Breaking News from Pod Save America - NEW REPORT: Trump Claims NO LIMITS to His Global Power

Episode Date: January 9, 2026

Tommy & Ben break down Trump’s claim that the only thing that can constrain his use of US military, diplomatic and economic power is his “own morality” and “own mind” in a new New York Times interview. Also covered: Trump’s dismissal of international law, the global shift to “spheres of influence” and how Russia and China might be emboldened by Trump’s lawlessness, the Senate’s passage of the War Powers Resolution, comments that explain the real reason Trump wants to take Greenland, and his indifference over the prospect of a new nuclear arms race. Finally, why Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard was shut out of the Venezuela operation, and the moral vacuum that is JD Vance. Go to https://www.cookunity.com/CROOKED for 50% off your first order. Thanks to CookUnity for supporting the show! CHAPTERS 0:00 - Trump's New York Times interview 16:34 - Ad break 17:20 - Trump interview cont. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

All right, Brent, President Trump just sat down for an extremely consequential and frankly quite frightening interview with the New York Times. And we wanted to quickly walk you guys through what he said and what the implications are of those statements. So Trump talked about the operation against now former Venezuelan President Nicholas Maduro. What if any message he thinks the Venezuela raid sends to Russia and China, why he's obsessed with taking Greenland and not just putting troops there, his indifference to the expiration of a treaty that limits the number of nukes in the U.S. and that Russia that we both can have and a lot more. We're also going to quickly update you on congressional efforts to prevent another Venezuela invasion and then how Tulsi Gabbard, the Director of National Intelligence,

has been completely sidelined out of all Venezuela planning. But first, the big takeaway from this interview is that Trump doesn't think that anyone or anything can constrain him when it comes to foreign policy. I'm going to read quickly from the Times right up of this interview now. asked in a wide-ranging interview with the New York Times, if there are any limits on his global powers, Mr. Trump said, yeah, there is one thing, my own morality, my own mind, it's the only thing that can stop me. I don't need international law, he added, I'm not looking to hurt people. When pressed further about whether his administration needed to abide by international law, Mr. Trump said, I do,

but he made clear that he would be the arbiter of when such constraints applied to the United States, quote, it depends on what your definition of international law is, he said. Ben, a lot to chew on there. I don't feel great knowing that Trump's like the only thing that can prevent Trump from invading more countries is his morality and mind. How about you? Yeah, it's not great, Tommy. I mean, you have to remember that the entire reason that international laws exist is that there has to be a standard by which nations make decisions about when they can go to war. They have to respect sovereign territory. When they go to war, they have to follow certain rules so that civilians aren't unduly and unjustly harmed and punished. But Tommy, the thing that was most chilling to

me is that those international laws were written with a man like Trump in mind. Right, in the wake of the Holocaust. Exactly. The reason you have to write, laws like that is because people like Trump come along who are intent on ignoring them. And look, when Trump says that the only thing guiding him is his sense of morality, that makes me feel worse, not better. I would have rather he said nothing because. Not Thomas Aquinas over there. You know, not a real moral guy. So the point, and we all knew this and felt it intuitively, and we could see it, he ignored international law and Benzbollah. He ignored international law when he bombed Iran. There was no basis for that.

Yep. In Nigeria, all these places. But to hear him say it just kind of confirms like the headline of this entire week is that we are now operating without a net. You know, I mean, it just feels like we've kind of let go of the trapeze and we're in the air. And there's just no net below us except for Trump's morality. Yeah. I think both of us on Saturday were like, look, everyone is glad that no one was killed in this operation. like we'd far rather it be a success than a failure or something wrong.

