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A Brief History of Forestry by Bernhard Eduard Fernow audiobook. Genre: history Originally developed from a series of lectures delivered to students at the Yale Forest School, Bernhard E. Fernow's A Brief History of Forestry offers a brisk, wide-ranging survey of how societies learned, often the hard way, to manage forests as more than an endless frontier. Writing as a leading early forester and educator, Fernow begins with the forest world of the ancients and then traces the slow emergence of laws, institutions, and practical methods meant to curb waste and secure future timber supplies. He devotes special attention to Germany, following changes in ownership, forest use rights, administration, and the rise of silviculture, mensuration, and professional training. From there, the narrative widens across Europe and beyond, comparing national approaches in Austria-Hungary, Switzerland, France, Russia and Finland, the Scandinavian states, and the Mediterranean region, then moving to Great Britain and its colonies, including India and Canada, as well as Japan and Korea. The closing sections turn to the United States, examining early conditions, the pressures of settlement and industry, and the first steps toward public forest policy and forestry education. Throughout, Fernow emphasizes long time horizons, cause and effect, and the recurring patterns that shape conservation debates. For ad-free listening try our premium subscription Chapters (Approximate) (00:00:00) Chapter 00 (00:05:16) Chapter 01 (00:18:15) Chapter 02 (00:43:58) Chapter 03 (01:24:18) Chapter 04 (02:11:33) Chapter 05 (02:56:11) Chapter 06 (03:51:14) Chapter 07 (04:46:54) Chapter 08 (05:35:56) Chapter 09 (05:47:01) Chapter 10 (06:19:39) Chapter 11 (07:12:22) Chapter 12 (07:45:39) Chapter 13 (08:29:49) Chapter 14 (08:44:36) Chapter 15 (09:22:32) Chapter 16 (09:37:03) Chapter 17 (09:45:59) Chapter 18 (09:58:55) Chapter 19 (10:10:38) Chapter 20 (10:35:03) Chapter 21 (10:53:11) Chapter 22 (10:59:53) Chapter 23 (11:26:09) Chapter 24 (12:18:47) Chapter 25 (13:11:59) Chapter 26 (13:21:15) Chapter 27 (13:46:31) Chapter 28 (13:48:44) Chapter 29 (14:08:12) Chapter 30 (14:33:19) Chapter 31 (15:11:32) Chapter 32 (15:23:27) Chapter 33 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for now. Preface to the second edition. It has been a great surprise, and also a great gratification to the author, to see the first edition of this volume exhausted within less than two years since its appearance in complete form. The gratification has come especially because of the opportunity thus afforded of revision, improvement in style, and correction of the many inaccuracies which the first edition contained, excusable only by the manner in which, as explained

in the preface of the first edition, the volume had come into existence. Only in a few cases has it seemed desirable to expand, since the object of the book is not to be complete, but to give as briefly as possible an oversight over a rather large field. The chapter on France has, however, been entirely rewritten and considerably enlarged to meet the just criticisms of reviewers, the excellent work of Huffel, full of historical data, which was not available when the first edition was printed, permitting a clearer and fuller statement to be made. As long as history is in the making, a book of this kind can hardly be brought up to date. This should especially be kept in mind by the reader in regard to the statistics brought in,

since these are only to serve in general to show the magnitude of the interests involved, they may without damage be only approximately accurate and even of older date. Some of the chapters have been submitted for criticism and corrections to correspondence in the various countries to which they refer, for the kindly assistance of these friends, thanks is due from the author. Toronto, October 1911, B. E. Fernow. Preface to the first edition. This publication is the result of a series of 25 lectures, which the writer was invited to deliver before the students of forestry in Yale University as a part of their regular course of

instruction during the session of 1904. Circumstances made it desirable, in the absence of any existing textbooks on the subject to print at once, for the sake of ready reference, the substance of the lectures while they were being delivered. This statement of the manner in which the book came into existence will explain, and, it is hoped, excuse the crudities of style, which has been also hampered by the necessity of condensation. The main object was to bring together the information, now scattered and mostly inaccessible to English or American readers, the style has been sacrificed to brevity. It is a book of expanded lecture notes. In the nature of the case, the book does not lay claim

to any originality, except in the manner of presentation, being merely a compilation of facts, gathered mostly from other compilations, official documents, and journals. For none of the countries discussed does a complete work on the history of forest, and forestry exist, excepting in the case of Germany, which can boast of a number of comprehensive works on the subject. It was therefore possible to treat that country more in extensso. Moreover, it appeared desirable to enlarge upon the history of that country, since it is preeminently in the lead in forestry matters, and has passed through all the stages of development of forest policies and forestry practice, which, with more or less very very much very, very

must be repeated in other countries. Especially the growth of the technical science and art of forestry, which has been developed in Germany for a longer time, and to a more refined degree than in other countries, has been elaborated in the chapter relating to that country. For some of the other countries available sources of information were quite limited. The writer believes, however, that for the purpose of this brief statement,

the data collected will be found sufficient. In order to make conditions existing in the different countries and their causes more readily understood, it appeared desirable to give very brief historic references to their political and economic development and also brief statements of their general physical conditions. Present conditions of forest policy and forest administration have sometimes been enlarged upon beyond the requirements of historical treatment. Ithaca, New York, May 1907, B. E. Furnow.

End of the prefaces of A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard Furnow. Recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 1 of A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard Furnow. This Libravox recording is in the public domain. Introductory The value of studying the historical development of an economic subject or of a technical art which, like forestry, relies to a large extent upon empiricism,

lies in the fact that it brings before us in proper perspective, accumulated experience, and enables us to analyze cause and effect, whereby we may learn to appreciate the reasons for present conditions and the possibilities for rational advancement. If there be one philosophy more readily derivable than another from the study of the history of forestry, it is that history repeats itself.

The same policies and the same methods which we hear propounded today have at some other time been propounded and tried elsewhere. We can study the results, broadening our judgment and thereby avoid the mistakes of others. Nowhere is the record of experience and the historic method of study of more value than in an empiric art like forestry.

in which it takes decades, a lifetime, nay a century, to see the final effects of operations. Such study, if properly pursued, tends to free the mind from many foolish prejudices, and particularly from an unreasonable partiality for our own country, and its customs and methods, merely because they are our own, substituting the proper patriotism, which applies the best knowledge were ever found to our own necessities. Forestry is an art born of necessity, as opposed to arts of convenience and of pleasure. Only when a reduction in the natural supplies of forest products,

under the demands of civilization, necessitates a husbanding of supplies or necessitates the application of art or skill or knowledge in securing a reproduction, or when unfavorable conditions of soil or climate induced by forest destruction make themselves felt does the art of forestry make its appearance. Hence, its beginnings occur in different places at different times, and its development proceeds at different paces.

In the one country, owing to economic development, the need of an intensive forest management and of strict forest policies may have arrived, while in another rough exploitation and wasteful practices are still natural and practically unavoidable, and such differences, as we shall see, may even exist in the different parts of the same country. The origin and growth of the art, then, is dependent on economic and cultural conditions, on various economic development, and on elements of environment. The development of the art can only be understood and appreciated through the knowledge of such environment,

of such other developments as of agriculture, of industries, of means of transportation, of civilization generally. Hence we find, for instance, that England, located so as to be accessible by sea from all points of the compass, and within oceanic shipping well developed, can apparently dispense with serious consideration of the forest supply question. Again, we find that more than a century ago,

fear of a timber famine agitated not only the dense populations of many European countries, but even the scanty population of the United States, in spite of the natural forest wealth, which is still supplying us, and not without good reason, for at that time wood was the only fuel and rivers the only means of transportation. Hence, local scarcity was to be feared and was not unfrequently experienced when accessible forest areas had been exploited. Railroad and canal development and the use of coal for fuel changed this condition on both continents. Now, with improved means of transportation by land and by sea, the questions of wood supply and of forestry development, which at one time were of very local concern, have become world

questions, and he who proposes to discuss intelligently forest conditions and forestry movement in one country must understand what is going on in other countries. as will appear from the study of the following pages, with the exception of some parts of central Europe, or of some sporadic attempts elsewhere to regulate forest use, the development of the forestry idea belongs essentially to the 19th century, and more especially to the second half, when the rapid development of railroads had narrowed the world and the remarkable development of industries and material civilization,

called for increased draft on forest resources. Yet, we are still largely ignorant as to the extent of available forest area, not only in this country but elsewhere. We do not know whether it be sufficient in extent and yield to furnish a continuous supply for the needs of our civilization, or, if not, for how long a time it will suffice. We can only make very broad statements as to question, of wood supply, and very broad inferences from them as argument for the need of a closer study of forest conditions and of the practice of forestry.

One, practically, the northern temperate zone alone produces the kinds of wood which enter most largely into our economy, namely, the soft conifers and the medium hardwoods. Most of the woods of the tropics are very hard, fit primarily for ornamental use, and hence less necessary. Possibly a change in the methods of the use of wood may also change the relative economic values, but at present the vast forests of the tropical countries are of relatively little importance in the discussion of wood supply for the world. 2. The productive forest area of the temperate zone in which the industrial nations are located has continuously decreased. We shall not be far from wrong in stating this area liberally to be at present around 2,500 million acres. Note, the total forest area of the world is supposed to be 3,800 million acres. Namely in Europe, 800 million acres, in Asia,

800 million acres. In North America, 900 million acres. How much of this acreage contains available virgin timber? How much is merely potential forest? How much growing crop? It is impossible to state. Number three. The civilized wood-consuming population of this territory is about 500 million. Hence, the per capita acreage is still five acres. Taking the European countries, which, now have to import all or part of their consumption, excess over exports, we find that their population is estimated at 180 million, and that they use 30 cubic feet of wood per capita, of which 12 cubic feet is log timber, or altogether they use 2,200 million cubic feet of this latter description, of which they import in round numbers 1,000 million, at a cost of about

$250 million, their forest acreage of 100 million acres being insufficient to produce, even under careful management, as in Germany, more than two-thirds of their needs, and the wood consumption in all these nations is growing at the rate of 1.5 to 2% annually. 4. The deficiency is at present supplied by the export countries. Russia, Sweden, Norway, Austria-Hungary, Canada, and United States. And these countries themselves, also increasing their consumption, are beginning to feel the drain on their forest resources, which are, for the most part, merely roughly exploited.

5. If we assume a log timber requirement by the 500 million people of 6,000 million cubic feet, and could secure what France annually produces, namely a little less than nine cubic feet of such timber per acre, the area supposed to be under forest would amply suffice. But a large part of it is in fact withdrawn from useful production, and of the balance not more than 250 million acres at best, are as yet under management for continuous production. Hence, attention to forestry is an urgent necessity,

for every industrial nation. The history of the forest in all forest countries shows the same periods of development. First, hardly recognized as of value or even as personal property. The forest appears in undesirable encumbrance of the soil, and the attitude of the settler is of necessity inimical to the forest. The need for farm and pasture leads to forest destruction.

The next stage is that of restriction in forest use and protection against cattle and fire, the stage of conservative lumbering. Then come positive efforts to secure regrowth by fostering natural regeneration or by artificial planting, the practice of silviculture begins. Finally, a management for continuity, organizing existing forest areas for sustained yield, forest economy is introduced. that the time and progress of these stages of development and the methods of their inauguration vary in different parts of the world is readily understood from the intimate relation which, as has been pointed out, this economic subject bears to all other economic, as well as political developments. At the present time, we find all the European nations practicing forestry, although with a very varying degree of intensity, the greatest,

and most universal development of the art is for good reasons to be found in Germany and its nearest neighbors. Early attention in Forest Conservancy was here, induced by density of population, which enforces intensity in the use of soil, and by the comparative difficulty of securing wood supplies cheaply enough from outside. On the other hand, such countries as the Mediterranean Peninsula's by their advantageous situation with reference to importations, with their mild climate and less intensive industrial development, have felt this need less. Again, the still poorly settled and originally heavily timbered countries of the Scandinavian Peninsula and the vast empire of Russia are still heavy exploiters of forest products and are only just beginning to feel the drain on

their forest resources, while the United States, with as much forest wealth as Russia, but with a much more intensive industrial development, has managed to reach the stage of need for a conservative forest policy in a shorter time. From each of the European countries, we learn something helpful towards inaugurating such policies, and while owing to a different historical background and to different political and social conditions, none of the of their administrative methods and measures may appeal to us. The principles underlying them as well as those underlying their silvicultural methods remain the same. They are applicable everywhere, and can best be recognized and studied in the history of their development.

End of Section 1, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 2 of A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for now. This Libravox recording is in the public domain. The Forest of the Ancients Bautgichista des Altertumes by August Ziedenstichekha, 1886 in two volumes, page 863, is a most painstaking compilation from original sources of notes regarding the forest conditions and the knowledge of trees,

forests, and forestry among the ancients, contains also a full bibliography. The vault-wirtch der Rheme, by J. Trurich, collects the knowledge especially of arboriculture and silver culture possessed by the Romans. Fost-wisanshiplis Leishtung of Outgrisian by Dr. Chloros in Fostvlishes Central Blatt, 1885, pages 8. Archaeology forestale del antiques story a jurisprudenza forestall in Italia, by A. de Berengue, 1859 The forest was undoubtedly the earliest home of mankind, its edible products forming its principal value.

Its wild animals developed the hunter, the chase first furnishing means of subsistence and then exhilaration and pleasure. Next, it was the mast, and in its openings the pasture which gave to the forest its value for the herder, and only last, with the development into settled communities and more high,

civilized conditions of life, did the wood product become its main contribution toward that civilization. Finally, in the refinement of cultural conditions in densely settled countries, is added its influence on soil, climate, and water conditions. Although there is no written history, there is little doubt that these were the phases of an appreciation of woodlands in the earliest development of mankind, for we find the same phases repeated in our own times, in all newly settled countries. As agriculture develops, the need for farming ground overshadows the usefulness of the forest in all these directions, and it is cleared away. Moreover, as population remains scanty, a wasteful use of its stores forms the rule, until necessity

arises for greater care in the exploitation, for more rational distribution of farm and forest area, and finally, for intentional reproduction of wood as a useful crop. Correspondingly, forest conditions change from the densely forested hills and mountain slopes during the age of the nomad and hunter, to the enclaves or patches of field and pasture enclosed by the forest of the first farmers, then follows the opening up of the valleys and lowlands, while the hill and mountain farms may return to forest. And finally, With the increase of population and civilization in valleys and plains, a reduction of the forest area and a decrease of forest wealth results.

1. Forest Conditions While we have many isolated references to forest conditions and progress of forest exploitation among the ancients in the writings of poets and historians, these are generally too brief to permit us to gain a very clear picture of the progress of forest history. except in isolated cases, they furnish only glimpses, allowing us to fill in the rest to some extent by guess. That the countries occupied and known to the ancients, even Spain and Palestine, were originally well-wooded, there seems little doubt.

Although in the drier regions and on the drier limestone soils, the forest was perhaps open, as is usual under such conditions, and truly arid, forest. Regions were also found where they exist now. Although it has been customary to point out some of the Mediterranean and eastern countries as having become deserts and depopulated through deforestation, and although this is undoubtedly true for some parts, as Mount Lebanon and Syria, generalization in this respect is dangerous. We know, however, that by the 11th century before Christ, in Palestine, Asia Minor, and Greece, especially in the neighborhood of thriving cities. The forest cover had vanished to a large extent, and building timber for the temples at Tyre and Cydin had to be brought long distances from Mount Lebanon, whose wealth of cedar was

also freely drawn upon for ship timber and other structures. Although about 465 BC, Artexerxes the first, having recognized the pending exhaustion of this mountain forest had attempted to regulate the cutting of timber the exploitation had by 33b. C. progressed to such an extent that Alexander the Great found at least the south slope exhausted and almost woodless. The destruction by acts and fire of the celebrated forests of Sharon, Carmel, and Bashan is the theme of the prophet Isaiah, writing about 590 BC, and the widespread devastation. of large forest areas during the Jewish wars is depicted by Josephus. In Greece, the Persian wars are on record as causes of widespread forest destruction,

yet in other parts as on the island of Cyprus, which originally densely wooded, had rapidly lost its forest wealth during Cleopatra's time through the development of mining and metallurgical works, shipbuilding and clearing for farms. The king seemed to have been able to protect the rich. remnants for a long time, so that respectable forest cover exists even to date. The Romans seem to have had still a surplus of ship timber at their command in the third and second centuries before Christ, when they did not hesitate to burn the warships of the Carthaginians in 203 BC and of the Syrians in 189 BC, although it may be that other

considerations forced these actions. denuded hills and scarcity of building timber in certain parts are mentioned at the end of the third century before Christ, and that the need for conservative use of timber resources had arrived also appears from the fact that when, in 167 BC, the Romans had brought Macedonia under their sway. The cutting of ship timber in the extensive forest of that country was prohibited. Although at that time the Roman state forests were still quite extensive, it is evident that under the system of renting these for the mast and pasture and for the exploitation of their timber to companies of contractors,

their devastation must have progressed rapidly. Yet, on the whole, with local exceptions, Italy remained well-wooded until the Christian era. In Spain, according to Diodorus Siculus, about 100 BC, the southern provinces were densely wooded when about 200 BC, the Romans first took possession. But soon after a great forest fire starting from the Pyrenees ran over the country, exposing deposits of silver ore, which invited a large influx of miners, the cause of reckless deforestation of the country.

The interior of this peninsula, however, was probably always forestless, or at least scantily wooded. While through colonization, exploitation, fire, and other abuse, the useful forest area was decimated in many parts. The location of the Mediterranean Peninsula countries was such that wood supplies could be readily secured by water from distant parts, and the Lignorriai or wood merchants of Italy

drew their supplies even from India by way of Alexandria. They went for ash to Asia Minor, for cedar to Cilicia. Paphligonia, Liguria, and Maurania became the great wood export countries. It is interesting to note that a regular wood market existed in Rome, as in Jerusalem, and at the former place firewood was sold by the pound, 75 cents per 200 pounds in Cicero's time. At the same time that the causes of devastation were at work,

the forest area also increased in some parts. recovering ground lost during wars and through the neglect of farms by natural seeding, much less by active effort, although planting of trees and parks, vineyards, and groves, was early practiced to a limited extent. 2. Development of Property As to development of forest property, we have also only fragmentary information. Nomads do not know soil as property. when they became settled farmers, the plowland, the vineyard, or olive grove, and orchard

are recognized as private property, but all the rest remains common property or nobody's in particular, and even the private property was not at first entirely exclusive. Hence, for a long time, and in some parts even to date, the exclusive property right in forests is not fully established. At least the right to hunt over all territories, without restriction, was possessed by everybody, although an owner might prevent undesirable hunters from entering his property if it was enclosed. The setting aside of hunting grounds for private use came into existence only in later Roman times.

