matter of creation. And the fewer people we have, the less creation that we have. I just disagree with the premise to get to breakthroughs Yeah so My point is

And I'm not a Malthusian by any means I'm saying If we're gonna have fewer people Just because boomers were a thing That is probably not gonna happen again for a long time That's an outlier They weren't that many more than millennials by the way Really?

Yeah, it's close To 79 million is baby boomers Millennials 72 to 73 million My point I mean Where's Gen X? Gen X. Gen X is 65 million. Big lull.

See, that's a big, that's a big role. Yeah. I'm sorry, Patrick. Yeah. So you're going to have, you're going to have changes in the economy. You're probably going to lose the socialistic aspects of things because we can't support it. But my point is that you can have fewer people still and still have ideas and still have creation because creation isn't necessarily like when you create, you know, the, the, the, the, you know, the, the, the, you know, the. forklift and then it takes one guy what it took ten guys to do before like those things

you know uh multiply you know people and so like you don't necessarily by having fewer people have less wealth but the idea the idea is what you need the guy says i got an idea what if we had this machine that lifts up the hay bale we don't have to have 10 guys in order to get that idea, you need more heads. Now, the argument could be, well, I'm shipping heads that might not have those ideas. Well, I'm not arguing for unfettered immigration. Which one B visas. You keep taking it there.

I'm not arguing for unfettered migration. I know that some would argue that. I do know that. But I'm not arguing that. I'm arguing to have babies. Sure. You're doing your job. Babies have great ideas.

And that's what, and that's what Vance is arguing, right? And that's what, that's what this, you know, that's what the proposed. that we were talking about earlier is like, is meant to do. It's hard. I mean, look, the think tank cats are going to tell you, and they have been saying this, that we looked at Orban, we looked at Hungary,

we looked at all of these things that, and they say, well, it doesn't work. Okay, well, first of all, I mean, Orban's been in power for, what, less than a decade? It's a little, maybe soon to tell. But that goes back, that goes back to this argument. But I like what you're saying about, like,

Like, just as a society encourage having kids, because I think specifically in regard to women, and this was very much the experience of Gen X, everybody said, you're crazy if you have a kid before you're 30. Yeah. And that was the attitude. Kind of, yeah. I mean, my friend group, I think the first baby, and this was in New York, I think they were maybe 29 or 30. And that was like, whoa. Right. And even getting married.

Like, I was the first one who got married in my friend group. I guess so. But that's what people tell them so. No, I just, yeah, I know, I don't think it's that. I think it was this. Yeah, but there's a, but specifically for women, there's also the factor of like, this is going to get in the way. That no matter what, like, you're going to have to take time off.

You're going to have to like. And it is going to get in the way. And it is going to get in the way. And so, and we've tried to balance that. And it, and, you know, it's not easy. It just isn't easy. And now, you know, so you have the members of Congress who are saying, I'm a new mom. I should be able to vote proxy. And that creates this challenge of like,

do we want new moms in Congress? But do we want Congress people who actually show up to their job? But I guess my point is this population decline thing is probably the biggest story with the least amount of attention. Like on a global scale, yeah, that's fine. Like the innovation thing we're talking about, but on a national level as well. And it's not dystopian. It's not just look at Japan. Like, another. words, we don't have to project a sci-fi novel of the future. Look at Japan. Look at Italy. These are declining societies. That's what they are. Italy and Europe is largely a museum at this point. It's a museum. You just go to see how it used to be. And Japan is totally and utterly stagnated

in living in anime world while pleasuring themselves. Well, these women, these younger women, are proud of not having kids now. There's girls I've gone on date like, I'm never having kids, and that's okay, and I'm okay with it. And they're outwardly, like, you don't have to have kids. You don't have to have kids. And they're telling themselves these things, women to women, younger, from Gen Z to millennial, and it's okay. I felt that way as a guy through most of my 20s.

It really wasn't until I was into my 30s. That was like, okay, maybe this is like a thing to do because it's just how we came up. It was like, you know, my parents were 20 and 22 when they had me, right? Like, I went to law school classes with them. But that was in 1974, like that's what you did, right? Yeah. That was not what you did in 1995. You did not bring your baby to class.

Right. No. No. Now, I will say this is somewhat regional as well, because, again, living in West Virginia, I see a lot more 20-somethings with two or three kids. I mean, my goodness, when I go to Mass in West Virginia, there's, I don't know how these people did. They're like 35 years old.

They've got five kids. So there are people who are doing. it. But that's a lot easier to do in West Virginia. I imagine it depends on what. Are there young people with kids? Like 26 to 28 having kids? I bet in Bernie there are.

Yeah. Yeah. Absolutely. Even urban Dallas, even more so than New York. You're like New York, you got to leave, Dan. You got to get out of that city. I know. No one around me is having kids.

I don't know. I barely know anyone that has kids and I'm 38 years old. was crazy after that after that first after that first couple that we we had a friend group of about five or six couples we were sort of like in the arts and in in various different things we were kind of like crazy people right and they had their first kid i'll never forget the first birthday party because they also had we unbeknownst to us they had this whole other group of friends who had kids yeah but we were invited to the first birthday party and there's a guitar player and there's all these people holding their babies and there's Like nine of us in the back, like, with drinks. Yeah. Being like, what do we do? What are we doing here? Like, what are we supposed to do?

Like, one of my buddies is like, you know, was it bad for me to bring a bag? And I'm like, dude. Like, yeah. Like, you can't do that. And that's what happened. I can definitely see. Yeah, not the place for it, you know. All right, college football's back.

We're going to go. What do you want to talk? Is there anything to talk about? SMU, Florida State playing. Looks good. With the power outage. Arch looks great. Michigan steals a victory.

Notre Dame's going to win it all. And we got Texas. We got Texas Ohio State this weekend. That's a big one. That's now college football's on. Now it's off. West Virginia won too. You want to hear the crime.

I like how you're representing West Virginia. Oh, wait. I won't be here to hear it. So, never mind. You're predicting a loss for Texas over a Ohio State? Yeah, it happened last year. It probably will happen again, you know. My boss is an Ohio State guy, like went to Ohio State, like, you know.

Who's your boss? Greg, my editor. Okay. Big Ohio State guy. Yeah. They love to tell you about it. Yeah. Hopefully that heat will be on them like it has been down here to bring this full circle.

That Texas game was 2.30 in the afternoon, 105 degrees. That should be illegal. That is so dumb. That should not be. Flip on the South should be after 7 o'clock, period. Has to be. Not should. to be.

Yes. Yeah, but as I found out last night trying to read my book at 8.30 at night, it's still 90 degrees. By the way, before you, is hot, is Austin, Texas, is that got to be the hottest place in the country to play? Keep the music going down. Is that where, kids, are a hotter place? Arizona?

Tucson, maybe. Maybe Tucson? Yeah. What's the hottest place to play? It's got to be Austin. So, climate change, huh? That's right. Don't have your babies.

about it. That'll do it for us today. Thanks to David Marcus. Check him out at Fox News Digital. Be here all week for the Republican National Convention. We'll see you again next time. Listen to ad-free with a Fox News podcast plus subscription on Apple Podcasts. And Amazon Prime members, you can listen to this show, ad-free on the Amazon Music app.