Like the fact that like getting rid of Maduro, like he's a bad guy, like no one's arguing that. But Trump clear, like they say in the piece, Trump sounded more emboldened than ever. He cited the success of his strike on Iran's nuclear program. He keeps a model of the B2 bombers used in the mission on his desk. And he also cited the speed with which he decapitated the Venezuelan government last weekend. Like he is living in a paradigm where he thinks there are no constraints on him. and he has not ever felt a cost from aggressive military action, even if it goes against his previous

comments, even if all these people around him once would have told him that regime change wars and toppling, you know, dictators randomly is a bad idea. He's psyched about it. And also there's all these reports now about, you know, the U.S. essentially trying to take control of Venezuela's national oil company, which, you know, like set aside. So any argument about this human right, this operation being about human rights went out the window when you left the entire Maduro regime in place. But any argument about this helping the Venezuelan people goes away when we are just going to take control of all the profits from their oil and maybe even take their energy companies, which Trump is just overtly saying. Yeah. I mean, he has clearly caught the empire bug.

You know, I mean, that's what's happening in Venezuela. This is like the fucking East India company. Right. Literally. And you literally like, you know, there can be some local administration. but we will take all of your resources and profit from them. I mean, that's the definition of empire, right? So that's what this is. And what's really alarming, and that's why I don't even think Maduro being a bad guy because it wasn't even about that. It's about, that's why nobody should feel like reluctant to condemn this thing just because

Maduro is a bad guy. I think building empires, that's again, that's why they wrote those rules. They wrote those rules knowing the international law that sometimes there'd be bad rulers, but they'd rather you'd not invade the country unless you were like attacked, you know, unless there's a real clear basis, right? So he's got the empire bug. And the other thing that bugs me, Tommy, is that, you know, part of the reason, what's interesting about his positive reinforcement loop on the Iran strikes in Venezuela

is that they weren't popular with voters, right? Like the initial, none of the initial polling on Venezuela suggests a majority of people are supportive. And some are as low as like three and ten Americans. supporting this, right? Yep. And overwhelming majorities don't want the U.S. to control Venezuela going forward, like 60, 70%.

Which he says it's going to do, right? So what's interesting is he's not getting positive reinforcement from public opinion. No, it's elites. Well, that's exactly my point. Like the media, this is a moment for media and elite criticism, right? Because the media loves a good military operation. And, you know, they love the generals standing up there and they love the picture of Maduro, like in cuffs, you know, coming off the helicopter.

And so they kind of give this, you know, Netflix response to something that is inherently positive, right? Like even if the, even if the, you know, some of the voiceover on TV is like, and they're big questions of what's going to happen next, like Trump is this kind of TV mindset where he just gets this positive feedback from that. And to your point about elites,

there's this kind of scrupulous effort to kind of sanewash what Trump's doing or to, you know, focus on how bad Maduro is and not on kind of how bad empire is, right? And frankly, to not be comfortable, you know, and this is an awkward thing to say, but to not be comfortable with the fact that, again, I'm not saying that Maduro is a good guy here, he's not, but that America might not be the good guys. Like, like, we might not be acting as the good guys, you know, not, that's, by the way, do be clear, that's not the people carrying out the mission. This is the thing. This is the key thing. This slippery fucking thing the Republicans do and the media falls into sometimes is

they equate the success of the operation, the professionalism and bravery of the U.S. military with whether the operation was a good idea, whether the policy is sound, whether it was legal. And that drives me insane because, again, like we said, J-Soc, Special Forces, Delta Force, Navy SEALs, they will win every battle we ask them to fight. That doesn't mean that it's always a good idea to ask them to do so. And it's like I don't feel like it's hard to hold those two things at the same time, those two thoughts. Yeah.

And again, it's not those service members, but you can consider whether the United States is acting as the good guy around the world. And so I think he gets this kind of positive reinforcement from the media coverage and some of the elite opinion that skews that way and kind of some of that national security minded people in his own party who like when he, like Lindsey Graham when he does stuff like this. And so all he's hearing about is how great he is. But the problem is if he doesn't respect guardrails, he's getting positive reinforcement from this stuff. And he likes it when it happens. You're going to get more of it. And I will say to entertain like his case, maybe sure, none of these things has gone horribly wrong yet. Yeah.