But woodland parks, planted or otherwise, like the paradises of the Persian kings and the Nimora of the Romans and Carthaginians, were early a part of the private property of princes and grandees from which others were excluded. Forests formed a barrier and defense against outsiders, or a hiding place in case of need, hence we find in early times frontier forests, or as the Germans called them, Grenzmachn, set aside or designated for such purposes and withdrawn from use, and sometimes additionally fortified by ditches and other artificial barriers. Even before the Grensmachn, of the Germans, the forest was used by the Greeks, Romans, and still

earlier among Asiatic tribes, to designate the limit of peoples, as well as to serve as a bulwark against attacks from invaders. Again, the pantheistic ideas of the ancients led to consecrating not only trees, but groves to certain gods. Holy groves were frequent among the Greeks and Romans, and also among other pagans, The Jews, however, were enjoined to eradicate these emblems of paganism in the promised land with axe and fire, and they did so, more or less, removal and reestablishment of holy groves varying according to the religious sentiment of their rulers. Altogether in Palestine, the forests were left to the free and unrestricted use of the Israelites.

Out of religious conceptions in priestly shrewdness arose church property and farms, and forests among the Indian Brahmins, the Ethiopians and Egyptians, as also among Greeks and Romans. It appears that the Oriental kings were exclusive owners of all unappropriated or public forests. This was certainly the case with the princes of India and of Persia, and such ownership can be proved definitely in many other parts as in the case of the forests of Lebanon, of Cyprus, and of various forest areas in Asia Minor. That in the Greek republics the forests were mainly public property seems to be likely, for Attica at least, this is true without doubt.

While the first Roman kings seemed to have owned royal domains which were distributed among the people after the expulsion of the kings, the public property which came to the Republic as a result of conquest was in most cases at once transferred to private hands. either for homesteads of colonists, or in recognition of services of soldiers and other public officers, or to mollify the Concord, or by sale or for rent, not to mention the rights acquired by squatters. The rents were usually farmed out to collectors, publicani, or to corporations formed of these. Levy, however, mentions also state forests in which the cutting was regulated,

probably by merely reserving the ship timber. That occasionally single cities and other smaller municipal units owned forest properties in common seems also established. Private forest properties connected with farm estates existed in Ethiopia, in Arabia, among the Greeks and among the Romans at home as well as in their colonies, especially pasture woods, Saltus, connected with small and large estates, Latifundia, into which probably most forest areas near settlements were turned, are frequently mentioned as in private ownership, but also other private forests existed.

The institution of servitudes, or rights of user, Usus and Usus Fructus, and a considerable amount of law regarding the conditions under which they were exercised and regarding their extinguishment, were in existence among the Romans in the first century, of the Christian era. 3. Forest use. Restrictions in the use of woods were not entirely absent, but with the exception of reserving ship timber in the state forests, they refer only to special classes of forest.

In the frontier forests reserved for defensive purposes, timber cutting was forbidden, and in the holy groves set aside by private or public declaration, no wood could be cut thereafter, being in the latter case considered nobody's property, but sanctified and dedicated to religious use, res sacra, and whoever removed any wood from them was considered a patricide,

except the cutting be done for purposes of improvement, thinnings, and after a prescribed sacrifice. With the extension of Christendom, the holy trees and groves became the property of the emperors, who sometimes substituted Christian holiness for the pagan, and retained the restrictions which had preserved them. Thus, the cutting and selling of Cyprus and other trees in the Holy Grove near Antioch,

and of Persia trees in Egypt, generally, which had been deemed holy under the pharaohs, was prohibited under penalty of five pounds gold, unless a special permit had been obtained. In Attica, as well as in Rome, the theory that the state cannot satisfactorily carry on any business was well established. Hence, the state forests were rented out under a system of time rent, or a perpetual license. The renters, after exploiting the timber, usually subletting the culled woods merely for the pasture, except where coppice could be profitably utilized. The officials with titles referring to their connection with the woods, as with the

Roman seltuari or the Greek, Hylroy, forest guards, and Velici Silvarum, the overseers, both grades taken from the slaves had hardly even police functions. Forest management proper, in other words, regulated use for continuity, except in coppice, seems nowhere to have been practiced by the ancients, although arboreculture in artificial plantations was well established, and occasionally even attempts at replacement in forest fashion seem to have been been made deliberately. Not only were many arborecultural practices of today well known to them,

but also a number of the still unsettled controversies in this field were then already subjects of discussion. The culling system of taking only the most desirable kinds, trees, and cuts, which until recently has characterized our American lumbering methods, was naturally the one under which the mixed forest was utilized. Fire used in the pasture woods for the same purpose, as with us, effectively prevented reproduction in these, and destroyed gradually the remnants of old trees. Only where, for park and hunting purposes, some care was bestowed upon the woodland, was reproduction purposefully attempted as, for instance, when in a hunting park in underwood was to be established for game cover. The treatment of the coppice and methods of sewing and

planting were well understood, in spite of the lack of natural sciences. Whatever forestry practice existed was based merely on empirical observations, and was taught in the books on agriculture as part of farm practice. Silva culture was mainly developed in connection with the coppice, which was systematically practiced for the purpose of growing vineyard steaks, especially with chestnut, castanetum, oak, Cresitum, and willow, salacetum, while the arbustum

denoted the plantings of trees for the support of grapes, and incidentally for the foliage used as cattle feed, still in vogue in modern Italy. This planting of vine supports was done with saplings of elm, poplar, and some other species, by palarding and by a well-divised system of pruning.

These were gradually prepared and maintained in proper form for their purpose. The coppice seems to have been systematically managed in Attica, as well as in Italy in regular fellings. The mild climate producing sprouts and root suckers readily without requiring much care. Even conifers, cypress and fur, reproducing in this manner. The oak coppice was managed in seven-year rotation, the chestnut in five-year and the willow in three-year rotation. Yield in profitability were discussed, and the practice of thinnings is very-year rotation. known, but only for the purpose of removing and using the dead material.

Forest protection was poorly developed. Of insects little. Of fungi, no knowledge existed. Hand-picking was applied against caterpillars, also ditches into which the beetles were driven and then covered. The use of hogs in fighting insects was also known. That goats were undesirable in the woods had been observed. Some remarkable, procoving,

Physiological knowledge, or rather philosophy, existed. It was recognized that frost produces drought, and that a remedy is to loosen the soil, errating the roots, to drain or water as the case might require, and to prune, but also sap-letting was prescribed. Against hail, dead owls were to be hung up, against ants, which were deemed injurious, ashes with vinegar were to be applied,

or else in ass's heart. Curiosities in wood technology were rife and many contradictions among the wood sharps existed, as in our times. Only four elements, earth, water, fire, air, composed all bodies. The more fire in the composition of a wood,

the more readily it would decay. Spruce, being composed of less earth and water, but more fire and air, is therefore lighter than, oak, which, mostly composed of earth, is therefore so durable. But the latter warps and develops season splits, because, on account of its density, it cannot take up readily and resist the penetration of moisture. Wood impregnation, supposed to be a modern invention, was already practiced. Cedrium, cedar oil, being used as well as a tar coating or immersion in seawater

for one year to secure greater durability. 4. Literature. As regards literature, we find in Greece, besides what can be learned incidentally from the historians Herodotus and Xenophon, and from the natural history of Aristotle, the first work on plant history and wood technology, if not forestry in 18 volumes by Theophrastus,

390 to 286 BC, a pupil of Aristotle and Plato. Among the role, Romans, besides a number of historians, at least three writers before Christ discussed in detail agriculture, and in connection with it, tree culture, namely, Cato, 234 to 149 BC, who wrote in excellent work de Re Rustica in 162 chapters, Varro, 116 BC, also de Re Rustica in three books, and Virgilius Maro, 70, 19 BC, who, in his Georgia, records in six books the state of knowledge at that time.

Of the many writers on these subjects who came in the Christian era, there are also three to be mentioned, namely, Kajus Plinius Major, 2379 AD, who in his Historia Naturalis and 37 books discusses also the technique of silver culture. Lucius Junius Moderatus Columola, about 50 AD, with 12 books, De Re Rustica in one book De Orbouribus, the former being the best work of the ancients on the subject,

and Palladius, writing about 350 AD, 13 books, De Re Rustica, which in the original and in translations was read until past the Middle Ages. Only a few references

which exhibit the state of knowledge on arborecultural subjects among the Romans, as shown in this literature, may be cited. Some of which knowledge was also developed in Greece, and found application, more or less, throughout the Roman Empire from India to Spain. Nursery practice was already well-known to Cato, while Varro knew, besides

sewing and planting, the art of grafting and layering, and Kalumala discusses in addition pruning and pollarding, which latter was practiced for securing fuel wood, and the propriety of leaving the pruned trees two years to recuperate before applying the night. again. The method of wintering acorns and chestnuts and sand, working them over every 30 days and separating the poor seed by floating in water, was known to Kalumala, and indeed he discusses nursery management with minute detail, even the advantages of transplants and of doubly transplanted material. The question whether to plant or to sow, the preference of fall or spring planting with distinction for different species and localities are matters under his consideration,

and preference of sowing oak and chestnut instead of transplanting is pointed out and supported by good reasons. Pliny, the Humboldt of the ancients, recognizes tolerance of different species, the need of different treatment for different species, the desirability of transplanting to soil and climatic conditions similar to those to which the tree was accustomed, and of placing the trees as they stood with reference to the sun. But, to be sure, he also has many curious notions, as for instance, his counsel to set shallow-rooted trees deeper than they stood before, his advice not to plant during rain or windy weather, and his laying much stress on the phases of the moon as influencing results.

While then the ancients were not entirely without silvicultural knowledge, indeed, possessed much more than is usually credited to them, the need of a forest policy and of a systematic forest management in the modern sense had not arisen in their time. The mild climate reducing the necessity of fuel wood and the accessibility by water to sources of supply for naval and other construction, delaying the need for forest production at home. There is little doubt that some of the agricultural and silvicultural knowledge and practice of the Romans found entrance among the German tribes, who especially the Alamani, came into contact with the Romans in their civilized surroundings during the fourth century. End of Section 2, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 3 of A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for now. this Libravox recording is in the public domain. Germany

Besides a dozen or more earlier histories of forestry in Germany, some of which date back to the beginning of the 19th century, there are two excellent modern compilations, namely, History of Walsdaegendum and the Waldwirtschild and

forestwisanship in Germany by August Bernhard 1872 to 75 3 volumes 1,062 pages A classic

which treats especially extensive of political and economic questions having a bearing on the development of forestry and

Handbook of Furs and Yacht History Dutchlands by Adam Schwabach 1886, two volumes 892 pages, which appeared as a second edition of Bernhardt's history abridging the political history and expanding the forestry part.

This volume has been mainly followed in the following presentation of the subject. In condensed form, this history is also to be found in Lorry's Handbook de Faust Wissenschaft. 1888. Volume 1, Pages 1, 43 to 210. In Schwabak's history, a full list of original sources is enumerated. These are, for the oldest period, Roman writings which are unreliable, the laws of the various German tribes, the laws of kings, capitularia, the laws of villages and other territorial districts,

vice-humor judgments, inventories of properties, especially of church, churches and cloisters, documents of business transactions and chronicles. For the time after the Middle Ages, the most important source is found in the forest ordinances of princes and other forest owners, forest laws, police orders, business documents, and finally, special literature. It is generally conceded that both the science and art of forestry are most thoroughly developed and most intensively applied throughout Germany. It must, however, not be understood that perfection has been reached anywhere, in the practical application of the art, or that the science which, like that of medicine,

has been largely a growth of empiricism, is in all parts safely based, nor are definitely settled forest policies so entrenched that they have become immutable. On the contrary, there are still mismanaged and unmanaged woods to be found, mainly those in the hands of farmers and other private owners. There are still even in well-managed forests practices pursued which are known not to conform to theoretical ideals and others which lack a sure scientific foundation. And while the general policy of conservative management and of state interest in the same is thoroughly established. The methods of attaining the results are neither uniform throughout the various

states which form the German Federation nor positively settled anywhere. In other words, the history of forestry is still, even in this most advanced country, in the stage of lively development. For the student of forestry, the history of its development in Germany is of greatest interest, not only because his art has reached here the highest and most intense of application, but because all the phases of development through which other countries have passed, or else will eventually have to pass, are here exemplified. And many, if not most of the other countries of the world, have more or less followed German example, or have been at least influenced by German precedent.

There is hardly a policy or practice that has not at some time, in some part, been employed in the fatherland of forestry. One reason for this rich historical background is the fact that Germany has never been a unit, that from its earliest history it was broken up into many independent, and until modern times, only loosely associated units, which developed differently in social, political, and economic direction. This accounts also for the great variety of conditions existing even today in the 26th century. principalities which form the German Empire.

Politically, it may be mentioned that out of the very many independent principalities into which the German territory had been divided, variable in number from time to time, the 26 which had preserved their autonomy formed in 1871, the Federation of States known as the German Empire. Each of these has its own representative government, including the Forest Administration, very much like the state governments of the United States. Only the army and navy, tariff, posts, telegraphs, criminal law and foreign policy, and a few other matters are under the direct jurisdiction of the empire, represented in the

Reichstag, the Bundest, and the Emperor. The 208,830 square miles of territory, which supports a population, of about 60 million people, still contain a forest area of around 35 million acres, 26% of the land, or 0.61 acre per capita, which although largely under conservative management has long ago ceased to supply by its annual increment, somewhat over 50 cubic feet per acre, the needs of the population. The imports during the last 50 years since 1860, when Germany began to show excessive imports over exports, having grown in volume at the average rate of 10% to now round 380 million cubic feet, $45 million, or nearly 15% of the consumption.

The larger part of Germany, two-thirds of the territory and population, is controlled by modern Prussia, with a total forest area of 20 million acres. Bavaria comes next with one seventh. of the land area and 6 million acres of forest, the five larger states of Wurtenberg, Baden, Saxony, Mecklenburg, and Hesse, occupying together another seventh of the territory with 5 million acres of forest. The balance of the area is divided among the other 19 states. 50% of Germany, roughly speaking, is Plains Country,

the larger part in the northern and eastern territory of Prussia, 25% is hill country, mostly in West and Middle Germany, and 25% is mountain country, the larger portion in the southern states. There are at best only five species of timber of high economic general importance, the Scotch pine, which covers large areas in the northern sandy plain, and the lighter soils in the south, the Norway spruce and silver fir which form forests and forests. in the southwestern and other mountain regions and represent, in mixture with broadleaf forest, a goodly proportion in the northeastern lowlands, the English oak of which botanically two species are recognized, and the beach. The last two are the most important hardwoods found throughout the empire, but especially highly developed in the west and southwest. In addition, there are half a dozen species of minor or more local importance, but the five mentioned form the basis of

the forestry systems. The history of development of forestry in Germany may be divided into periods variously. Bernhard recognizes six periods. Schwapak makes four divisions, namely the first from the earliest times to the end of the Hercarlovingians, 9-11, which is occupied mainly with the development of forest property conditions. The second, to the end of the Middle Ages, 1500, during which the necessity of forest management begins to be sporadically recognized. The third, to the end of the 18th century, during which the foundation for the development of all branches of forestry is laid. The fourth, the modern period, accomplishing the complete establishment of forestry methods in all parts of Germany. For the later historian,

it would be proper to recognize a fifth period from about 1863, when, by the establishment of experiment stations, a breaking away from the merely empiric basis to a more scientific foundation of foresty practice was begun. For our purposes, we shall be satisfied with a division into three periods, namely, first, to the end of the Middle Ages, when, with the Discoveries of America and other new countries, an enlargement of the world's horizon gave rise to a change of economic conditions. Second, to the end of the 18th century when change of political and economic thought altered the relation of peoples and countries. Third, the modern period, which exhibits the practical fruition of these changes. Part 1. From earliest times to end of Middle Ages.

Many of the present conditions, especially those of ownership, as well as the progress in the development, both of forest policy and of forest management, can be understood only with some knowledge of the early history of the settlement of the country. As is well-known, Aryan tribes from Central Asia had more than a thousand years before Christ begun to overrun the country. These belong to the Celtic, Celtic, or Gaelic race, which had gradually come to occupy partly or wholly France, Spain, northern Italy, the western part of Germany, and the British islands. They were followed by the German-I, supposedly a Celtic word, meaning neighbor or brother. Also, Aryan tribes, who appeared at the Black Sea about 1,000 BC, in Switzerland and Belgium about 100,000. B.C. These were followed by the Slavines, Slovak, or events, crowding on behind, disputing and taking possession of the lands left free by or conquered from the Germanai.

Through these migrations by about 400 AD, the whole of Western Europe seems to have been fully peopled with these tribes of hunters and herders. The mixture of the different elements of victors and vanquished led to differentiation into three classes of people. economically and politically speaking, namely the free, the unfree, serfs or slaves, and the freedmen, an important distinction in the development of property rights. One, development of property conditions. The German tribes who remained conquerors were composed of the different groups of Franks, Saxons, Turingians, Bajuvarians, Burgundians, etc.

each composed of families abrogated into communal hordes with an elected duke, duke's Herzog Graf first. Organized for war, each in itself a socialistic and economic organization known as Mach. Owning a territory in common, the members or Mach Gnosson forming a republic. Outside of house, yard and garden, there was no private property, the land surrounding the land surrounding the settlement known as Al-Mand, commons, was owned in common but assigned in parcels to each family for field use, the assignment first changing from year to year, then becoming fixed. The outlying woods, known as Maka or Grensfeldt, forming a debatable ground with the neighboring tribes, were used in common for hunting, pasturing, fattening of hogs by the oak mast, and for

for other such purposes, rather than for the wood of which little was needed. In return for the assignment of the fields, the free men, who alone were fully recognized citizens of the community, had to fulfill the duties of citizens, and especially of war service. Only gradually by partition, immigration, and uneven numerical development, was the original mock or differentiation into family associates. destroyed and a more heterogeneous association of neighbors substituted. At the same time, inequality of ownership arose especially from the fact that those who owned a larger number of slaves, the conquered race, had the advantage in being able to clear and cultivate more readily

new and rough forest ground. Those with slaves would seek assistance from those more favored, exchanging for rent or service their rights to use the land. Out of this relationship, a certain vassalage and inequality of political rights developed. Under the influence of Roman doctrine, a new aspect regarding newly conquered territory gained recognition, by which the Dukes, as representatives of the community, they'd claim to all unseated or unappropriated land. They then distributed to their followers or donated to the newly established church portions of this land, so that by the year 900 AD, a complete change in property relations had been affected.