But the thing is, you know, horribly wrong would be like if a helicopter crashed on this mission. But it's not the things are, he may have already done things that are going to make things go horribly wrong. Exactly. You know, like Venezuela could be in a fucking civil war in six months. We don't know. Like the, and so just because we haven't, and we should all have lived this from all of our regime change wars in 21st century, just because he feels like the early returns on like bombing Iran and Venezuela and Nigeria seem good and cost free. First of all, there were costs. A bunch of people died in all those places. But also, like, I think there are negative consequences that are really coming. I truly believe this from what. Trump's doing. And so that's why, going forward, Congress, the media, elite opinion, needs to take this interview and be like, you know what, we can't just kind of act like this is normal and give this constant feedback loop that just keeps getting us deeper into this. Yeah. So these reporters, the Times reporters pressed him on the precedent that was set through the Venezuela operation and what

message it might send to Russia or China or that they might take away from it. Basically, Trump was, he kind of dismissed the idea that China or Russia could use similar logic to take. actions that might be to our detriment. They say, quote, on topic after topic, he made it clear that in his mind, U.S. power is the determining factor and that previous presidents have been too cautious to make use of it for political supremacy or national profit. Trump also tries to argue that the threat from Maduro was real and that, you know, whatever Xi Jinping and the Chinese think of Taiwan is totally different. He says, quote, this was a real threat, he said of Venezuela. You didn't have people pouring into China. You didn't have drugs pouring into China. You didn't have all the bad things that we've

had. You didn't have the jails of Taiwan opened up and the people pouring into China, already said later criminals and others pouring into Russia. When a reporter noted that Mr. Xi regarded Taiwan as a separatist threat to China, Mr. Trump said, that's up to him. What he's going to be doing? But you know, I've expressed to him that I would be very unhappy if he did that and I don't think he'll do that. I hope he doesn't. So Ben, I mean, look, two thoughts on this. First of all, like, I feel like because there was no debate about what was happening in Venezuela beforehand. We just kind of like skipped over the conversation about whether removing Nicholas Maduro served like a core national security interest of the United States. Right,

because he never raised it. And the media talked about it because it's almost after the fact. And it's like the, I think the answer was self-evidently no. And it's certainly no if you just kind of like remove the top of the pyramid and leave the rest of the pyramid there. I mean, it's kind of just kind of like continue operating as is. But second, I mean, ever since Saturday, my question has been, does this like idiotically named Donro Doctrine mean that Trump recognizes spheres of influence for the U.S. and for Russia and for China? And clearly he thinks he is emperor of the Americas. I also think it's pretty clear that he doesn't really care what Russia does. He doesn't care if they carve up Ukraine. He might not even care if he, you know, if they go after

Baltic countries or small European countries or even parts of NATO because he doesn't seem to care about NATO. But my question has always been, what about China? For a while, I think we've thought that Trump was okay with the Chinese taking Taiwan, or at least would be willing to trade it away for an economic deal. But there's been a question in my mind, like, okay, what about these disputed island chains that are claimed by Japan, where, you know, and where there's been conflict between Japan and China. And that's an instance where, like, the U.S. has a treaty obligation to defend Japan if they are attacked. And Trump only mustering, like, I'd be unhappy if Xi Jinping took Taiwan. And I certainly hope he doesn't do it.

that can't make anyone in Asia feel much better or feel like, you know, the protection they once thought they had from the United States is worth all that much. Yeah, that's right. I mean, because, I mean, first of all, Putin could say, we're going to, you know, abduct Zelensky, right? Or to your point, if he feels like there's a real spheres of influence world, you know, he could, there could be some, like, you know, pro-Russian separatists in Latvia, right? and he could abduct the leader and, you know, help kind of, you could see all these scenarios.