By that time, the large baronial estates of private owners had come into existence which were of such great significance in the economic history of the Middle Ages, changing considerably the status of the free men, and changing the free mock societies into communities under the dominion of the barons. The first real king, who did not, however, assume the title, was Clovis, a Duke of the Franks, who had occupied the Lower Rhine country, about 500 AD, picking a quarrel with his neighbors, the Alamani, he subdued them and aggrandized himself by taking their mock. In this way, he laid the foundation of the army. for a kingdom which he extended by conquest, mainly to the westward, but also by strategy to

the eastward, the warlike tribes of Saxons and other Germans conceding in a manner the leadership of the Franks. A real kingdom, however, did not arise until Charlemagne and 772 became the ruler, extending his government far to the east. At times, the kingdom was divided into the western Neustria, and the eastern eastern. Austria, and then again united, but it was only when the dynasty of Charlemagne became extinct with the death of Louis, the child, 9-11, that the final separation of France was affected, and Germany became a separate kingdom, the eastern tribes between the Rhine and Elba, choosing their own king, Conrad, Duke of Franconia.

There were then five tribes or nations, each under its own Duke and its own laws, comprising this new kingdom, namely the Franks, Swabians, Bavarians, Saxons on the right, and Lorainers on the left bank of the Rhine, while the country east of the Alba River was mostly occupied by Slovenians. With Clovis began the new order of things which was signalled by the aggrandizement of kings, dukes, and barons. In addition to the rule regarding the ownership of unseated lands, there developed also under Roman law doctrine the conception of seniorial right, i.e. the power of the king to jurisdiction over his property. This right, first claimed by the Duke or king for himself, is then transferred with the territory, given to his friends and vassals who thereby secure for

themselves, his powers and jurisdiction, immunity from taxes and from other duties, as well as the right to exact taxes and services from others the favored growing into independent knights and barons. The forest then, originally was communal property, and the feeling of this ownership in common remains even to the present day. Indeed, actually it remained in most cases so until the 13th century, although the changes noted had their origins in the 7th century when the kings began to assert their rights of princely superiority. In these earlier ages, the main use of the forests was for the hunt, the mast and the pasture, and since wood was relatively plentiful, forest destruction was the rule. Those who became possessed of larger properties

who the causes mentioned tried to secure and increase the value of their possessions by colonization, in which especially the slaves or serfs were utilized. These often became freedmen, paying rent in product or labor, and acquiring the rights of usufruct in the property. out of which developed the so-called servitudes or rights of user, the praedium of the Romans, a limited right to use the property of another. With the development of private property, they're naturally also developed the right of preventing the hunting on such lands, this being then their main use.

This exclusive right to the chase or hunt, we find recognized as part of the, property of the kings and barons in the 8th century, when the king's forbade trespass under penalty of severe fines, the king's ban or interdiction, of 60 shillings being imposed upon the trespassers. Indeed, by the end of the 8th century, the word Faust, Worst, Forresta, which until then had been used merely to denote the king's property, was exclusively used to designate not necessarily woodland, the latter being referred to as Silva or Nymus,

but any territory in which the hunt had been reserved. This right to reserve the chase and the fishing, that is, to establish Banf forests, was in the 10th century extended by the kings the territory not belonging to them, the right to the chase being according to the rome, Roman doctrine a regal right over any property. Under this conception, fields and pastures, woods and waters, and whole villages with their inhabitants became inforested grounds.

The Norman kings imbued with a passion for the chase exercised this right widely, especially in England. The forests of Dean, Epping, and the new forest, being such inforested territories, the inhabitants of which were placed under special forest laws and adjudging by special forest courts. Presently, the king's right of ban was granted with the land grant to his barons and to the clergy. Ban forests also grew up through owners of properties placing themselves and their possessions under the protection of kings or bishops or other powerful barons, and giving an exchange this hunting right, and in various other ways.

At the same time, the headman of the Mach, Obermacher, Graf, Voltgraff, who from being elected officers of the people had become officials of the king, began to exercise by virtue of their office the jurisdiction of the king, and declaring the ban for their own or their friends' benefit, excluded the Macca from their ancient right to hunt and fish freely over the territory of the mock. While in this way the freedom of the communal owners was undermined, the institution of banned forests was nevertheless its value in that it led to forest protection, restriction in forest use, and restriction in clearing.

All this, to be sure, merely for the benefit of the chase. Special officers to guard the rights of the king, Forrestoriah, chosen from the free and freedmen, and also superior officers, forest masters, were instituted to administer the chase and enforce the restrictions which went with it. Gradually, with the loss of property rights, there came also a change in the political rights of the Merca or commoners, through the large barons interfering with self-government, assuming for themselves the position of Obermacher, appointing the officials and issuing strict forest ordinances to regulate the cutting of wood.

Finally, the original right which belonged to every commoner of supplying himself with wood material, became dependent upon permission in each case, and thus his title to ownership became doubtful. Undoubtedly, also through the influence of Roman institutions with which the Franks, under their Merovingian kings, came into close contact, there arose that social and political institution which became finally known as feudal system.

By the grants of lands which the kings made out of their estates to their kinsmen and followers, with the understanding that they would be faithful and render social. service to their masters, a peculiar relationship grew up based on land tenure, the land so granted being called a thief or feud, and the relationship being called vasality or vassalage. This vassalage denoted the personal tie between the grantor and the grantee, the lord and the vassal, the lord having the obligation to defend the vassal, and the vassal to be a faithful follower of of his lord. Similar relationships arose from the surrender by landowners of their estates to the church or to

other powerful barons, to be received back again as feasts and to be held by them as tenants in exchange for rent or service. In this way, a complete organization of society developed in which, from the king down to the lowest landowner, all were bound together by obligation. of service and defense, both the defense and service being regulated by the nature and extent of the fief. Finally, all kinds of property of whatever nature, as well as official positions which would give an income, were subject to be treated as fiefs.

The obligations of the recipient were of various nature, but finally service in army or court became the main one, giving rise to the class of knights, ritter, or barons, while the fiefs to the small farmer gave rise to the class of peasants, Bauern, this name appearing first in 1106 under Conrad II. The fiefs of the higher class, while at first given only to the individual, became early, hereditary, and hereditary succession to estates and offices generally became the rule. A promagenture in the succession to the estates did then not as in England prevail in Germany.

Instead, either tenancy in common or else equal division among the sons was practiced. As a result, the very many small principalities came into existence in the 14th and 15th centuries, these growing smaller and smaller by subdivision. The first institute the promagenture rule by life. law was the house of Brandenburg in the 15th century. In addition to the class of peasants and knights, there came into existence a third class of the Berger's, when by the order of Conrad I in the beginning of the 10th century, towns were built with walls and towers for defense against the encroachments of the Huns, who

endangered the eastern frontier mock. In order to encourage the settlement of these towns, any selection. The slave moving to town was declared a free man, and the cities became free republics. Gifts of land, including forest areas, were made to the cities and the development of industries was encouraged in every way. These cities, favored by the kings, and having become rich and powerful in the later quarrels of the kings with the lawless nobility, gave loyal support with money and arms. In return for their loans, the foresters'ers'ers' families.

properties of the kings were often mortgaged to the burghers, and failing of redemption were often forfeited to them. In this way, and through purchases, the city forests came into existence. Still, other property conditions arose when under Otto the Great, 960, colonization of the eastern country beyond the Elba was pushed. In these cases, the mock institution was absent, although the colonists did often become part owners in the king's forest, or acquired parts of it as common property, or else secured rights of user in the nearest royal forest. By the end of the period, due to these various developments, a great variety of property conditions in forest areas had developed, most of which continue to the present time, namely royal properties, which by the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th were in part to become state property, princely and lordly possessions under separate jurisdiction, with or without entail, and mostly

encumbered with rights of user allodial possessions held independent of rent or service, municipal possessions owned by city corporations, communal properties, the remnants of the Mock, and

farmers' woodlots Bauerwalt, resulting from partitions of the Mock. All these changes from the original communal property conditions did not, of course, take place without friction. The opposition often taking shape in peasants' revolts. Hundreds of thousands of these being

killed in their attempts to preserve their commons, forests, and waters free to all, to re-establish their liberty to hunt, fish, and cut wood, and to abolish tithes, serfdom, and duties. Two, forest treatment. As stated, the German tribes which settled the country were herders and hunters, who only gradually developed into farmers while the country was being settled. At first, therefore, as far as the forest did not need to give way to farmlands, its main use was in the exercise of the chase and for pasture, and especially for the raising and fattening of hogs, the number of hogs which could be driven into a forest serving as an expression of the size of such a forest. Oak and beach furnishing the

the mast were considered the preferable species. It is natural, therefore, that wood being plentiful, and the common property of all, the first regulation of forest use had reference to these, now minor benefits of forest property, as for instance the prohibition of cutting mass trees, which was enforced in early times. The first extensive regulation of forest use came, however, from the exercise of the royal right of the ban, and merely for the avowed purpose of protecting the chase. Real forest management, however, did not exist. The forest story I mentioned in these early times being nothing but policemen,

guarding the hunting rights of the kings or other owners. The conception that wood on the stump was of the same nature as other property and its removal, theft, had not yet become established. The queer non-res possessor said delineo agitur would not being a possessed thing, a conception which still pervades the laws of modern times to some extent. The necessity of clearing farmlands for the growing population continued, even in the western, more densely populated sections into the 12th and 13th century. The cloisters were especially active in colonizing and making farmland with the use of axe and fire.

Such cloisters being often founded as mere land speculations. Squatters, as with us, were a frequent class of colonists, and in eastern Prussia, continued even into the 17th and 18th centuries to appropriate forest land without regard to property rights. The disturbed ownership conditions, which we have traced, led also often to wasteful slashing, especially in the Western territory, while colonization among the Slavs of the Eastern sections led to similar results. In the 12th century, however, here and there appear the first signs of greater necessity

for regulating and restricting forest use in the mock forest, and for improvement in forest conditions with the purpose of ensuring wood supplies. In that century, division of the mock forest begins for the alleged reason that individual ownership would lead to better management and less devastation. In the 12th and 13th centuries also, stricter order in the fellings and in forest use was insisted upon in many places. In the forest ordinances of the princes and barons, which of course, have always reference to limited localities we find prescriptions like the following.

The amount to be cut is to be limited to the exact needs of each family, and the proper use of the wood is to be inspected. The timber is to be marked, must be cut in a given time and be removed at once. Only dry wood is to be used for fuel, and the place and time for gathering it is soon. specially designated. Similar to the present practice, the best oak and beach are to be preserved, this, however, merely with reference to the mast, and in the Alps we find already provisions to reserve larch and pine. The charcoal industry is favored because of easier transportation of its product, but permitted only under special precautions. Bark peeling and burning for Potash is forbidden. The pasture is regulated with regard to the young growth, and sheep and goats

are excluded. Such measures are, to be sure, found only here and there where local conditions give rise to a fear of a timber famine. Such communities may also be found making attempts to protect themselves against reduction of home supplies by forbidding the export of wood from their territory. An amusing restriction of this kind is found at Altenstadt, where the bakers were forbidden to bake bread for any but the citizens of the town. The first ordinance prohibiting for clearings is found at Lorsch in the Rhenish country in 1165, and other ordinances with such prohibition are on record in other parts in the 13th century. In 1237 at Salzburg, clearings were prohibited in the interest of the salt mines, quote, so that the cut forest may grow up to wood again, unquote. And also in other parts where mining interests made a special demand for props or charcoal,

the regulation of forest use was begun early. The difficulties of transportation in the absence of roads rendered local supply of more important, than at present. And this accounts for the early measures to secure more economical use, while distant woods were still plentiful but unavailable. While in the 12th and 13th centuries, a merely restrictive and regulatory, or else a let alone policy, quote, allowing the wood to grow up, unquote, prevailed. We find in the 14th century the first beginnings of an attempt at forest extension or recuperation. In 1309, Henry V. 7th ordered the reforestation of a certain stripped area by sewing.

Of the execution of this order, we have no record, but the first actually executed plantation on record is that by the city of Nuremberg in 1368, where several hundred acres of burned area were sowed with pine, spruce, and fir. And there is also a record that in 1449 this crop was harvested. In 1420, the city of Frankfurt on the main followed this example, relying on the Nuremberg seed dealer, whose correspondence is extant and who was invited to go to Frankfurt for advice how to proceed. He sowed densely in order to secure clear bowls, but expressed the opinion that the plants could not be transplanted. He also relied on the phases of the moon for his operations.

The planting of hardwoods seems to have been begun much later. The first reference to it coming from the cloister and city of Selangenstadt, which agreed in 1491 to reforest annually, 20 to 30 acres with oak. Natural regeneration by coppice was in quite general practice and proved satisfactory enough for fuel wood production. The system of coppice with standards was also frequently practiced. The standards, 20 or 30 to the acre, being, quote, reserved for the Lord, unquote. In the timber forest, the unregulated selection system was continued generally throughout the period, although in 1454 we find in the Hots Mountains a transition to a seed tree management.

A few seed trees or groups of seed trees being left on the otherwise cleared area, somewhat in the manner of the French, Matad Atria etter. Toward the end of the 15th century we find here and there a distinction made between timber forest, where no firewood is to be cut, and leaf forest, which is to serve the latter purpose and is to be treated as coppice. Toward the end of the period we find, however, various provisions which are unquestionably dictated by the fear of a scarcity of timber. The discovery that pasture prevents natural regeneration led to a prohibition of pasturing in the newly cut felling areas. In 1488, we find already a diameter limit of 12 inches, just as is being advocated in the United States now. as a basis for conservative exploitation.

The city of Brunswick buying stumpage and in the contract being limited to this diameter and, in addition, obligated to leave 15 oaks or aspen per acre for seed trees. Attempts at regulating the use of a given forest by division into felling areas are recorded in 1359, when the city forest of Erfert, 286 acres, was divided into seven felling areas. It is questionable whether this referred to a corpus with short rotation, or whether a selection forest with seven periodic areas is meant. We see, then, that the first sporadic and, to be sure, crude beginnings of a forest management in Germany may be traced back to the 14th and 15th centuries,

but it took at least 250 to 350 years before such management became general. Outside of the information found scattered in forest ordinances, instructions, and prescriptions of various kinds, there is no forestry literature to be recorded from this period, except one single book. published about the year of 1300 by an Italian Petrus de Chrysaintius, which was translated into German. It was merely a scholastic compilation on agriculture and allied subjects,

mostly cribbed from old Roman writers and without value for German conditions. End of Section 3, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 4 of A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for now. This Librovoc's recording is in the public domain. Germany, Part 2. First Development of Forestry Methods, Period 1500 to 1800. The period following the Middle Ages marks the gradual changes from the feudal system to the modern state organizations, and to considerable change of ownership conditions

and forest treatment. Various causes, which led to an increased development of industrial life, were also instrumental in hastening the progress of forest destruction. At the same time, during this period the germs and embryonic beginnings of every branch of forestry, real forestry policy, forestry practice, and forestry science are to be noted. By the end of this period, preparatory to more modern conditions, we find organized technical forest administrations, well-developed methods of silviculture, and systems of forest management.

1. Development of Forest Property Conditions A number of changes in the conceptions of political relations, in methods of life and of political economy, brought further changes in property conditions on the same lines as those prevailing in the 14th and 15th centuries. These changes were especially influenced by the spread of Roman law doctrine regarding the rights of the governing classes, by the growth of the cities, favoring

industrial development, and changing methods of life, by the change from barter to money management, favored by the discovery of America, by other world movements, and by the resulting changes in economic theory. Through the

discovery of the new world and the influx of gold and silver that came with it, gave impetus to industry and commerce of the cities. The rapid increase of money capital increased extravagance and induced a desire for amassing wealth, which changed modes of life, changed policies and systems of political economy. The fiscal policy of the many little principalities was dominated by a desire to get a good balance of trade by fostering exports of manufacturers, but forbidding exports of raw materials like forest products, also by forbidding imports, subsidizing industries, fixing prices

by law, and taking in general an inimical attitude towards outsiders except insofar as they sent gold and silver into the country. This so-called mercantilistic system, which saw wealth, not in labor and its products, but in hoarded gold and silver, had also full sway in English. England under Cromwell, and in France under Colbert's influence. This fiscal policy, which was bent upon bringing cash into the country, led under the direction of servile officials to oppressive measures. A reaction naturally followed when it was pointed out that the real wealth of a nation lies in its natural resources and in its labor.

But this so-called physiocratic doctrine had little practical influence except to prepare men's minds for the reception of the teachings of Adam Smith at the end of the period. The doctrine of the Roman law, deified by the jurists and commentators, undermined the national conceptions and institutions of free citizenship and of existing property relations. Courts, legislation, and administration were subject to their sway, and this influence lasted, in spite of reactions, until the end of the 18th century. century. Under it, the doctrine of the Imperium, the signorage or superior power of the princes, Hoheitzchresch, was further developed into the Dominium Teré, in other words,

superior ownership of all the land, which gives rise to the title and the exercise of the function of Landersherne, masters of the land, and confers the privilege of curtailing and even discontinuing private property rights. To sustain their position in each of the state units, a restriction of the autonomy of churches and cloisters, of the mock and of the vassals, became needful to the princes. This was secured by taking the first under their protection, by making themselves Obermarkis, and by changing vassals who held office in fief to employees, Beampta. For a time, the three privileged classes of prelates, knights, and burgers, combined in the Landstant or Landtac, participated in some of the functions of government, especially in raising and administering taxes,

but by the second half of the 14th century, the princes had become absolute, and the doctrine of the Hoheitzrecht was firmly established. Under this doctrine, the historic position of the Mach is perverted, and instead of being the common property of the people, it becomes the property of the prince, on which he graciously permits the usufruct for forest, pasture, and water, vault, vida, vasa, are res publicier, hence ownerless and at the disposal of the king. Through this new construction of relationship, as well as through the same machinations and tricks which the princes as Obermerker, or headman of the mark, had employed during the foregoing period in usurping power,

partly through voluntary dissolution was the decadence of the social, economic, and political organization of the Mach gradually completed. The original usufruct of a property held in common is explained in the Roman sense as a precarium or servitude, and from being a right of the whole organization becomes a right of the single individual or group of individuals. In this way, the socialistic basis of the Mach is destroyed. Through the exercise of the Forsthorheit, in other words, the superior right of the prince over all forest property, by the appointment of the officials instead of their election, by issuance of ordinances, in short, by the usurpation of the legislative and police power, the political power of the mock is broken and the 30 years war completes the breakdown.

The pride of the Berger and the peasant is gone, their autonomy destroyed and their economic, and political organizations sink into mere corporations based on land tenure, which, according to Roman doctrine, come under the regulation of the state or prince. The nobility move into the cities and leave the administration of their estates to officials, who are constantly pressed to furnish the means for the extravagant life of their masters. These in turn harass and oppress the peasantry, who finally become bondsmen, Gutsheric, bound to the glebe, and lose their independence entirely. These briefly are the steps by which the changes social and economic progressed.

Reforms in this situation of the peasantry began first in Prussia in 1702, when bondage was abolished for all those who could purchase their houses and farms from the gentry. As few had the means to do so, the result was the creation of a proletariat, hitherto unknown because under the old feudal system, the Lord had to feed his impoverished bondsman from which he was now absolved. Changes in forest property in particular were brought about by the increase of princely property through the various methods of exercising the seniorage. Especially after the Thirty Years' War, ownerless tracks falling under this right were plentiful.