Or the president of, you know, Armenia or Moldova or, you know, like any of these places, Transnistria. Because the core point is that Trump is signaling and everything he does and says that he sees the world and spheres of influence and what we care about is a Western Hemisphere. And they actually said that explicitly in that national security strategy, too. Yep. And so if the Chinese, you know, are like, you know, we're going to knock off Taiwan and we're going to start to work our way up the Japanese island. chain. I just don't think today, like the people in those countries can think about their security anyway like they probably did a week ago, you know, because he's signaling that that's the world we're living in. And look, that's a seismic shift. And it's been building. We've been talking about

all year. But again, the thing that worries me is that that line that haunts me from what you read was, you know, that we were reluctant to use our national power for, what was it, national profit and political supremacy. Think of that. Yeah. Because on the surface, you might be like, well, of course, but no, no, that's the definition of an empire. Like political supremacy and using your power for national profit.

Now, sure, of course, the United States uses its power to advance its interests, but there's, you know, agreed upon limits on what you're allowed to do on behalf of profit and supremacy, right? Like you play within the rules. And we're essentially saying now we're out of that, you know. And Russia and China, of course we're going to take that lesson. Like, like, they have every incentive to take that lesson. Why would they choose to say, you know what, we're going to continue to try to.

And Russia's been more, you know, China has actually not been as flagrant as Russian breaking those rules. But like, why would they be like, okay, we're going to keep playing, you know, with 10-yard first downs, you know, with four downs? Certainly I think to read this and think, like, let's start testing this. You know, why not test this guy a little bit? And like, man, the stakes are pretty high. It was like 50,000 U.S. troops living in Japan. Like a lot of ways that could go badly, Ben. We should note that on Thursday, the Senate voted 52 to 47 to advance a bill that if passed

inside into law would block Trump from taking further military action in Venezuela without congressional approval. Now, this will never become law because they'll need a final passage in the Senate and then in the House and then the White House would just veto it. But Trump was furious. he said a Republican should be ashamed of the Republican senators who voted with Democrats and that they should, quote, never be elected again, three chairs for that. Specifically, he named Susan Collins, Lisa Murkowski, Rand Paul, Josh Holly, and Todd Young. But I don't know, Ben, like, it's a moral victory, but it was good to see the Senate actually

voting on this this week. Yeah, it was. And I think the warning, and when people say, like, well, what can people do about this? You keep talking about empire and all those things. I mean, this is the main thing. If Congress can reassert its authority around the use of force and take steps to constrain him and set up, you know, he may try to ignore it, but then fine, set it that legal fight. You know, that's a meaningful and legal way to try to deal with this. And Tommy, what I thought was interesting is, you know, Collins and Murkowski fine. But Josh Hawley, like that's magapopopopulism, right? That's who he is. That's, okay, that's beginning. to show up. You know, Rand Paul, you expect. JD Vance would have been on that list if that fucker hadn't, like, sold out everything he believed to get to be vice president. And Todd Young, I don't know what that's about.

I know nothing about him. Couldn't pick him out of the line. I don't know anything about that guy. But the point is that you're starting to see, like, it's small numbers, but like the damn could break. And the fact that you have, you have the libertarian thing in Paul, the MAGA thing in Holly, and then the kind of worried centrist thing in Collins Murkowski, those are warning signs for Trump. I hope so. Look, it's pretty depressing to see the way the polling is shifted and like the sort of hardcore MAGA people just come home, yeah. Become for whatever Trump is for. But of course, you know, that is polling that has been done on day one when everything looks great and rosy and you don't know what it's going to look like six months from now. So we'll find out. Potsave America is brought

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Taste comfort and craftsm chip and every bite from the award-winning chefs behind Cook Unity. Go to cookunity.com slash crooked or use code Crooked to get 50% off your first order. that's 50% off your first order at cookunity.com slash crooked or use the code crooked. There was a lot of talk about Greenland specifically. I'll quickly summarize it. So Trump was pressed on whether it was more important to get Greenland or keep NATO together. And he just wouldn't answer directly. He acknowledged, quote, it may be a choice. So he seems to get it, even if Lindsey Graham doesn't. It was not enough for him that the U.S. has a right under a treaty dating back to 1951 to reopen a bunch of close.