In addition, wherever wastelands grew up to wood, they were. reclaimed by the princes. Quote, When does Holtz deem Ritter reiched on den schporn, Hatt der Bauer'stine rest forlorn. When wood has grown up to the spur of the night, the peasant has lost his right. Some additions came from the secularization of church and cloister property

and others by the slices which the princes of Obermecker secured from the mock forest by various artifices. It is these properties. which in Prussia were turned over by the king to the state in 1713 and by other princes, not until the 19th century. The same means which the princes employed were used by the landed gentry to increase their holdings especially at the expense of the mark, from which in their capacity of Obermerca they secured portions by force or intrigue.

The peasant's forest property, the Mach forest, had by the 19th century been almost entirely dismembered, part having come into the hands of the princes and barons, part having been divided among the America, and part having become corporation forest in the modern sense. Partition had become desirable when the restrictions of use which were ordered for the good of the forest became unendurable under the rigid rule of appointed officials, but the expected improvement in management which was looked for from partition and private ownership was never realized. After the 30 years war, the free cities were impoverished and their autonomy undermined by Roman doctrine. From free republics, they became mere corporations under the supervision of appointed

officials and experienced decadence in political as well as material directions. Hence, no increase in city forest took place except through division of the mock forest in which cities had been co-owners and through secularized properties of cloisters. The worst feature, from the standpoint of forest treatment, which resulted from these changes in property conditions and relationship, was the growth of the pernicious servitudes or rights of user, which were either conferred to propitiate the powerless but dangerous peasantry or evolved out of the feudal relations.

From the 16th to the 19th centuries, these servitudes grew to such an extent that in almost every forest, someone outside of the owner had the right to use parts of it, either the pasture or the litter, or certain classes or sizes of wood. These rights have proved the greatest impediment to the progress of forestry until most recent times, and only within the last few decades have the majority of them been extinguished by legal process or compromise.

Two, forest conditions. Under the exercise of these various rights and the uncertainty of property conditions, the forest conditions naturally deteriorated continuously until the end of the 18th century. The virgin woods were called of their wealth and then grew up to brush, as is usual in the United States. Every forest ordinance began with complaints regarding the increasing forest devastation. station, and predicted a timber famine in view of the increasing population, increasing industry and commerce, and hence increased wood consumption. Especially along the water routes, which furnish the means of transportation, the available supplies were ruthlessly exploited. More serious

enemies than the exploitation of the timber proved the pasturing of cattle, the removal of the litter, and above all the fires. Towards the end of the 16th, century, ordinances against forest fires began to be enacted. Yet, as late as 1778, the necessity of keeping the rives or fire lanes open in the forests of Eastern Prussia is justified by the statement that, quote, otherwise the still constantly recurring fires could not be checked. At another place it is stated that, quote, not a single acre of forest could be found in the province that had not been burnt in former or later times. And that quote, the people are still too much accustomed to the ruthless use of fires,

so that no punishment can stop them. Other causes of devastation were the 30 years' war, the wars of the 18th century and the loss of interest in the forest by the peasants after the collapse of the mock. These had often to steal what they needed, and their depredations were increased by the desire to revenge themselves on the landed proprietors for the oppressions to which they were subjected. The increase in game, which was fostered by the landed gentry, did much damage to the young growths, and the increase in the living expenses of the nobility, who mostly abandoned country for town, had to be met by increased exploitation. By the end of the Middle Ages,

the reduction of forest area had proceeded so far that it was generally believed desirable to restrict the making of clearings to exceptional necessities, except in the northeastern parts and in the distant mountain districts. Yet, a growing population increased the need for farmland, and since intensive use of the existing farm area was not attempted until the end of the 18th century, the forest had to yield still further. Three, methods of restriction in forest use. All ordinances issued by the princes to regulate the management of their properties contain the prescription that permission of the landa's hair is necessary for clearings and that abandoned fields growing up to wood are to be kept as woodland.

This partly for timber needs, partly for considerations of the chase. Still, Frederick the Great in colonizing East Prussia expressed himself to the effect that he cared more for men than for wood, and enjoined his officials to colonize especially the woods far from water, which entailed even more waste of wood than where means of transportation allowed, at least partial marketing. Improvident clearings proceeded even under his reign on the Frisian Nehung between Danzig and Pilau, and started the shifting sands of that peninsula. In the absence of all knowledge, as regards the economy, extent to existing supplies or of the increment, and with poor means of transportation, at least

local distress was imminent. To stave off a threatening timber scarcity, regulation in the use of wood was attempted by the forest ordinances, even to the extent of forbidding the hanging out of green bush to designate a drinking hall, or the cutting of May trees, similar to our crusade in the United States against the use of Christmas trees. A diameter limit to which trees might be permitted to be cut was also frequently urged. Regulation of forest use did not confine itself to the princely properties alone, but in the interest of the whole, the restrictions were extended to all owners. These restrictions were directed either to the practice in the exploitation of the forest or in the use of the material. In the latter direction,

the attempts at reducing the consumption of building timber are of special interest. Building inspectors were to approve building plans and inspect buildings to see that they were most economically constructed, that repairs were made promptly, to avoid the necessity of more extensive ones, that new buildings replacing old ones were not built higher than the old ones. In Saxony, as early as 1560, it was ordered that the whole house must be built of stone, while elsewhere the building of stone-based walls and the use of brick roofs instead of shing. was insisted upon. Even the number of houses in any community was restricted.

Fences were to be supplanted by hedges and ditches. Economies in charcoal burning in potash manufacture for glassworks and in the turpentine industry were prescribed. In about 1600, the burning of potash for fertilizer was forbidden entirely, but these laws proved unavailing. Even in fuel wood, a saving was to be effected. by using only the poorer woods and windfalls, by instituting public bake ovens, still in use in Westphalia, by improving stoves, restricting the number of bathing rooms, etc.

The consumption of fuel wood seems to have been enormous, for we find record of 200 cords used by one family in a year, and of 1,200 cords or more used by the court at Weimar during the same time. The substitution of turf and coal for firewood was ordered in some sections in 1697, and again in 1777, but practically not until 1780 did coal come in as a substitute. Tan bark peeling was also forbidden, or only the use of bark of trees soon to be felled was allowed. For Cooperage, only the top-dry oak, for coffins only soft wood, or, according to Joseph II, and of Austria, no wood, but black cloth was to be used. In some parts of the country, the use of oak was restricted even as early as 1562. For regulating practices in the forest, the restrictions often took only the general form

of forbidding devastation without specifying what that meant. Then, besides establishing a diameter limit and regulating pasture in order to protect young growth, excluding sheep and goats entirely, an attempt was made to secure at least orderly procedure in the fellings. Foresters were to designate what was to be cut even for firewood. Marking irons and hammers were employed for this purpose by the middle of the 15th century, usually two markings by forester and by inspector to check. And this designation by officials extended even into the private forests, where finally no felling was allowed without previous pretexts.

permission and designation by a forester. The use of the litter by the small farmers had grown to a large extent in these times, and it was thought desirable to stop it. But this aid to the poor peasant was so necessary that only regulating the gathering of it could be insisted upon. It must be understood that all these various attempts at securing a conservative forest use were by no means general, but referred to circumscribed terror. and much of it was only paper legislation without securing actual practice.

4. Development of Forest Policy With the beginning of the 18th century we find, besides these prescriptions against wasteful use, and ordinances regulating the management of the properties of the princes, definite forest policies in some sections, having in view forest preservation and improvement of forest conditions, and also means of providing wood at moderate prices. Between the years 1550 and 1590, most of the German states had already enacted ordinances

which had the force of general law exercising police functions over private forest property, although in Prussia this general legislation did not occur until 1720. The objects in view with this legislation were entirely of a material kind, the conservation of resources. Besides securing the rights of the Landis Hare to the chase, it was to secure a conservative use of the princely as well as private forests, since devastation of the latter would require the former to be drawn on extravagantly.

It was to stave off a timber famine and in certain localities to assure particularly the mining industry of their wood supplies. There were, however, concessions made to the privileged and influential classes of forest owners. By the end of the 18th century, this forest police, owing to the uncontrolled harshness and the grafting practices of the lower officials, had become the most hated and distasteful part of the administration. The argument of the protective influence of forest cover did not enter into this legislation. This argument belongs to the 19th century. Yet, reposement of Torrance had already in 1788 been recognized.

as a proper public measure in German Austria, although active work in that direction was not begun until nearly a century later. The rise of prices during the 17th and 18th centuries had been very considerable, doubling, trebling, and even quadrupling in the first half of the 18th century. The mercantilistic doctrines of the time led, therefore, to attempts to keep prices low by prescribing rates for wood, and in general by restricting and regulating wood commerce. This was done especially by interdicting sale to outsiders, forbidding export from the small territory of the particular prince, or at least giving preference to the inhabitants of the territory as purchasers and at cheaper rates.

Owing to the small size of the very many principalities, the free development of trade was considerably hampered by these regulations. Sometimes also wood imports were prohibited, as for instance in Vurtenberg when, in 1740, widespread windfalls had occurred which had to be worked up and threatened to overstock the market. Wood depots under government control were established in large cities and the amount of wood to be used per capita prescribed, as in Koenicksburg, 1702. In Berlin in 1766, a monopoly of the fuel wood market was ready to be used. to a corporation, excluding all others except by permission of the company. This was in 1785 supplanted by government administration of the woodyards.

Another such monopoly was created in the Knudzholz-Handelskestchaft, Wookwood Sales Agency, for the export trade of building materials from Kermak and Magdeburg, which had prior right of purchase to all timber cut within given territory, the idea being to provide cheap material for the industries. This too came into the hands of the state in 1771. In Prussia, to prevent overcharges the Jews were excluded from the wood trade in 1761. The exercise of Forkschholy's supervision, originating in the ban forests and favored by the mercantilistic and absolutist ideas of the 17th and 18th centuries

gradually grew until the end of the 18th century to such an extent that the forest owners themselves were not allowed to cut a tree without sanction of some forest official and could not sell any wood without permission, even down to hop poles. Although the large landed property owners vigorously resisted this assumption of supervisory powers, much discussion and argument regarding the origin of this right to supervision was carried on by the jurists upon the basis of Roman law. doctrine, and it was proved by them to be of ancient date.

The degree, however, to which this supervision was developed varied considerably in the different parts of the empire, according to different economic conditions. The interference and the protection of forests appeared more necessary, where advanced civilizations and denser population created greater need for it. We find, therefore, that the restrictive policy was much more developed in the southern and western territories than in the northern and eastern ones, where the development begins two centuries later. The oldest attempts of controlling private forest property are found in Bavaria 1516, Brunswick, 1590, and Wurttemberg, 1614. Here, forest properties were placed either entirely under

the supervision of the princely forest administration, or at least, permission for intended felings had to be secured. Later, these restrictions were considerably reduced in rigor. Bavaria 1789. In Prussia, private forest property remained free from government interference well into the 18th century. An edict by the great elector in 1670 merely invays against the devastation of forests by their owners, but refrains from any interference. And the forced ordnung of 1720 also contains only the general injunction to the owners not to treat their forests un-economically. But, in 1766, Frederick the Great instituted a rigid supervision providing punishment for fellings beyond a special budget determined by experts. Soon after the French Revolution, however, unrestricted private ownership was re-established.

Church and cloister property had always been severely supervised, similar to the mock and, other communal forest property under the direction either of especially appointed officials or the officials of the princes. Finally, in some sections, Hesse Castle, 1711, Baden, 1787, the management of these communal forests was entirely undertaken by the government. In Prussia, by the order of 1754, the foresters of the state were charged with the supervision of the communal forests, in which they were to designate the trees. to be felled and the cultures to be executed, but, as there was no pay connected with this additional

duty and the districts were too large, the execution of this supervision was but indifferently performed. In 1749, a special city forest order placed the city forests in Prussia under the provincial governments, requiring for their management the employment of a forester and the inspection of his work by the provincial forest master. 5. Personnel Although all this supervision was probably more or less lax, the possibility of more general and incisive influence was increasing because the personnel to whom such supervision could be entrusted was at last coming into existence.

The men in whose hands at the beginning of the 18th century lay the task of developing and executing forest policies, and of developing forestry practice, came from two very different classes. The work in the woods fell naturally to the share of the huntsmen and forest guards, who by their practical life in the woods, had secured some wood lore and developed some technical detail upon empiric basis. These so-called holzgerest-jegger, woodcrafty hunters, prepared for their duties by placing themselves under the direction of an established huntsmen,

who taught them what he knew about the rules of the chase, while by questioning woodchoppers, colliers, etc., and by their own observation the knowledge of woodcraft was acquired. At the head of affairs stood the so-called Cameralis or chamber officials, men who had prepared themselves by the study of philosophy, law, diplomacy, and political economy for the positions of directors of finance and state administration. Rather ignorant of natural science and without practical forestry knowledge, their efforts were not always well directed.

They deserve credit, however, for having collected into encyclopedic volumes the empiric knowledge of the practitioners of Holzgerestin, and for having elaborated it more or less successfully. In this work, they were joined by some of the professors of Kemeralia and law at the universities. By the middle of the 18th century, the hunters had so far grown in knowledge and education as to be able to produce their knowledge in books of their own. Quite a literature developed full of acrimonious warfare of opinions, as is the rule wherein empiricism rules supreme. Notable progress, however, came only when hunting was placed in the background and more or less divorced from forest work. 6.

Development of silviculture In addition to the restrictive measures and attempts at mere conservative lumbering Without much thought of reproduction There were as early as the 16th century silvicultural methods applied to secure or foster reproduction Owing to differences in local conditions and difference in necessities This development varied greatly in various sections as to the time it took place The Western and Middle Country practiced as early as the 16th century What in the Eastern Country did not appear until the 18th century.

The forest ordinances from which we derive our knowledge or inferences of these conditions Prescribed to be sure many things that probably were not really put into practice. A. Natural Regeneration Was at first merely favored without the adoption of any very positive measures to secure it, namely, by removing the cut wood within the year so as to give young growth a chance of establishing itself, by removing the brush so as to not smother the young growth, by keeping out cattle from the young growth,

Shonong. If the selection method of lumbering, most generally practiced without much plan, did not produce any desirable result in reproduction, the clear cutting which was practiced without system where charcoal manufacturing or river driving invited to it, did even less so. In either case, besides the defective and damaged old stubs, which were left in the logging, a poor after-growth of undesirable character remained, as is the case in the American woods on so many areas.

As early as 1524 and 1529, we have record of conscious attempt to secure a reproduction by leaving 10 to 30 seed trees per acre. But the result was disappointing, for this practice, applied to the shallow-rooted spruce produce the inevitable result, namely, the seed trees were thrown by the winds. This experience led to the prescription in 1565 in the palatinate to leave besides seed trees, parts of the other stand for protection against wind damage. Later, wind protection was sought by leaving parcel standing on all four sides, giving rise to a checkered board progress of fellings or a group system of reproduction.

which by the middle of the 18th century had developed into the regular strip system applied in Austria 1766 to fir and spruce and in Prussia 1764 to pine and this marginal seeding method remained for a long time the favorite method for the conifers to avoid long strips and distribute the fellings more conveniently

versus Berleps and Kassel recommended in 1760 the cutting in echel curtain method, Kulisenhybe, which ensured better seeding, but also increased danger from windfalls and was never much practiced, the disadvantages of the method being shown up

especially in the Prussian forest order of 1788. In the first half of the 18th century, it was recognized that the wind danger would be considerably reduced by making the fellings progress from east or northeast to west, The conception of a regular, properly located, felling series was first elaborated in the Harts Mountains in 1745 by von Langen, who also accentuated the necessity of preserving a windmantle on exposed situations.

Both of these propositions reappear in the Prussian order of 1780, according to which fellings are to proceed in a breadth of 20 to 35 rods from east to west. The application of a nurse-tree method for conifers was proposed in 1787 by V. Bergstorff, Prussia, a dark position, donkoshlach, and a regeneration period of seven years being advocated. In Broadleaf forest, beside the selection forest, the natural result of the sprouting capacity of the hardwood had led to a coppice method, which was extensively relied upon for fuel production. This was rarely, however, a simple coppice, for intentionally or unintentionally, some seedlings or sprouts would be allowed to grow on, leading to a composite forest, and finally to a regular coppice with standards, 1569, etc., with an intentional holding over of the valuable oak and ash for standards. Probably, however, large areas of unconsciously produced composite forest exhibited sad pictures of branched. overwood with suppressed underwood of poor sprouts, injured by game and cattle, a scrubby growth

into which crept soft woods of birch and aspen. Attempts at pruning such scrub growths into shape on quite an extensive scale are on record. The recognition that more wood per acre could be secured by lengthening the rotation of the coppice, which seems to have been mostly 12 years or less, led the 20-and-30-year turns and finally to 50, 60, and even 80-year rotations, or so-called Polwood Management, Brunswick 1745, also called Hawkwalt, High Forest. A full description and working plan for such a forest to be managed in 80-year rotation or the City Forest of Mainz in the Ordenvalt and Spesot Mountains dates from 1773, and this Polwood Forest management became.

quite general after the middle of the 18th century, but in the last half of the 19th century, it was generally replaced by the true high forest management under nurseries, the experiences with the natural reproduction of conifer forest having proved the advantages of this method. The primitive beginnings of this so-called Femelschlock method, compartment selection or shelterwood method, are found in 1720 in Hesse, Darmstadt, where Oberforstmann, Feinigeroda prescribed regular fellings, progressing from north to south, in which all material down to polewood size, in selection or virgin forest, was to be removed, accepting only a number of clean bowls,

one every ten to twelve paces being left for seed and nurse trees. The good results in reproduction stimulated owners of adjoining estates to imitate the method, 1737. The observation that in beach forest, the young crop needed protection and succeeded better when gradually freed from the shade of the seed trees, especially on south and west aspects where drought, frost and weeds are apt to injure it on sudden exposure, led to the elaboration of the principle of successive fellings. In the ordinance of Hannao, as early as 1736, three grades of feldings were developed. The cutting for seed, the cutting for light, which was to begin when the crop was knee-high, and the removal cutting when the crop was high. This method spread rapidly and was

further developed by the addition in 1767 of a preparatory cutting to secure a desirable seedbed, and by lengthening the period of regeneration and elaborating other detail, so that by 1790, the principles of natural regeneration under nursed trees for beach forest were fully developed in western Germany. In other parts, hardwood forest management was but little developed. The Prussian Forest Ordinance of 1786 contented itself with forbidding the selection method by declaring natural regeneration as practiced in the pineries not applicable, while the Austrian Ordinance of 1786 recognizes only clearing, followed by planting as the general rule.

B. Artificial Reforestation All those sporadic attempts at sewing and planting are on record as early as the beginning of the 14th century. Extensive artificial reforestation did not begin until the middle of the 18th century, by which time planting methods were quite fully developed. Among the hardwoods, the oak was the first to receive special attention. By the middle of the 16th century, the forest ordinances gave quite explicit instructions for planting oak in the so-called Houtifal, a combination of pasture and tree growth, such as is found today in the bluegrass region of Kentucky. The remnants of these poor pasture woods with their gnarly oaks have lasted into modern times. In the Forest Ordinance of Brunswick, 1598, orders are given to plant on felling areas, quote,

Every fool farmer shall every year at the proper time set out ten young oaks, every half-farmer five, every farm-laborer three, well taken up with roots, wildlings, and plant them in the commons or openings at Martini, November, or Mittfosten, Easter, and cover them with thorn brush, to protect them against cattle. End quote. About that time, it was indeed incumbent on every marker, to sow annually five oaks, or plant several young seedlings for every tree cut and to tend them

a few years, and the custom existed in the low country. Afterwards, 1700 introduced by law in Saxony to plant in celebration of certain occurrences, a kind of arbor day, especially to celebrate the marriage day. In order to be married, the bridegroom had to prove that he had planted a certain number of oaks, which in Prussia, 1719, had to be six, besides six fruit trees. The existence of this custom, now long forgotten, has given rise in the United States the story that this is the method by which the German forest is maintained. The method of collecting and keeping acorns over winter was well known in 1579, as is evidenced by the Hohenloha Forest Ordinance, which advised fall sewing, but, if that did not prove,

successful to prepare the ground in summer, leave it through the winter and sew in the spring. While in earlier times, sewing seems to have had the preference at a later period planting was practiced, at first with wildlings, but as early as 1603 we find mention of oak nurseries. The Prussian order of 1720 ordered the foresters to plant oaks in the openings before Christmas, for which they were to be paid if the trees were found alive after three years. years. The growing and culture of oak also interested Frederick the Great, who ordered its extension everywhere. Very explicit and correct rules for growing and transplanting them, and some to which we would not subscribe, were given in the books of the 18th century. Among the planting methods we find in

1719 and again in 1776, one similar to the Montaifel method of planting in mounds. While oak culture was especially fostered in northwestern Germany, the cultivation of conifers first received attention in the southwest, and in the same manner which was inaugurated by the Nuremberg seed dealer in 1368. A new idea introduced in the Palatine Forest Ordinance 1565, and in the Bavarian Forest Ordinance, 1568, was the prescription to soak the seed before use, and so mixed with sawdust or sand,

bringing the seed under with brush or iron rakes. Kahlowitz, 1713, taught well the methods of collecting, extracting, and keeping the seed, and even proposed seed tests. The seed beds were to be made as for carrots, dense sowings to be thinned, and the thinnings transplanted into nursery rows, the seed beds to be covered with moss and litter to protect them against heaving. He also discusses the question of cost. The adaptation of plant material to different sites, conifers where oaks are not suitable,

was also understood by the Bavarian Forest Ordinance 1683. As long as the old method of extracting the seed in hot stoves or ovens prevailed, conifer sowings gave but in different results. In the pine forests of Prussia during the second half of the 18th century, the method of sewing the cones on large waste and sandbarons, where the sun would make them release the seed was practiced, and before Bramontier had written his celebrated memoir Seleodun, sand dunes had been recovered with pine plantations in Germany

in the manner which is still in vogue. The planting of conifers came into practice much later, and then it was mostly done with wildlings. Opinions differed as to the value of sewing or planting. It was erroneously held until the 19th century that planting was less successful and too costly in comparison with the small harvest yield which necessitated cheapness of operations. It was only toward the end of the 18th century that planting of pine was resorted to,

but merely for repairing failplaces in sewings in natural regeneration, and then with a ball of earth, 1779, using a hollow spade, a costly method. The cost of a certain plantation made in 1770, In 1951 is, however, reported, as less than $3 per metric ton, in 1770 as low as 70 cents per metric ton, to cheapen the operations the labor was exchanged for wood, pasture, or other materials or advantages. In Prussia, in 1773, all recipients of free wood had to do service in the cultures. In 1785, every farmer had to furnish a certain amount of cones or acorns. The method lately adopted in Russia came into vogue in Prussia in 1719, namely of charging, besides the value of the wood, a toll to be paid into the planting fund, about 7% of the value.

This method was also imitated elsewhere. The use of Vault Feldbao, combined farm and forest culture, was also inaugurated for the purpose of cheapening the cost of plantations by Van Langen in 1744. When the great movement for reforesting wastes and openings began, the tree seed being sown with the grain either at once or after farm use for some years. Regular annual planting budgets of $50 to $100 to $200 were inaugurated in Brunswick by Van Langen in 1745, and in 1781 the Prussian Forest Administration had attained so entirely modern planting plans and annual planting budgets. It was no wonder that the fear of a timber famine and the apparent hopelessness of bringing improvement into the existing forest conditions created anxiety and a desire to plant rapid growers, such as birch, willow, aspen, alder.

The planting of the white birch became so general in the beginning of the 18th century that a regular betelomania is recorded corresponding to the incipient catalpomania in the United States. United States. At that time, to be sure, firewood was still the main concern, and the use of these rapid-growing species had some justification. But where birch was mixed in spruce plantations, its baneful effects consisting in whipping off the spruce tips and injuring its neighbors were soon recognized, and much trouble was experienced in getting rid of the unwelcome addition. The robinia, which had been brought from America in 1638, was also one of the trees recommended in the middle of the 18th century, and was much planted until Hartish pointed out

that the expectations from it were entirely misplaced. Of course, no building material could be expected from these species, hence the larch, also a rapid grower, was transplanted from the Alps, 1730, in Hart's Mountains, and its use was extended, as with us, to conditions for which it was not adapted. It was principally a desire for novelty and perhaps for better, especially foreign things,

that led to the planting of North American species in parks during the first half of the 18th century. But although F.A.J. von von von Hengheim's very competent writings on the American forest flora and on the laws of naturalization, 1787, stimulated interest in that direction, the use of American species for forest planting was not inaugurated till nearly 100 years later with the single exception of the white pine, pinistrobus,

of which large numbers were planted. End of Section 4, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 5 of a brief history of forestry by Bernard for now. This Lieberbox according is in the public domain. Section 5. Germany. 7. Improvement of the crop.

Thinning of stands had been practiced early in the 16th century, not for improvement of the remaining stand so much as to secure fence material. Although in 1531, the observation was already recorded that thinning improved and stimulated the remaining growth. In the 17th century, opposite views, or at least doubts as to its useful, were expressed in the forest orders, and sometimes thinning was even forbidden. Even in the 18th century, some of the prominent foresters, Döbel and Beckmann, were opposed to it, and although others favored the operation, the practice of it remained limited. In 1761, we find the first good statement of the theory of thinnings by Berlech,

who advised taking out the suppressed trees when the sound poles were killed. clear of lower and middle branches. He also accentuated the financial argument of earlier returns and increased value of the remainder. About the same time, Zanthia recommended two thinnings, namely for conifers first in the 30th to 40th year, and again in the 50th year, for broadly forest first in the 45th and again in the 80th to 90th year. In 1765, the financial gain from thinnings is figured by Oetelt, and the possible reduction of the rotation due to thinnings is recognized by Liubert in 1774. Just as the thinning in polewoods arose from the need of earlier utilization, so the weeding of young growth was done for the purpose of getting material for wives to bind

the grain, etc. The removal of corpus shoots and oak plantings was practiced in Prussia in 1719, and the thinning of two dense sewings was advised by Karlowitz in 1713. Yet much later, even such an intelligent man as Uttelt, invade against the weeding out of the birch and spruce sewings because, quote, nature prefers variety with which preference it is not good to interfere. This was in opposition to von Langen, 1745, who prescribed for the first time regular cleaning or weeding, especially the removal of the soft woods,

aspen and birch, end of coppice shoots from seedling forest. It was also known that this weeding is best done, quote, in the full sap, in order to kill the stocks. Eight, methods of regulating forest management. Organized forest management was slower to develop than silvicultural methods.

The first attempts to bring order into the progress of fellings took the form of dividing the whole area into a certain number of fellings, 12, 16, 20, 30, etc. Several ordinances dating from the middle of the 15th and 17th centuries containing prescriptions to that effect. It is doubtful whether the numbers of these areas indicate years of rotation, in which case they could only have applied to coppice, or whether they indicate periods of return in selection forest,

although the historians seemed to jump to the former conclusion. The area division practiced by Fanlangen in the Harz, Mountains, 1745, who prescribed the division of larger districts into 50 and 60, of smaller districts into 20 to 30 felling areas, also leaves it doubtful whether the areas corresponded to an assumed rotation or to a period of return. At first, the division was not into equal areas, for no survey existed, and its object was simply to localize the cutting and provide orderly progress.

The subdivision was made in the mountain country by following the topography, valleys and ridges, while in the plain the lines opened up for purposes of the chase, to set up nets, called Schneisen or Gestela, rides, bounding square areas called Jagen, Quadrat, Stalong, were used for the limitation of the felling areas. Most commonly, however, largely due to absence of surveys, the ordered division did not materialize, but only existed on paper. With more exact measuring of areas, and with the conception of a rotation or longer periods of return, it was recognized that the inequality of the sites or soil qualities, especially in mountain districts, produced very unequal felling budgets.

To overcome this inequality, Yaquaby in Gertigan, 1741, introduced proportional felling areas, making the felling areas on porousites permanently larger. Similarly, van Langen and Zantier attempt to secure equal annual returns without slavishly holding to the geometric division, merely making sure that the total area be cut over in the predetermined rotation. The first attempts to introduce a regulated management by making a volume division the basis

is recorded from the Hart's Mountains in 1547. This method, based on very crude estimates, although upon very fair forest description, was continued into the 18th century. In the last half of the 18th century, all these crude methods were improved and applied on extensive areas. In 1785, Zanthia combined area and volume division determining the felling budget on each felling area by counting and estimating the trees and calculating how many trees could be used annually

under a sustained yield management, the area division being used only as a check or means of control. A very considerable advance was made by Uttelt, who surveyed and regulated the Vimar forests in 1760 in the elaboration of details and establishment of proper principles for regulating the felling budget. In his forest description, he introduces for the first time periodic age classes, usually six but of uneven length. Young growth below 12 years, thicket, 12 to 24 years, pole wood, 24 to 40 years, clear timber, 40 to 50, medium timber, 50 to 70, mature timber 75 years and over.

He divides the forest into proportional areas, which remarked by stones in the woods, equalizing them according to age, quality, increment, soil, exposure, so as to secure equal annual budgets. The stands were ranged into seven or eight unequal age classes, and each into as many annual felling areas as there are years in the age class. If some of the age classes were absent, he extended the time for cutting in the older class until the younger had grown to the proper age, and by varying the cut from good to poor sights for stands, he tried to even out the budgets. The volume budget he determined by average increment measurements. This method was, however, much too far advanced and required too much mathematics to find imitators at that time.

Another method which proved also too complex for the foresters of the time was that of Van Vadel. Nevertheless, by 1790 he had by it put into working over 800,000 acres in Silesia. He divided this area into districts, the districts into blocks or management classes, and used an elaborated proportional area division for determining the felling budget. He distinguished quality of stand and quality. of sight, and made four sight classes, the volume of stock he found by means of sample areas, to which he added the increment in order to find the total volume for harvest, when it could be determined how long with a given budget the stand would last,

or what average annual felling budget could be taken before the next age class would be mature. In the North German plain, with very uniform conditions of soil and timber, the method of equal felling areas was the most natural, and most easily applied. Frederick the Great, who took a considerable interest in forestry matters, ordered such an area division for the state pineries in 1740, fixing upon different numbers of felling areas, but finally in 1770, deciding on a rotation of 70 years.

Lack of personnel retarded progress in this forest survey and regulation until 1778, Van Kroft, undertook the direction. Not agreeing with his master regarding the short rotation of 70 years, he arranged to have each district divided into two working blocks, and by cutting alternately in these, managed to double that rotation. His successor, Henet, in 1788, devised a new method by introducing allotment of a number of annual felling areas to a period of the rotation,

when at least the periodic budget could be equalized. a value or money yield equalization of the felling budgets was also attempted. For easier handling, the forest was divided into small compartments or Jagen, and the classification of four still uneven periodic age classes of different length for conifers and broadly forest, and three site qualities were employed. The merchantable stock was ascertained by a sample area method, and the felling budget by dividing the oldest age class by the number of years. and must last until the next was ready.

Since no attempt was made to secure a proper age class gradation, the method failed to improve conditions for the next rotation. Some 500,000 acres were regulated according to this plan in Prussia, probably vary superficially. In 1789, Bavaria also ordered a division into annual felling areas. In all these methods of regulating the yield or budget, the area played the main role, the volume being only a secondary consideration. The first elaboration of a pure volume division was made by Beckmann in 1759.

He estimated stock on hand by trees and guessed more or less at the increment, allowing 2.5, 2 and 1% for the different sites, and then made a year-to-year calculation of stock for 125 years. How the felling budget was finally determined is not known. Two methods were simultaneously devised in Wurttemberg in 1783, which formed the transition to the so-called allotment methods, making periodic age classes of an equal number of years and allotting either felling areas or volumes to each period of the rotation. Incapacity of the officials prevented the application of the one method, while the other devised. by Maurer remained also only a proposition. But in 1788, Krechting, in his mathematical contributions to forestry science,

teaches a pure volume allotment method with 10-year age classes and nearly all the apparatus which was afterward developed by Hartish, who in the next period dominated to such a large extent the development of forestry in all its branches. 9. Improvements and Methods of Menturation In scientific direction, the mathematical disciplines were the first to be developed. The natural sciences received attention much later. A considerable amount of mathematical knowledge was required for this work of forest organization. The mathematical apparatus of the foresters, even at the end of this period, was rather slender.

But its development went hand in hand with the development. development of these methods of regulation, and even elaborate mathematical formulae for determining felling budgets were not absent. Until nearly the middle of the 18th century, surveys of exact nature were almost unknown, only when the division into equal or proportionate felling areas became the basis for determining the felling budgets did the necessity for such surveys present itself. Plain table and compass were the instruments which came into use in the beginning of the 18th century, but not until the latter half of that century were extensive forest surveys and maps of various character made, especially in Prussia under Vidal,

Kroft and Henet. The methods of measurement of wood developed still later, until Uthelz time no method of precise determination of volumes was known, everything being estimated by cords or by diameter breast height and height, or by the number of boards which a tree would make, board feet? The diameter was sometimes used as a price maker, the price increasing in direct proportion to the diameter increase. Uthelt calculated the volume of coniferous trees as cones,

and Ferrencli, who wrote a book on mathematics for the use of foresters, calculated timbers with the top removed by using the average diameter, to which Henert added the volume of a cone with the difference of the two diameters as a base to make the total tree volume. Most measurements of standing trees were, of course, made on the circumference, for in the absence of calipers, the diameter would be directly measured only on the Feld tree. Double had already measured the height by means of a rectangular triangle, and the first real hypsometer with movable sights was described by Jung in 1780.

and a complete instrument which could be used for measuring both height and diameter at any height, similar to some more modern ones, was constructed by Reinhold. The termination of the real wood contents in a cord of wood and of the volume of bark by measurement was taught by Uttalt and the method of immersion in water in measuring the displaced volume by Henert 1782. In 1785, Krona, first called, called attention to the variation of the increment in different age classes and the need of determining the accretion for each separately.

In 1789, Trunk taught how to determine average felling age increment, and also the method of determining the change of diameter classes, which is now used by the United States Forest Service, quote, On good soil a tree grows one inch in three years, on medium soil in four years, on poor soil in five years. With this knowledge, the attainment of a given diameter, or the change from one diameter or age class to the next, could be calculated. Volume tables were at Trunks Command,

and Paulson in 1787, Krechting in 1788 mentioned periodic yield tables, but generally speaking, ocular taxation or estimating was the rule, checked by experience in actual fellings, the method of the American timber looker. Generally, of course, only the log timber was estimated as with us, and only the very roughest estimating, or rather guessing,

was in vogue until near the end of the period. The first attempt at closer measurement was made by Beckman, 1756, who surrounded the area to be measured with twine, drove a colored wooden peg into each tree, one color for each diameter class, when knowing the original number of pegs that had been taken out, the difference gave the number of trees in each diameter class, and by multiplying the average cubic contents of a measured sample tree in each class,

by the number in the class, its volume was found. The method often employed at present of ascertaining by tally the diameter classes on strips 40 to 50 paces wide, the so-called strip survey, was described by Zanthi. in 1763. These measurements were usually confined to sample areas, the use of such being already known in 1739. The contents of the sample area, if a special degree of accuracy, was desired, were ascertained by felling the whole and measuring.

Utelt, of mathematical fame, was the first to publish something about the determination of the age of trees by counting rings, although the practice probably antipsyches. dates this account. He knew of the dependence of the ring width on the site and on the density of the stand. It seems that long before this time the French had made the determination of yield in a more scientific manner, Reh Amour, reporting in 1721 to the French Academy, comparative studies of the yield of coppice and of volumes of wood. Elt, too, laid the foundation of forest financial calculations when he ascertained the value of a forest by determining the value of an acre of mature wood, the oldest age class, and multiplying it by half the acreage of the whole forest,

suggesting the well-known expression for the normal stock, I times R over two, soon after to be developed by an obscure Austrian tax collector. Even the first forest finance calculations with the use of compound interest and a comparison of the profitableness of the different methods of management are to be recorded as made by Zantier in 1764, bringing the beginning of forestal statistics into this period. 10. Methods of Lumbering and Utilization At the beginning of this period, rough exploitation was still mainly in vogue, only parts of

trees being used just as in the United States now. Here and there, attempts were made toward more conservative use. For instance, at Brunswick in 1547, the use of log timber for fuel was discouraged. In Saxony, as early as 1560, the brushwood was utilized for fuel. High stumps were a usual feature in spite of the threats of punishments of the forest ordinances, as in Bavaria 1531. The axe was the only instrument used until the end of the 18th century for felling as well as cutting into lengths. Not until 1775 do we find an allusion to the use of the saw.

When the forest ordinance of Weimar ordered that the saw cut should be made for three-fourths of the tree's diameter and the axe be used to finish the last quarter. Not until the 18th century was the fuel wood split in the woods, and it was near the end of the period before it was set up in mixed chords, round and split, after the splitting had been introduced. The measurement was, until about that time, made merely in loads the chord being of later introduction. The value of low stumps and of the use of the saw was recognized in Austria in 1786, to show how variously and locally the need of conservative use of wood developed, we may cite the fact that, that in the Harts, about

1750, trees were dug with their roots as now in some of the pineries of the Mark Brandenburg in order to utilize more of the body wood and the root wood. In 1757, we find stump-pooling machines described.