military bases on Greenland. He said he wanted to own the territory. These are quotes now. Ownership is very important. When asked why he needed to possess the territory, he said, quote, because that's what I feel is psychologically needed for success. I think that ownership gives you a thing that you can't do with, that gives you a thing that you can't do with, you're talking about a lease or a treaty. Ownership gives you things and elements that you can't get from just signing a document. God, it's hard to read his direct quotes because they're so all over the place. So I think, Ben, like, that really gives the game here about what we're talking about. This is not about security. This is not about the Arctic. It's not about minerals or oil or gas. It is Trump's psychological need to be seen as successful

through like this measurement of did you expand the physical territory of the United States. And because Greenland is three times the size of Texas, this is a huge psychological win for him. Therefore, he is willing to unravel NATO to get this thing. It is about him. It is not about our security. Yes. It kind of confirms, it's very useful because it confirms in two directions. Like, as you said, it obliterates the idea that there are these other rationales, national security or some critical minerals. And it also obliterates the notion that every time like Marco Rubio goes out, or somebody goes out and tries to kind of walk it back a little bit and make it sound like it's going to be done diplomatically, you know, every single time Trump opens his mouth on this thing,

it gets more aggressive. And you're right. He wants to. He wants to. it because he's an aging autocrat who wants a legacy. And most aging autocrats often say, like, well, if I can make the country bigger, you know, that's the ultimate legacy. And it's a big piece of land. And it's the most available big piece of land in the world to Trump, at least. It shouldn't be available to anybody, but that's how he sees it. And again, what it reconfirms is this is not going away. Like, he clearly really cares about this. And it doesn't feel like, you know, some people coming to talk to him or the Europeans putting out a strongly worded written statement on this while they kiss his ass and other things is going to work. And so just buckle up people

because this Greenland thing is going to one way or another, it's going to happen and come to a head. And either he's going to get sufficient pushback within and outside of this country or he's going to lead us into yet another fucking new era. Yeah, I mean, but psychologically we're talking more like Alexander the great Napoleon kind of Genghis Khan vibes. Yeah, Putin. Yeah, Putin and Ukraine. past president. The Times also asked him about the fact that basically the last remaining nuclear nonproliferation treaties are about to expire. Those put these key limits on the number

of deployed nukes and nuclear warheads the U.S. and Russia can have. Here's how the Times wrote that up. He seemed unconcerned that the last major nuclear arms control agreement with Russia was set to expire in four weeks, leaving the world's two largest nuclear powers free to expand their arsenals without limit for the first time in half a century. Quote, if it expires, it expires, he said, we'll just do a better agreement. He added insisting that China, which has the fastest growing arsenal in the world, should be incorporated in any future agreement. Again, as we've talked about in the show many times, Ben, like the thing you can't, you can't fix the toothpaste, can't go back in the tube on nukes. It's actually a really big deal.

I mean, you know, under Eisenhower, right, they made this pivot to trying to just, you know, win the Cold War through this drastic ramping up in nuclear arms race. You get to a point where the U.S. and Russia have like, what, 10, 20, 30, 34. 40,000 nukes apiece. People like Ronald Reagan finally realized that this was suicidal. And you have a Cuban missile crisis. You have a Cuban missile crisis. You know, like there's been a long bipartisan history of supporting nonproliferation efforts and getting the number of nuclear weapons in the world down to a number that is still insane, frankly, but is less insane. And now we've got Trump being like, I don't give a shit. And by the way, let's incorporate the Chinese

who don't want to be a part of these talks until they feel like they're at parity. So we're just going to like, I guess, ra-dog it through the nuclear world going forward now. Well, that's the thing, because there are two things you lose when these treaties go away. Like, one, to your point are the limits. And, you know, at a time of rising geopolitical conflict, I'd like there to just be less nuclear weapons instead of more, you know. And two, though, is kind of monitoring and verification, right? So part of all these agreements is you have the ability to go in and look at your advantage. nuclear sites and make sure that they're not cheating and have, you know, there's a lot of dialogue

that goes with that too. So you understand one another and what you're doing with your nuclear weapons. And if that goes away, then we're in a world in which there are no limits on what people are developing in terms of nuclear weapons, the numbers and the kinds of nuclear weapons, and there's no visibility one more another at the precise time that we're worried about the risk of war going up, Right. So again, not to scare people here, but maybe I am. I mean, this is not the time you want to do away with any nuclear weapons treaties. And yeah, not a good recipe. And also, like, there is still a pretty hot war happening between Ukraine and Russia. And we are a party to it. We're providing intelligence support or providing weapons. It's serious stuff. Last little thing from this interview. Trump, like, they were just sort of like going through all the ways Trump just was arguing that he's, you know, in charge of everything. And I guess he said he raised the possibility that if his. tariffs were struck down by the Supreme Court, the ones he issued under emergency authorities.

He would just repackage them as licensing fees, which I think is something we all kind of anticipated. But it is funny for him to give the Supreme Court the middle finger just days, maybe one day before they offer a ruling. It would be nice if, you know, the court would read that and maybe had some balls. Yeah, well, you know, they're like, you know, those justices, those right-wing justices are just like, you know, everybody from European leaders to American law firms to Marie Machado, right? Like, you spend years kissing this guy's ass, and, you know, then he's ultimately just going to give you the backhand anyways. So it's like, what's, so congratulations, Supreme Court. Way to be.

You gave this man all the power so that he could just humiliate you. Yeah. Great. Yeah, you worked your whole career to become the most powerful, you know, judicial figure on the planet. And now you got none. Last thing, Ben. So I can't remember if we talked about this on the two episodes we did on the Venezuela operation. But it was pretty conspicuous the way both J.D. Vance and Tulsi Gabbard were just absent from all the kind of White House propaganda around the Venezuela operation. Now, J.D. was out there immediately trying to spin it and say how great he was. We know he doesn't feel that way. And on some level, like, who gives a shit if the VP was there or not?

Like, he has no role. He's just a fucking, you know, dude in a suit watching the screens with everybody else. But the Director of National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, she should be central to the planning and execution of a mission like this because it was such an intelligence-based operation. And she is the principal intelligence advisor to the president and should be the one like kind of laying down the briefing at national security meetings and oversees the intelligence agency. So her not being around was crazy. Now, we know why. In the past, Tulsi has said she opposes regime change wars. She specifically has said the U.S. needs to stay out of Venezuela.

She attacked warmongers pushing the U.S. into conflict. And we now know, thanks to some reporting that came out today from Bloomberg and the Wall Street Journal, that rather than bring Tulsi into these talks, debate with her, maybe like use her opposing views to sharpen Marco Rubio's view that regime change is good, they just cut her out of the process. Bloomberg says that White House aides joked that her title, the DNI, stands for. for do not invite to Venezuela meetings. They said she was excluded from the planning of the operation. So over the course of months, the director of national intelligence was not part of this, the planning of this operation. The journal, I think, pointed out that when Trump and his team met to do like the kind of

final preparations, that was like the same day or right around the time that Tulsi posted social media photos of herself on the beach in Hawaii doing yoga. So just to let her like look humiliated. There was a senior administration official who said Gabbard had no need to know about the Venezuela operation and that Rupio in particular wanted her out of the loop. She didn't even comment on it in any way until Tuesday on social media. And remember back during the Iran strikes when she had honestly told Congress that Iran hadn't restarted its nuclear weapons program, Trump was asked about it and he said, I don't care what she said. So just a pretty remarkable, Ben, for her to be cut out of all. this stuff, and then also for the White House and all Trump's underlings to just absolutely knife her