In measurement of standing trees, the circumference at breast height was measured with a chain, and for the bodywood, when felled, the mean diameter was employed. As regards the felling time, specific advice is found in many forest ordinances which recommend mostly winter felling, stating the proper beginning and end of the season by the phases of the moon,

the rule being that all white wood, for example, conifers, beach, and aspen, should be felled on the increase or waxing of the moon, oak at the waning, but coppice because it is desired to secure a new growth at the waxing moon. Prescription was also made sometimes regarding the time by which the removal of the wood from the felling area was to be finished. May to June. Means of transportation were poor up to the end of the period. Snow, as in the United States, was in the northern country the main reliance for moving the wood. River driving, both with and without rafts, was well organized. Various systems of log slides were developed to a considerable extent.

In one place, even in iron pipe, 900 feet in length, is reported to have been used to have been used in such capacity. Originally, the consumer cut his own wood, but in the middle of the 17th century, special woodchoppers appear to have been employed, for, in 1650, mention is made in Saxony of men who, under oath to secure honest service, were organized for the exploitation of the different classes of wood. A system of jobbers came into existence about this time, something like the logging bosses in the United States, Holzmeister. who were responsible for the execution of the logging job.

The organization of woodchoppers went so far that in 1718, we find in the Harts Mountains mention of an accident insurance and mutual charity association among them. The sale of wood was at first carried on in the house. Later it became customary to indicate in the forest the trees to be cut or the area from which they should be cut by the purchaser. And finally, they were felled by the impover. employees of the owner. For a long time, persisting into the 18th century, the sale was by area,

and this method developed the necessity of surveying, at the same time, however, sales by the tree and by wood measure occurred, but only in the 18th century did the present method of selling wood by measure after felling come into existence. In Prussia, the buyer had to take the risk a felling and pay, even if the tree proved to be rotten or broke in the felling. The forest owner seems to have had the whip hand and determining the price one-sidedly, revising, for example, increasing the toll in longer or shorter intervals. But in 1713, we find mention of wood auctions, or at least similar methods of getting the best prices. Finally, special market days for making sales and for designating

of wood were instituted. On these days also, all offenses against the forest laws were adjudged. 11. Forest Administration. The administration of the different forest properties which the princes had aggregated in the course of time was at first a part of the general administration of the princely property. The requirements in the woods being merely to look after utilization and protection, illiterate underlings, Forst Kineshter, were sufficient to carry out the police functions, generally under a Faustmeister, or Ober Forstmeister, who from time to time would make an inspection tour. Later on, when a more intensive forest management had come into existence, it became customary to call in experienced foresters from outside to make inspections and give

advice. A much more elaborate organization of services, however, reported in the mining districts of the Hots Mountains in 1547 with the director of mines, Berg Hauptmann, at the head, and different grades of officials under him, who were called together periodically for reports and discussions. Until the middle of the 18th century, all those employed in the Forest Service, at least those in the superior positions had also duties in connection with the chase the head official of the hunt being also the head of the forest service and hunting had usually superior claims to forestry

the men were supposed to be masters of the two branches to be familiar with the technique of the hunt and of forestry Hirschkarecht and Holzgerest the higher positions were usually reserved to the nobility until during the 18th century, the Camerales came into control of the administration, and with them, under the mercantilistic teachings, the apparatus of officials also increased. These men usually possessed wide, but not deep knowledge of the matters bearing upon their charges. In Prussia, in 1740, the Forest Service was at least in part combined with the military service,

Frederick the Great instituting the Corps of Riding Couriers for the Carrying of Dispatches who were selected from the Forest Service, an institution which persists up to date in the cores of Feld-Jager, while the sons of foresters were enlisted in a troop known as Fus Jager Chaucerers. A new era dates from the middle of the 18th century when the connection with the Hunt, the military organization, and the preferred position of the nobility were at least in part abrogated and a more technical organization was attempted. The cause for this change was the increase of wood prices, which made a more technical management desirable,

and also a decrease in the passion for the hunt. Still, although the forests in Bavaria were declared in 1780 to 1790 to be of more importance than the hunt, and the two services were distinctly separated, the head of the hunt still ranked above the head of the forest service. In Prussia, the professional men became early independent and influential, and by 1770, an organization had been perfected which excelled in thoroughness and simplicity. The salaries of the foresters consisted originally mainly in a free house, use of land and pasture rights,

their uniform, and incidental emoluments such as a toll for the designation of timber, etc. Later, when everywhere else a regular money management had been introduced, the absence of a cash income and general poverty forced the foresters to steal and extort, and the bad reputation established in the last part of the 18th century, as well as the bad practice, persisted until the 19th century. The lower grades in the service were exceedingly ignorant, and their social position consequently very low. Their main business was indeed simple and consisted in the booking of the cut, issuing permits for the removal and the sale of wood, and looking after police functions in the woods. Yet, by 1781, we find regular planting plans submitted in the Prussian administration,

and in 1787, felling plans are on record. The administration of justice against offenders in the forest was until the end of the 18th century in charge of the head foresters, and only then was transferred to law officers. Theft of wood, as in olden days, was considered as a smaller offense than other thefts, except if it was cut wood. In the beginning of the period, the judge had wide latitude as to amount of the fine to be imposed, but in the 17th century, more precise fines were fixed, and in the 18th century a revision of the fines brought them into proportion with the value of the stolen wood.

A choice of punishments by fines, imprisonment or labor in the woods was then also instituted. 12. Forestry Education The course of education for the foresters until the middle of the 18th century was a simple one and mainly directed to learning the manipulations of the chase, training of dogs, tending of horses, setting of nets, shooting, etc. Two or three years' life with a practical hunter were followed by journeying and working for different employers, wood lore being picked up by the way from those that knew. When in the 18th century the need for better woods knowledge became pressing,

the few really good forest managers were sought out by the young men who wished to secure this knowledge. In this way, a number of so-womenes. called master schools came into existence, each depending on one man. Such a school was that of Van Santier in Vernegeroda, later transferred to Ilsenberg, started in 1763 and ending with his death in 1778. Theoretical teaching and opportunity for practical demonstration here was such that even students from the Berlin School and men in actual employment attended the courses. The two great masters and fathers of modern forestry, Hattish and Cota, each instituted such master schools, the former in 1789, and the latter in 1785.

Cota School was afterwards transferred to Tarrant and became a state institution. The interest of the state in forestry education found first expression in Prussia in a course of lectures in botany, later also in forest economy, given to the forest officials by Gleditch, professor of botany at the University of Berlin, 1770, to which was added a practicum at Tegel under Bergstorff, who finally became the head of this mixed state school and continued in this position until at his death in 1802, the school was discontinued.

In imitation of this move by Prussia, a military planting school was instituted by Wurttemberg at Solitude in 1770. The most noteworthy feature of this school, which, under various changes, lasted less than 25 years, was the course of lectures by Stahl mentioned before. Besides this higher school, a lower grade school was started in 1783, but its career was even briefer, not more than 10 years. Bavaria organized a forest school at Munich in 1790 with a four-year course, and at least three years study at this school was required of those seeking employment in the state service,

but without having ever flourished, this school too collapsed by 1803. 13. Forestry Literature The oldest forestry literature of this period is contained in the many forest ordinances, which allow us to judge from their prescriptions as to the conditions of the practice in the woods and as to the gradual accumulation of empiric knowledge. Of a forestry science, one could hardly speak until an attempt had been made to organize the knowledge thus empirically acquired into a systematic presentation,

and this was not done until the middle or last half of the 18th century. The first attempts at a literary presentation of the empiric knowledge are found in the encyclopedic volumes of the so-called housefeta, household fathers, domestic economists, who treated in a most diffuse manner of agriculture in all its aspects, including silviculture. A number of these tomes appeared during the 17th century, the best and most influential being published

at the very beginning of that century, 1595 to 1609, written by a preacher from Cilicia, Johann Coleris, and entitled Economia Rurali Comethica, were in the amt alabraven housefetter and housemutter begriffen. Coleris relied upon home experience and not as Petrus de Crescentius in his earlier work, Pradium Rusticum, translated from the French in 1592, had done upon the scholastic expositions of the Italians.

He was rewarded by the popularity of his work which went through 13 editions and became very widely known. Somewhat earlier, a jurist, Noé Muir, wrote a book on Forest Law and Hunting, second edition 1576, which on this field remained long in authority and gives

insight into the condition of forest use at the time. But, the first independent work on forestry divorced from the hunt and farming did not appear until 1713, silvercultera, Economica, written by Saxon Director of Mines,

Hans Karl von Karlovitz. This book, while containing quaint and amusing ideas, gives many correct rules for silvicultural methods, especially as regards planting and sewing, but the subject of forest management or organization is entirely neglected. At about the same time, 1710, a forest official von Goughhausen published Notabilia Venatoris,

which, however, contain little more than a description of the species of trees and methods of their utilization. About the middle of the 18th century, great activity began in the literary field. This was carried on by two distinct classes of writers, namely the empiricists and the Cameralists. The former, the Holzgerester Yeager, were the practical men of the woods who proved in many directions most unpractical, and exhibited in their writings outside of the record. of their limited experience, the crassest ignorance. The Camarales were educated in law and political economy,

and while lacking practical contact with the woods' work, tried to sift and systematize the knowledge of the empiricists and to secure for it a tangible basis. Some five or six of the empiricists deserve notice as writers. The first and most noted of them was Döbel, Heinrich Wilhelm, whose book, Yeager Practica, Hunter's Practice, published in 1746, remained in authority until modern times for the part referring to the chase. The author was preeminently a hunter who worked in various capacities in Saxony, a self-taught man with very little knowledge of natural history. Being familiar mainly with broadleaf forest, he condemned planting and thinning, but described quite well for his time the methods of surveys.

subdivision, estimating and measuring, and the methods of selection forest and coppice with standards. His ignorance is characterized by his reference to the, quote, sulfurous and nitric elements of the soil as cause of spontaneous forest fires. Opinionated and one-sided, like many so-called practical men, he came into polemic controversies with other practitioners, not less opinionated among them, J.G. Beckman, who worked in another part of Saxony, where, having to deal with coniferous woods,

he had gathered different experiences from those of double. Although he was himself poorly educated, especially in natural sciences, he complained of the ignorance of the foresters, and in his book, Anwysung to anneur-fledishen-Fost Wirtchaft, 1759, used for the first time the word

forest-wisenshaft, forest science. and insisted upon the necessity of studying nature. He may be credited with having really advanced forest organization by devising the first good volume division method and silviculture by advocating the method of clearing followed by sewing. The first practical forester with a university education was J.J. Bukting, who worked in the hearts mountains. His main interest lay in the direction of survey, division,

and orderly utilization. He did not, however, make any striking advance except that he gave equal standing to both planting and sewing. The two most eminent practitioners of the period, however, active during the middle of the century, were Johann Georg von Langen and his pupil, Hans Dietrich von Zantier, both of noble family, and better educated than most of their contemporaries,

and both engaged in the organization and management of hearts, mountain forests, namely those of the Duke of Brunswick and of Count of Stolberg vanegoroda. The former, without occupying himself directly with literary work, laid down in his expert reports and in his working plans many instructions which form the basis for orderly management and silver culture far ahead of the times. Santier, writing considerably, especially Kurtzer Systematisch, der Prudrisch, their Practition Faust Wizenschaft, 1764, is also notable as the founder of the first forestry school at Vanegrolda, 1763.

Another of this class of better educated practitioners and co-worker with the former two was von Lasberg, who, in 1764 to 1777, organized the Saxon forests. An interesting incident in the life of the last three men is their journey to Denmark and Norway, whither they were called to organize the management of the forest connected with the mines. Another prominent forest manager of the last half of the century, whose literary work is to be found only in various excellent official instructions, among which is one for the teaching of foresters, was the head of the Hesian Forest Service, a nobleman, van Belpch.

of the Camerilus, who helped to make forestry literature six or seven deserve mention, these men of education and polyhistors were either at the head of affairs or else professors at universities where they included forestry as one of the branches of political economy. The credit of the first really systematic presentation of forestry principles and rules, as developed at the time, belongs to Wilhelm Gottfried von Moser, a pupil of von Langen, who served in various principalities, and finally with the Prince of Toxies. In his principles of forest economy, published in 1757, which for the first time brought out the economic importance of the subject,

he discusses in two volumes divided into nine chapters, the different branches of forestry. A mining engineer, J. A. Kramer, came next with a very notable book, Anlightung to Faust Weizen, 1766, which although not as comprehensive as Moses treats, the subject of silver culture very well. Equal in arrogance and opinionated self-satisfaction to any of the empiricists with whom he frequently crossed swords, was the Brunswick councillor von Broca, who, as an amateur practicing forestry on his own estate, developed the characteristic trait of the empiricists, namely, a profound belief in his own infallibility.

He produced, besides many polemic writings, in which he charged the whole class of foresters with ignorance, laziness, and dishonesty, a magnum opus in four volumes entitled True Bases of the Physical and Experimental General Science of Forestry, which is in Olapodrida of small value. Less original, but more fair and well-informed, a typical representative of the Camero,

was J. F. Stahl, finally, head of the forest administration of Wurtenberg, and at the same time, lecturer on mathematics, natural history, and forestry at the Forest School of Solitude, Stuttgart. Although an amateur in the field of forestry, he was a good teacher, and left many valuable and wise prescriptions evolved during his administration. He compiled in four volumes a dictionary area of forest, fish, and game practice. Onomatology, forestalis, pisgatoria, venatoria, 1772, and 1781, and founded the first forestry journal. Since 1770, forestry courses had been given for the Camerales at most of the German universities,

and many of the professors prepared textbooks for the purpose. At least three of these professors deserve mention, Beckman, Young, and Trunk. The first, Jay Beckmann, Professor of Political Economy at Gertigan, one of the most noted Camerales, was author of a work in 45 volumes on the principles of German agriculture, 1769, in which he devotes 61 pages to forestry, giving a complete system of forestry with extracts from all known forestry writings. Jay A. Z. Young, who gave a special course on forestry at the Cameralshula of Laotan,

published a textbook in 1781 in which forest botany was well treated. J.J. Trunk, who was Oberforstmeister in Austria, as well as professor at Freiburg, was the most prominent of the three and wrote a comprehensive work full of practical sense. Neuess, forthshundig, or systematic, systematizer, of forced restes, the forced police and forced economy, nept an hang

of an inlandish and holzartin, from turf and stein-cullen, 1789. While at first the ephemeral writings, especially the polemic ones

of the empiricists, found room in literary and camaralistic magazines, the need of a professional journal first found expression in 1763 in Stoll's all-germinesis,

Economist Fost Magazine, which ran into 12 volumes and contains many articles important to the history of forestry, and is especially rich in its reference to foreign literature. Two continuations of the magazine under different editorships were of less value, but von Moser's Forst Archive, running from 1788 to 1807 with its 30 volumes, is an authority and a historical source of the first rank. A very characteristic literature of the last half of the 18th century consisted in forest calendars, in which advice as to monthly and seasonal procedures in the forests were given, Beckman and Zantier being among the authors.

End of Section 5. Recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 6 of a brief history of forestry by Bernard for now. This Lieberbox recording is in the public domain. Germany. Development in the 19th century. The last hundred years or so has seen in Germany the development of fully established forest policies and the complete organization of stable forest administrations based upon thorough and careful recognition of the principles of forest management and intensive application of silvicultural methods. 1. Changes in property conditions.

The change in forest treatment from that prevailing during the previous period was mainly due to the change in property conditions and especially to the establishment of state forests. This change was largely the result of the revolutionary movements at the beginning of the new century, which brought about changes in state organizations. In Prussia, the princely forest property had been declared state domain in 1713,

but elsewhere, the public public. The public domain had been considered the property of the princes in their capacity as head of the country, as Domainium, outside of their personal private property, Chautilgutha. The income from this dominium was in part liable to be applied to the expenses of the court, and of the administration of the realm, to some extent alleviating the burdens of taxation. This property arose from a variety of relations, which have been discussed at length in the foregoing chapters. It was derived mainly from feudal properties, feasts of vassalage and feasts of official position, secularized church property and other forfeited property, division of mock forests, and from allodial possessions of the family.

Gradually, by agreement with the landed estates, it was understood that this property could not be disposed of or dissipated by the prince, and was inherited by the eldest son together with the princely dignity, being an attribute of a property of a property of, his position in the state. In the reconstruction period of 1806 to 1815, during and after the Napoleonic wars, many of the small princes lost their seniorage, Landishojit Ipso Jore. And with the loss of the princely dignity, the obligation of carrying the expense of court and administration naturally falling away, these properties became in most cases purely individual property of the former princes. Not, however, until the revolutionary movements of 1848 and even later, was this divorce of the state idea from that of the person of the prince everywhere accomplished,

nor was it carried through without many bickering and quarrels between the princes and the representatives of the people, who claimed this dominium for the state. In the larger states, all this domenial property was finally declared state land. while in the smaller principalities a partition of the land between the princes and the state took place, or else a relation was established by which a part of the revenue resulting from the state lands was secured to the princes. An increase of the state's property came also during the first decade of the century. Through the abolishment of cloisters and secularization of church property generally, the lands of both Protestant and Catholic Church institutions being taken by the state.

Curiously enough, at the same time that the idea of state forest was being realized, the changes in economic thought which brought the principle of individualism to the fore gave rise to a movement to sell the state properties. This movement was inspired by French doctrines, whose influence was at the time very strong by the teachings of Adam Smith, who held that the state is not fit to conduct business, and by the hope that in private ownership and improvement in forest conditions would be more readily realized. These ideas by themselves would probably not have led to the adoption of a policy of sale

if it had not been for the need for cash, which, as a result of the French wars, was felt everywhere during the first years of the decade. The sale of this property seemed to provide a ready means for states to secure funds. In Prussia, after the collapse of 1806, this measure was widely discussed, and eventually in 1810 to 1813, repeatedly instructions for the sale of state forest property were issued. There were to be excluded from such sales only large complexes of forest, those on the sea coast, sand dunes, and river fronts, where the protection of the forest cover was needed, and those which it was desirable to maintain for the use of important industrial establishments.