in these stories. Yes. And it does make you wonder who's running the intelligence community, right? Because somebody is, I mean, to your point about the operation, this would have involved a heavy CIA component, obviously. They had spies on the ground. They were flying drones and doing stuff, according to reports. A heavy NSA component, I'm sure. I'm sure they're intercepting a lot of communications inside of Venezuela. A heavy like overheads, a satellite. imagery capability, which is multiple intelligence agencies. So the point is the whole function of the DNI is to coordinate all that stuff, right? And this, this night raid was basically the textbook case of that. Someone clearly is running it because like, you know, they didn't make a

mistake. That's not what I'm saying, but it's certainly not Tulsi. So I'm just kind of curious he's running things. And then to your, this, look, Tulsi Maga, which exists, again, Trump is showing you. He's just not the anti-interventionist guy. Like, Tucker, it's not just Tulsi. It's Tucker Carlson, who's a big Tulsi backer. You know, like, those people need to get the message that Trump does not give a shit about, you know, one of the main reasons you were voting for. Yeah. If she had any dignity, she would resign, but I doubt it. Last thing, just because why not, we're talking. I think both of us spent some time this morning watching J.D. Vance go to the White House podium. He spent most of his time attacking the media, but also a woman named Renee Nicole Good, who's

a 37-year-old woman who was killed by an ICE officer in Minnesota yesterday. She's a mother of three. It's got a 15-year-old kid, a 12-year-old kid, and a six-year-old son who are now, you know, don't have a mom or in one case or orphaned because the six-year-old's dad is dead too. And have a government calling that mom a terrorist. Yeah, J.D. Vance called her a deranged leftist. Christy Noem called her a domestic terrorist. And I just, you know, like you and I were talking before this, this is exactly what Putin does. right like he lets you know some government thug kill a citizen uh and then calls them a terrorist as a way to defend what was indefensible and um it's just really chilling it's chilling stuff

like to watch that video to read about this woman having a six year old kid and like it's just gutting to you as a parent to imagine your child like going through life without their parents going forward like especially me imagining my kids going through life without without Hannah right like it's like unimaginable unthinkable unthinker. But then to be this person's family and to wake up and to see this video, to see how this shooting did not have to happen in any way. This ice guy just executed her from the side of the car and then behind the car. And then to see the vice president of the United States and the Secretary of Homeland Security

attack your kid, call them terrorists. It's just like, I don't know a country right anymore. Yeah, because sometimes you think to yourself, well, you know, past governments, American governments have done bad things or things I disagree with. And with this crowd, it's both that they're doing certain things that go beyond anything we've seen, but also that they're conducting themselves in a way that we've never had people in these offices conduct themselves, including Trump in his first term. I mean, to go out there and call someone who you just killed, and you killed this person because of not just that officer, but this.

whole policy of ICE confronting people. We've been saying for months, this was going to get someone killed. And then you lie about it based on what we can see, at least on the video. And then you attack the woman. I mean, that's a level of conduct that is so malevolent and absent any morality. Humanity. Humanity. Yeah. Anything. Morality. And where we, yeah, where we began with like Trump in a sense of morality, right? And so it just was chilling to me. And coming the same week, we're talking about the Venezuela thing. Tommy, I was just like, fuck, man, this week we decapitated a foreign country instead of we're running it. And then a citizen gets killed by like a domestic militia and called the terrorists. Like, that's not, you know, those two things together feel, you know,

like Russia. It feels like Putin. Yeah, it feels like Russia. It feels like Putin. Yeah. It's, it's horrible. Anyway, light note to end on. Thank you for watching this episode of POTSave the World here on YouTube. Please subscribe to POTSave the World here on YouTube. We are trying to grow the show. We're trying to reach as many people as possible. YouTube is filled with right-wing crap from Ben Shapiro and TPP USA and all this garbage. And when you subscribe to POTSA of the World on YouTube, you help us get good information into the YouTube algorithm.

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