Only the accession of Hottish, 1811, as chief of the Forest Administration, which was a branch of the Treasury Department, prevented the execution of this dismemberment. It was due to him that the difference in character between farm and forest property began to be recognized. Although after 1820, sales of forest property took place, they were never a fiscal measure, but were made either for the purpose of rounding off existing state forest property or paying off servitudes, or else in order to turn over agricultural soil to farm use. At present, everywhere in Germany state properties are on the increase. The property conditions of the communal forests naturally changed also with the political changes of the 19th century,

when existing communities were made part of the large political machine and changed from economic and social to modern political municipalities. The ownership conditions, however, were not simplified, but, as before, remained extremely varied. Of the mock forests, but a very small portion remains today. The majority of it had been finally divided among the America, in the first decade of the century, and the few remaining parts became independent of the political organization and now exist merely in the form of appurtenances to certain farm property, known as Gnosson Vault, Association Forests. In addition to the variety of communal

ownerships existing in the preceding period, some new communal properties originated from the granting of land and the settlement and disillusion of servitudes, whereby an undivided property, interessentenvald, in which sometimes even the state retains an interest, came into existence. The municipal property of the cities had become either the property of the entire community, or of that part which constituted the real citizenship, or at least of certain class of citizens of the municipality. The encumbrances which had grown up with regard to forest property under the name of servitudes, and which so many, much retarded the development of better forest management continued into this period, and although

through the influences of the French Revolution, a desire had been stimulated to get rid of all curtailments of property, some have persisted to this day. Indeed, for a time an increase of these servitudes took place due to the carelessness of forest officials in keeping unjustified use of the forest in check. When ancient usage of these rights of users, was claimed and new servitudes were established. In Bavaria, it became at last necessary, in 1852, to positively forbid the further establishment of new servitudes or rights of user. Laws having in view the dissolution or buying out of these rights were issued in Bavaria

in 1805, and in Prussia in 1821, giving the right to forest owners whose properties were so encumbered to call for a division of interests. but as at the first, the only way to settlement was by exchange for definite parcels of forest property, the progress in the abolishment of these rights was slow, until money exchange was permitted as in Saxony, 1832. At the present time, the state forest administrations have mostly got rid of these servitudes, or at least have progressed so far in their regulation that they are now rarely impediments to forest management. These peaceable adjustments of the rights of user constitute the last act of freeing property socially and economically. Two, forest conditions.

In spite of the sporadic efforts which had been made to bring about the recuperation of forest areas during the 18th century, the conditions of the forest at the beginning of the new century were most pitiable. The division of the mock, by which the peasants became indivisive, individual owners, profited little and led to devastation rather than to improving the condition of the property. In addition, export trade in wood had become brisk, and the financial depression, a result of the French wars, led to increased exploitations, which, with the improvement and means of transportation, progressed to the more distant forest areas and enlarged the waste area, especially in the more densely populated parts of the country, the deforested area widened,

and large waste with poor young growth increased in all directions in the same manner as now in the United States. The alarmists had good cause for renewing their cries, and around the year 1800, a considerable literature sprung up on the subject of the threatened timber famine. It is interesting to note that at that time the Katalpa played a role, at least on paper, as it does in our own day, being recommended as the only means of staving off the timber famine. A renewed bethelomania spread widely over the country. In North Germany especially, great efforts were made to replant the denuded areas and to change the coppice areas fit only for firewood to coniferous species. pine, etc., by which eventually a great change in the forest type from the original mixed forest to the pure forest was affected. 3. Personnel

The great change which led to improved conditions during the first half of the century was preeminently due to the knowledge and intelligence of a group of men, six in number, competent foresters who combine the high-grade education of the Camerolists with the practitioner's knowledge, Hartish, Kota, Hundeshagen, Kurnish, Phel, and Higher. These men built, to be sure, on the shoulders of their precursors of the century in which they were born, but, being placed in authoritative positions, found better opportunities for putting their teachings into practice. The first two mentioned were older than the rest, and are usually described as the

fathers of modern forestry. Born about a year apart, both educated at universities, they excelled in both scientific and practical directions. Georg Ludwich Hattich, 1764 to 1837, studied at the University of Gessen, and after having served in various functions in various parts of southern Germany, became an 1811 head of the Prussian Forest Administration. He was equally eminent as a practical man and organizer, as a writer, and as a teacher. In literary direction, his work lay not so much in developing new ideas, as in formulating clearly the known ones, as evidenced in his celebrated general rules in silviculture.

Not less than 30 separate publications attest his assiduity. Among them stands preeminent, Anwisungzer Holtzschschsched forster. 1791, 8th edition, 1818. As a teacher, he began his work by establishing a master school, 1789, 1791 at Hungen, transferred to Stuttgart in 1807, and afterwards as head of the Prussian Forest Administration,

he lectured at the University of Berlin, continuing as lectures there, even after the forestry school at I. Abersvalda had been established until his death. He may be considered as having established on a firm basis the Forest Administration of Prussia, and many of the things he instituted still prevail. In organizing the service, he introduced fixed salaries. He relieved the foresters from financial responsibilities,

transferring all handling of money to a separate set of officials, whereby the temptation of fraudulent practices of graft was removed, and he issued instructions for the very different grades of foresters, and every part of this work was all his own. In regulating the forest area of the state, he developed the volume allotment method, which, however, proved too cumbersome to be readily applied to large areas. Toward the end of its life, his work was not entirely successful,

and he lost prestige in his later years. Heinrich von Kota 1763 to 1844 studied at the University of Jena and afterwards practiced in Turingia, where he established a master school at Zilbach, 1795. In 1811, he was called to Saxony as director of Forest Surveys, whether he also transferred his school at Tarant, which in 1816 was made a state institution and is still flourishing. In that year, he was made the director of the Bureau of Forest Management, like Hartish,

he was eminent in the three directions of practical, literary, and educational work, but he excelled Hartish in originality, developing new principles and thoughts. Being a good plant physiologist and observer of nature, he developed new ideas in silviculture, especially with reference to methods of thinning, and his anvison to Valdabao, written in the simplest, clearest and most forceful manner, forms a classic worthy of study to this day. In the field of forest management, he became the inventor of the area allotment method and the originator of the highly developed Saxon forest management.

As a teacher, he excelled in clearness, exposition, wealth of ideas, and geniality. of an entirely different stamp was the third of the great masters, Johann Christian Hundushagen, 1783 to 1834, who, having studied in Heidelberg, became after some years of practice professor of forestry at Tubingen in 1817 and at Gieson, 1825. He was a representative of the theoretical or philosophical side of forestry, being highly cultivated and imbued with the spirit of science. His bent was to systematize the knowledge in existence and extend it by means of exact experiments. In forest organization, he invented the well-known formula method or rational method of regulating

felling budgets and became also one of the founders of forest statics, 1826, which he called, quote, the doctrine of measuring forestal forestal. forces, end quote, being thus the forerunner of modern scientific forestry. The fourth of the group, Gottlabe Koenich 1776 to 1849, was a practitioner without a university education who had enjoyed the teaching and influence of Cota, whom he succeeded in Eisenach as the head of the Dukal Forest Administration. He also founded here a private forest school, which in 1830 became a state institution and is still in existence. Koenich became noted by his contributions to the scientific,

especially the mathematical side of forestry, developing forest menstruation and statics. In this latter branch he was the forerunner of Pressler and of the modern school of finance. In his, on Leitong, to Holtz taxation, 1813, he gives a complete account to Forest Menceration. and in the part devoted to forest valuation, he develops the first soil rent formula and the methods of determining the cost value of his stance. His forest mathematics, 1835, in which he introduces factors of form and many other new ideas, was an original contribution to science.

Very different in character from these four leaders was the aggressive, sharp-witted, Friedrich Wilhelm Leopold Fyle. 1783 to 1859, who without a university education, and in spite of his poor knowledge of mathematics and natural history, advanced himself by native wit and genius. After a brief period of employment in private service in the province of Silesia, he accepted the position of professor of forestry at the Berlin University in 1821, in connection with Hattish, with whom, however, he was at swords point. It was at his instigation with the assistance of Fun Humboldt that the school was transferred in 1830 to Abersvald, Fyle becoming its director.

While Hattish was a generalizer, Fyle was an individualizer, free from dogma and most suggestive, a freelance and a fighter, critical in the extreme and prolific, in his literary work. He domineered the forestry literature of the day by means of his Christišibletta,

a journal of much import and merit. The youngest of the group, Carl Haya, 1797 to 1856, a thoroughly educated man, combined the professorial position in the University of Geisen, 1835, with practical management of a forest district. But in 1834, abandoned the latter in order to devote himself entirely to literary work.

He was one of the clearest and most systematic expounders in both his Valdbao, Silver Culture 1854, and his Valtreggeregelung, Forest Organization, 1841, are classics. The last, fifth edition of the Valtbao, appearing in 1906 in two volumes, has been brought up to date by Professor Hess. He devised one of the most rational methods of forest organization, and indeed, with the necessity of basing forest management on exact scientific inquiry, instead of on empiricism alone, he formulated instructions for forest static investigations,

a subject which his son, Gustav Haya, elaborated into a science. 4. Progress in Silviculture Natural regeneration continued to be the favorite method well into this period, and for a long time selection forest and coppice were all that was known in practice until Hottish and Cota forced the recognition of the shelterwood system. The only way in which a transition from the generally practiced unregulated selection forest to an intensive management was

possible, with the ignorant personnel of underforesters, was to formulate into an easily intelligible prescription the necessary rules, allowing the least play to individual judgment. This was done by Hartish when he formulated his eight general rules in 1808, which coincided also closely with the teachings of Cota, since these rules represent in brief the most definitely the status of silvicultural knowledge on natural regeneration at the time, it may be desirable to translate them verbatim. Number one, every forest tree which is expected to propagate itself by natural regeneration, must be old enough to bear good seed.

Number two, every district or stand which is to be replaced by a thoroughly perfect stand by means of natural regeneration must be brought into such position or density that the soil may everywhere receive sufficient seeding. 3. Each compartment must be kept in such condition or density that it cannot before the seeding takes place grow up to grass and weeds. Number 4. With species whose seed loses its power of germination through frost, as is the case

with the oaken beach, the compartments must be given such a position or density that the foliage which after the fall of seed covers and protects the same cannot be carried away by wind. Number five, all sands, which must be given such density that the germinating plants in the same, as long as they are still tender, find sufficient protection from their mother trees against heat of the sun and against cold. Number six. So soon as the young stand resulting from natural regeneration does not any longer require this motherly protection, it must gradually, through the careful removal of the mother trees, be

accustomed to the weather, and finally must be entirely brought into the open position. Number seven, all the young growths, whether secure, by natural or artificial seating must be freed from the accompanying less useful species and from weeds if these in spite of all precaution threaten the better kinds. Number eight, from every young forest until it is full grown. The suppressed wood must be removed from time to time so that the trees which are ahead or dominate may grow the better. The upper perfect crown cover, however, must not be interrupted until it is the intent

to grow a new forest again in the place of the old one. Since these rules are applicable only in beach forests, much mischief and misconception resulted from their generalization. Pure, even-aged, high forests became the ideal, and the mixed forest, which was originally the most widespread condition, vanished to a large extent. This was especially unfortunate in northern and northeastern pine forests. A reaction against hotish is a bit of,

generalization began about 1830 under the lead of Fyle. He had at first agreed with Hottish, and then with equal narrowness advocated for many years a clear-cutting system with artificial reforestation. Finally, however, he was not afraid to acknowledge that his early generalizations in this respect were a mistake, and that different conditions required different treatment. In the development of the Shelterwood system, there was at first, under the lead of Hattish, a tendency to open up rather sharply, taking out about three-fourths of the existing stand, but gradually he became convinced that this was too much, and finally reduced the first removal to only about one-third of the stand.

This was the origin of his nickname of Dockleman, in spite of the fact that it was claimed that Kolta took the opposite view, for which he was called Lichmann. He too grew in favor of a dark position, and as he progressed, leaned more and more towards more careful opening up. Hottish originally recognized only three different fellings, the cutting for seed, the cutting for light, and the removal cutting. By and by, a second cut was made during the seed year, and the number of fellings to secure gradual removal were increased, so that by 1801 this system seems to have been pretty nearly perfected to its modern conditions. The best exposition of this Femlschlach Betrive, Shelterwood System, as then developed, is to be found in Carl Heyers-Henburg

1854. The method was unfortunately extended by Bergstorf in 1787 to the northern pineries with a 70-year period of rotation. Within 10 years, however, he recognized its inappropriateness and modified it by instructions to leave only 6 to 12 seed trees per acre. His successor, Kropf, reduced the number of seed trees to four or five, which were to be removed within two or three years. In spite of the development of this more rational method, the practitioners under Hattish's approval held mainly to a dark position even for pine, much in the manner of a selection forest, which produced a poor growth of oppressed seedlings, retarding for a long time the development of the pineries. In spruce or fir, either a pure selection forest or strip system was employed.

Attempts at a shelterwood system were made, but experience with the wind danger, soon taught the lesson that this was not a proper method with shallow-rooted species. Even Hottish preferred for spruce clearing and planting, and this is still the most favored method with that species. For the deep-rooted in shade-enduring fur, the shelter-wood method with a long regeneration period was thoroughly established in the Black Forest and in Wittenberg by 1818. A natural regeneration being the main method of reproduction until the beginning of the 19th century, artificial means, as is evident from the first of the first century, artificial means, as is evident from the

the forest ordinances of Prussia and Bavaria, 1812 and 1814, were usually applied only to repair fail places, or to plant up wastes. In this artificial reforestation, with the exception of the planting of oak in pastures, sewing was almost entirely resorted to because it could be done cheaper and easier. But as the sowings were mostly made on unprepared soil and with very large amounts of seed, 30 to 60 pounds per acre, now only 7 to 10 pounds, the results were not satisfactory, either because the seed did not find favorable conditions for germinating, or when germinated the stand was too dense. Planting, if done at all, was done only with wildlings dug from the woods, and usually,

following the practice of the planting of oaks in pastures, with saplings. The plantings. The plant material was too large for success. Nurseries, except for oak, were not known, even Dakota in 1817, and higher having to plant up several thousand acres still relied on wildlings, two or three years old, which he took up with a ball of earth by means of his whole spade, a circular spade reinvented by him and much praised by others. Hotish in 1833 still advised the use of four to five-year-old pine wildlings, root pruned, but eventually, having met with poor success, for which he was much discredited, came to the conclusion that unpruned two-year-old plants were preferable. The credit of having radically changed these practices belongs to Pfeil,

who entirely reversing his position advocated for pine forest the system of clearing, followed by sewing, or by planting of wildlings with a ball of wildlings with a ball of earth. Then, suggesting that possibly planting without this precaution could be attempted, and pointing out the necessity of securing a satisfactory root system, he recommended about 1830, the use of one-year-old seedlings grown in carefully prepared seed beds. While for securing these, he relied upon the simple preparation of the soil by spading, Bermans added the use of a fertilizer in the shape of ashes of burned sod. The method of growing pine seedlings and planting them when one to three years old was further developed by Butla, 1845, who introduced the practice of dense sewing

in the seed beds. He also invented an ingenious planting iron or dibble, a half cone of iron, which was thrown by the planter with great precision, first to make a hole and then to close it. This was improved by the addition of a long handle into the superior, well-known and much-used Vattenberg planting dibble. At the same time, 1840, Montaifel devised the method known by his name of planting in bounds, which is especially applicable on wet soils. It was not until 1840 that transplanting of yearling pines with naked roots became general. The widespread application of this latter system resulted in abandoning to a large extent. mixed growth, and led to the establishment of pure pine forests, introducing thereby most

intensively all the dangers incident to a clearing system and pure forest, which are avoided by the mixed forest, namely insects, frost, and drought. A practice of planting spruce in bunches, originally 12 to 20 plants in a bunch, had been in existence since 1780, this practice increased until 1850 and is still in use in the Harts Mountains and in Eastern Prussia, although the bunches have been reduced, so as to contain only from three to five plants, the object of the bunching being to make sure that one or the other of the plants should live. Much discussion as to the merits of this method took place between the old masters. Cotter favoring the small bunches upon the basis of successful plantation of his own,

Hottish and file opposing it, but finally weakening. Since 1850, however, the practice of setting out single plants has become more general. A reaction from the indiscriminate application of the shelterward method to the hardwoods and of the clearing method to the pine set in during the last quarter of the 19th century, under the lead of Burkhart and Geya. These advocated return to mixed forest, and to natural regeneration with long periods, approaching a selection forest. Geyer, especially, professor of silviculture at Munich, became the foremost apostle of this school.

Yet even to this day, the principles of silvicultural treatment under the many different conditions remain unsettled. On the whole, however, with the financial question assiduously brought forward, the clearing system has made most progress, and the selection system has nearly vanished, being replaced by the group method and the shelterwood system. A number of special forms of silvicultural management applicable under special conditions have been locally developed, without, however, gaining much ground and being mainly of historical value. Among these may be mentioned a Zaybox modified beach forest, which consists in opening up a beach stand so as to secure regeneration, merely to form

a soil cover, leaving enough of the old stand on the ground to close up in 30 or 40 years. By this treatment, the large increment due to open position is secured without endangering the soil. Similarly, the storied or too aged high forest was applied to the management of oak forest in mixture with beach. In a few localities also on limited areas, a combination of forest and farming, Valtfoutval, has been continued and elaborated besides the more general use of coppice and coppice with standards. According to the statistics for 1900, the following distribution of the acreage

under different silvicultural methods prevailed throughout the empire. Total forest, deciduous percent, 32.5. coniferous percent 67.5. High forest, deciduous percent, 18.4. Coniferous percent, 60.1. Selection forest, deciduous percent, 2.3. Coniferous percent, 7.4. Koppas, deciduous percent, 6.8.

None, coniferous percent. Copus with standards, deciduous percent, five. None coniferous percent. Caniferous forest of which 68% is pine, and 30% spruce, prevails in eastern and middle Germany, deciduous forests of which 20% is oak, the balance principally beach, in the west and south. Copus and coppice with standards are mostly in private hands

as well as the coniferous selection forest, the state forest being almost entirely high forest, in other words, seed forest, other than under selection methods. Methods of Improving the Crop The credit of having first systematically formulated the practice of thinnings under the name of Dersh Forchtung for the first thing, Dersh Planterung for the later thinnings, belongs to Hottish,

although the practice of such thinnings had been known and applied here and there before his time. He confined himself mainly to the removal of undesirable species, dead and dying, suppressed and damaged trees, being especially emphatic in his advice not to interrupt the crown cover. Accepting the early weeding or improvement cuttings, these thinnings were not to begin until the 50th to 70th year in the broadleaved forest, but in conifers in the 20th the 30th year. The first attempt to explain on a biological basis the process and effect of thinning was made by Schpeth in the special contribution 1802. Kota in his silver culture, although at first

agreeing with Hattish, later in his third edition in 1821, changes his mind and improves both upon the biological explanation of Shbeth and the practices of Hattish, pointing out that the latter came too late with his assistance, that the struggle between the individuals should be anticipated and the thinning repeated as soon as the branches begin to die. But he also recognizes the practical difficulty of the application of this cultural measure on account of the expense. Curiously enough, he recommends severe or thinnings for fuel wood production than for timber forests. Fyle accentuates the necessity of treating different sites and species differently in the practice of thinnings.

Hundus Hagen accentuates the financial result and the fact that the culmination of the average yield is secured earlier by frequent thinnings. Haya formulates the golden rule early, often moderate, but insists that first thinning should not be made until the cost of the operation can be covered by the sale of the material. Propositions to base the philosophy and the results of thinning on experimental grounds, rather than on mere opinion, were made as early as 1825 to 1828, and again, from 1839 to 1846, at various meetings of forestry associations,

until in 1860 Brunswick and Saxony inaugurated the first more extensive experiments in thinnings. The two representatives of Forest Finance, Koenich and Pressler, pointed out in 1842 and 1859 the great significance of thinnings and of finance management as one of the most important silvicultural operations for securing the highest yield. In spite of the advanced development of the theory of thinning, the practice has largely lagged behind

because of the impractic ability of introducing intensive management. Only lately, owing to improvement in prices and the possibility of marketing the inferior material profitably enough to justify the expenditure, has it become possible to secure more generally the advantages of the cultural effect? Within the last 30 or 40 years, great activity has been developed among the experiment stations in securing a true basis for the practice of thinning. New ideas were introduced through French influence and by others independently in the latter part of the 80s when the distinction between the final harvest crop, elite, la halle,

and the nurse crop, Le Ba, was introduced. The conception of such subdivision and the English nomenclature was independently first employed by the writer in his report for 1887 as chief of forestry division when discussing planting plans for the prairies. The physiological reasons for the practice of thinning upon experimental basis, we're advanced by the botanist Gippert and R. Hartish. And among foresters, the names of Kraft, Lorry, Haulk, Borgreve, Wagner, and others are intimately connected with the very active discussion of the subject lately going on in the magazines. Thinnings have become such an important part of the income of forest administrations, 25 to 40 percent of the total yield.

the prominence given to the subject is well justified, and a more modern conception of the advantages of thinnings, and especially of severer thinnings, is gaining ground. The proposition, now much ventilated, of severe opening up near the end of the rotation in order to secure an accelerated increment, Lestongs' heba, is, however, much older. Hossfeldt in 1824 and Yeager in 1850 advocated this measure for financial reasons, while Cornish and Pressler anticipated the development of an individual tree management by pruning and differentiation of final harvest and nurse crop,

a method which is working itself out at the present time. 5. Methods of Forest Organization As stated before, to Hattish and Kota belongs the credit of having applied systematically on a large scale, methods of forest organization for sustained yield. Hattish, having been active in Prussia since 1811, and Cota beginning to organize the Saxon forests in the same year.

The method employed by Hattish, the so-called volume allotment, had been already formulated and its foundation laid by Kreckting and others, although Hattish seems to have claimed the invention. But it was reserved to Hottish to build up this method in its detail, and to formulate clearly and precisely its application, as well as to improve the practice of forest survey, calculation of increment, and the making of yield tables. His method involved a survey, a subdivision,

a construction of yield tables, and the formulation of working plans, in which the principle according to which the forest was to be managed during the whole rotation was laid down for each district. The rotation method was determined, divided into periods, finally of 20 years, and the periodic volume yield represented by all stance, was distributed through all the periods of the rotation

in such a manner as to make the periodic felling budgets approximately equal, or since the tendency to increased wood consumption was recognized, an increase in the felling budget toward the end of the rotation was considered desirable. Kota based his system of forest organization upon a method described by a Bavarian Shishler, 1796. It relied primarily upon area rather than volume division. This method was later on, in 1817, called by him Flethen Fachwerk, area allotment. It divides the rotation into periods and allots areas for each periodic felling budget. But before this time in 1804, Coulta had himself formulated a method of his own, which combined the area and volume method, the volume being the main basis and the area being

merely used as a check. While Hattish dogmatically and persistently carried out his difficult scheme, Cota was open-minded enough to improve his method of regulation, and by 1820, in his anvaisung to forced an richtung and abshitzung. He comes to his final position of basing the sustained yield entirely on the area allotment, using the estimate of volume simply to secure an approximately uniform felling budget. He laid particular stress on orderly procedure in the subdivision and progress of the fellings. He did not prepare an elaborate working plan binding for the entire rotation, but merely prescribed the principles of the general management, and after 1816, he confined the formulating of felling and planting plans only to the next decade.

A similar method, making a closer combination of volume and area allotment, now known as the combined allotment, in which the area forms the main basis for distributing the felling budgets, was prescribed by Clipschstein in 1833. This also confines the working plan to the first period of the rotation, and for this period alone makes a rather careful statement of the expected volume budget. A new budget is then to be determined at the beginning of the next period. This idea of confining the budget termination to a comparatively short period is now generally accepted, the future receiving only summary consideration.

These methods of organization were the ones generally applied in practice, and are still with some modifications in practical use. About 1820, however, new theories were advanced which led to the formulation of methods based upon the idea of the normal forest. The conception of a normal forest, with a normal stock, distributed in normal age, classes, so as to ensure a sustained yield management was evolved in 1780. by an obscure anonymous official in the tax collector's office of Austria, designed for assessing woods managed for sustained yield. This fertile idea, which is still the basis of forest organization in Austria, and explains better than any other method the principles involved in forest organization, did not find entrance into forestry literature in all its detail until 1811

when Andre compared this so-called Camarataxe, with Hartish's method of regulation. We find, however, that simultaneously with the Austrian invention of this method, Paulson, 1787, proposed to determine the felling budget as a relation between normal stock and normal yield, and in his yield tables the first of the kind, 1795, he gives the proportion of increment to normal stock in a percentage relation, so that the felling budget may either be expressed as a fraction of the stock or as a percent. In Beach Forest, for instance, he determines the felling budget as 3.3% on best sites, 2.5% on medium and 1.8% on poor sites.

Probably stimulated by Andre's description, Hoover, 1812, developed a method and formula, which may be considered the foundation of the later development by Carl Haya, Felling budget equals I plus S sub A minus S sub N over E. Based upon the normal forest idea, a number of methods were elaborated, which, because of they're employing a mathematical formula for the determination of the felling budget, are known as formula methods. They are indeed modified rational volume divisions. Hundus Hocken has the merit of having first clearly explained the basis of these methods,

and himself developed a formula. of the correctness of which he was so convinced as to designate his method as the rational one. Two other formulae were brought into the world by Cornish, 1838 to 1851, but the credit of the most complete elaboration, both of the principles of the normal forest idea, and of its practical application belongs to Carl Haya. The principles of his method are briefly. First, determine upon the period of regulation during which the application

during which the abnormal forest is to be brought nearer to normal conditions, the length of this period to be determined with due regard to the financial requirements or ability of the owner and to the conditions of the forest. The actual stock on hand is then determined and the total increment based on the average increment at felling age of each stand, which will take place during this period is added. deducting from this total what has been calculated as the proper normal stock requisite for a sustained yield management, the balance is available for felling budgets which may be utilized in annual or periodic installments during the period of regulation. A working plan is provided which takes care of securing an orderly progress of fellings and proper location of age classes to be revised every 10 years.

Although this is undoubtedly the most rational method yet devised, it has remained largely unused and is found in somewhat modified application only in Austria and Baden. An entirely new principle in the theory of forest organization was introduced when the aim of forest management was formulated to be the highest soil rent. According to this requirement, the proper harvest time of any stand or even of any tree was to be determined by the so-called index percent, and that is a calculation which determines whether a stand or a tree is still producing at a proper predetermined rate or is declining.

The advocates of this principle were especially Presler, professor of mathematics at Tarant, 1840 to 1843, and G. Higher, son of Carl Hire, who based his methods on his father's formula, merely introducing values for volumes. Udaye, director of the Tarant School, also developed in the 60s a method based upon financial theory, which is to attain the highest rate percent on the capital invested in forest production. On the basis of survey and subdivision of working blocks composing a felling series,

and with a rotation determined by financial calculations with interest accounts, he makes a periodic area division for determining the felling budget in general. and in addition employs the index percent, as explained for determining in each allotted stand, the more exact time for its harvest. While these men pleaded for strict finance calculation, such as is properly applied to any business, making financial results the main issue, the defenders of the old regime, which thought the object of forest management mainly in highest material or value production, advanced as their financial program the attainment of the endowment of the world.

the highest forest rent, as opposed to the highest soil rent. They neglected and derided the complicated interest calculations was have to take into consideration uncertain future developments, and were satisfied with producing a satisfactory balance, a surplus of income over expenses, no matter what interest rate on the capital involved in soil and forest growth that might represent. At the present time, these financial propositions are still, mainly under heated discussion. In actual practice, the various state forest administrations, with the exception of the Saxon one, continue to rely upon the older methods in regulating the management of their

forest properties without reference to financial theories. This is largely due to momentum of the practical existence and application of these methods in earlier times, and the difficulty and impractability of a change. Just now, however, several of the state administrations are preparing to radically revise their working plans. In Prussia, the instructions for working plans of 1819 formulated by Hottish were improved upon by his successor, Oberland Forstmeister von Rousse, 1836, and these instructions form the basis of the work of forest regulation until the end of the 19th century. It is a periodic area allotment, with only a summary check by volume. The working plan is only to secure rational location and gradation of age classes. The calculations of yields and specific rules of management are lately confined to the first period

and are revised every six years. In Saxony, Cota's area method was systematically developed, and as the larger part of Saxon forests is coniferous, mainly spruce, the proper location of age classes forms a special consideration for the progress of fellings. The determination of volume and increment was left to summary estimates, and the area division became entirely superior. The original idea of Cotter that orderly procedure in the management is of more importance than the actual determination and equalization of yield

still pervades the Saxon practice. Since 1860, an attempt has been made to calculate the rotation and determine the felling budget on the principle of the soil rent, at least as a corrective of the annual budget, and in general to lean towards Udych's stand management. In Bavaria, after various changes, a complete allotment method of area and volume had come into vogue in 1819, but at the present writing 1911, an entire new and modern reorganization has begun, in which most modern ideas, and especially much freedom of movement, even the deviation from the principle of sustained yield, is allowed. In Wurtenberg, where in 1818 to 1822, a pure volume allotment had been introduced, in 1862 to 1863, the combined allotment method was begun. The felling budget being determined in a general way for the next two or three periods.

and more precisely for the first decade without attempting more than approximate equality. In 1898, new instructions were issued which abandoned the allotment method and restrict the yield regulation to designating felling areas for the first period. In Baden, where the forest organization began in 1836 upon the basis of volume allotment, a change was made in 1849 to an area allotment, simplified. to a greater extent than anywhere else the calculation of the yield. Finally, Tyre's method was adopted entirely in 1869. It appears then that the schematic allotment methods

found the most general application in the earlier time of the period, being favored probably on account of their simplicity in application. The improvement in their present application over the original methods as designed by Ha-Tishinkata is that now they require no volume calculation for any long future, but are satisfied with making a sufficiently accurate calculation and provision for the proper felling budget for the present. End of Section 6. Recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia.

Section 7 of a brief history of forestry by Bernard for now. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. Germany 6. Forest Administration About the middle of the 18th century, the recognition of the importance of forestry led to a severance of the forest and hunting interests,

and it became the practice to place the direction of the former into the hands of some more or less competent man, a state forester, usually under the fiscal branch or treasury department of the general administration. Fully organized forest administrations in the modern sense, however, could hardly be said to a general administration, have existed before the end of the Napoleonic Wars, 1815, which had undoubtedly retarded the

peaceful development of this, as well as of other reforms. The present organization of the large Prussian Forest Department, in its present form, dates from 1820 when Hattish instituted the division into provincial administrations and differentiated them into directive, inspection, and executive services. The direction of the provincial management was placed in the hands of an Oberforstmeister, with the assistance of a number of Forstmeister, who acted mainly as inspectors, each having his inspection district consisting of a number of ranges. The ranges, 100,000 to 125,000 acres, were placed in charge of Oberfurster or Rivierfuerre, who, with the assistance of several under-foresters, Fester, conducted the practical work. At first, only indifferently educated, these latter were

allowed little latitude, but with improvement in their education, they became by degrees more and more independent agents. This tripartite system of directing, inspecting, and executive officers, after various changes in titles and functions, finally became practically established in all the larger German states, in some rather lately, as for instance, in Bavaria, not until 1885, and in Vandenberg in 1887. With this more stable organization, the character and the status of the personnel changed greatly. The prior right of the nobility to the higher positions which had lasted in some states until 1848, and the practice of making connection with military service a basis for appointment were abolished. And instead of Cameralists, educated foresters came everywhere to the head

of affairs. The lower service, which had been recruited from hunters and lackeys, and which was noted for its low, social, moral, and pecuniary status, was improved in all directions. The change from incidentals in the way of fees and natural instead of money emolument for the lower grade foresters, which had been the rule and still play a role even to date, to definite salaries, and the salutary change of methods in transacting business, which Hottish introduced became general. With the development and improvement of forestry schools,

the requirement of a higher technical education for positions in state service could be enforced. Yet, only within the last 25 or 30 years, has the ranking position of forest officers been made adequate, and equalize with that of other public officials of equal responsibility, and still later have their salaries been made adequate to modern requirement. The central administration now lies in the hands of technical men, Oberland Forchmister, with a council of technical deputies, land Forstmeister,

all of whom have passed through all the stages of employment from that of district managers up. This central office or division of forestry is either attached to the Department of Agriculture or to that of finance and has entire charge of the question of personnel, direction of forest schools, of the forest policy of the administration, and the approval of all working plans, acting in all things pertaining to the Forest Service as a court of last resort. The working plans are made and revised by special commissioners in each case. or, as in Saxony under the direction of a special bureau, with the assistance of the district manager. Upon the basis of the general working plan prepared by these commissions, an annual plan is elaborated by the district managers with consultation and approval of the provincial and central administration.

These plans contain a detailed statement of all the work to be done through the year, the cost of each item, and the receipts expected from each single. source. This annual working plan requires approval by the provincial administration, which is constituted as a deliberative council, consisting of a number of Forstmeister with an Oberforstmeister as presiding officer. The titles of these officers, to be sure, and the details of procedure varies somewhat in different states, but the system as a whole is more or less alike. The district manager, or Oberfurster, now often called Forstmeister, has grown in importance in freedom of position, although his district has grown smaller, mostly not over 25,000 acres.

And being one of the best educated men in the country district, he usually holds the highest social position, although his emoluments are still moderate. He holds many offices of an honorary character, as for instance, that of justice of the peace, and the position of state's attorney or public prosecutor in all cases of infraction of the forest laws. These forest laws are still largely local, i.e. state laws, although the criminal code of the empire has somewhat unified practice. Curiously enough, wood on the stump is still not considered property in the same sense as other things, so far as theft is concerned. The stealing of growing timber is not even called theft. The word used in the laws being

freffle, tort. And like other infractions against forest laws, it is punished by a money fine, more or less in proportion to the value of the stolen material or the damage suffered. This money fine may be transmuted into imprisonment or forest labor, but corporal punishment, which still prevailed in the first decades of the century, has been abolished. Wood stealing was very general and rampant during the beginning of the century, but improvement in the condition of the country population, and in the number and personnel of the forest officers since 1850, has now reduced it to a minimum. Formerly, and until 1848, the administrators and even the forest owners acted at the same time as prosecutor, judge, and executioner, and only in 1879

was this condition everywhere and entirely changed, and infractions against forest. And infractions against forest laws and judged by regular courts of law holding meetings at stated times for the prosecution of such infractions. Nevertheless, the court proceedings in forest matters still vary from the usual court practice, providing a simpler, cheaper, and more ready disposal of testimony and witnesses, and quicker retribution, which is largely rendered possible through having every forest officer under oath as a sheriff, and his statement and perhaps the confiscated tools in employed in the theft being accepted as prima facie, evidence of the infraction. The social position of the underforesters and the Forest Protective Service has also been

improved until all charges of incompetency and immorality, which were not undeserved even until past the middle of the 19th century, have become reversed. The Forest Service being morally on as high a plane as all the departments of German administrations. 7. Forest Policy During the first half of the century, the old conception of Forrest Hochite, superior right of the princes to supervise and interfere with private property, changed into the more modern conception of the police function of the state,

and by 1850, after the revolutionary period, the seniorage of the princes had passed away. The issue of forest ordinances, the last in 1840, was replaced by the enactment of forest laws, which, since the establishment of representative government, has become a function of legislatures. The tendency to restrict the exercise of private property rights had been assailed by the theories of laissez-faire

and the teachings of Adam Smith, and as a consequence, all the restrictive mandates of the older forest ordinances had been weakened and had more or less fallen into disuse. Especially the attempts to influence prices and markets had nearly, if not entirely, vanished during the first decade. Only for the state forest, it was still thought desirable to predetermined wood prices, or at least keep rates low, because wood wasn't necessary material for the industries.

This theory prevailed until perhaps under the lead of Hundushagen, see above. The propriety of securing the highest soil rent was recognized as the proper aim, when the practice of selling wood at auction in order to secure, the best prices became the rule. The regulations regarding export and import between the different states, which had been enacted under the mercantilistic teachings of the last century, see page 52, and the many tariffs which impeded a free exchange of commodities

lasted for a long time while into the 19th century and were not all abolished until 1865, when under the lead of Prussia the Northern German Federation instituted the Tsulferain, Tariff Alliance, which abolished not only all tariffs between the states of the Federation, but also tariffs on wood products against the outside world. Import duties were, however, again established in 1879, and the policy of protecting the established organized forest management against competition by importations from exploiting countries

has been again and again recognized as proper in the revision of tariff rates and railroad freight rates on the government railroads. During the first decades of the century, the supply question was uppermost, and although such men as Fyle, 1816, laughed at the idea of a wood famine, there was good reason prior to the development of railroads, of coal fields, of iron and steel manufacturers, etc., for discussing with apprehension the area and condition of supply and the extent of the consumption. Nevertheless, the attitude of the state toward private property was much more influenced by the economic theories than prevalent, which taught the ideas of private liberty to which the French Revolution had given such forcible expression. With the change of municipal communities from mere associations with common material interests into units or parts of political or state machines, also independence in the management of their property was secured, and many of the old restrictions which had circumscribed this right,

fell away. Curiously enough, during the French domination under Napoleon, the new masters, forgetting the spirit of the revolutionary period, introduced the prescriptions of the old French ordinance of 1669, which restricted the use of communal property to the extent of excluding the owners entirely from the management of their property and placed it under government officers. After the French withdrew, this method, of course, collapsed, although it probably had an influence on the final shaping of forest policies in these respects.

Altogether, there was such variety of historic development in the different parts of Germany that it is not to be wondered at that one finds a great variety of policies still prevailing not only in different states, but in different localities of the same state. At the present time, three different principles in the relations of the state to the corporation forests may be recognized, namely, entire freedom. excepting so far as general police laws apply, which is the case with most of the corporation forests in Prussia, law of 1876. Special supervision of the technical management under approved officials with proper education, which is the case in Saxony. Most of Bavaria, the Prussian provinces

of Vesphalia, Rhineland, and Saxony, and in some of the smaller states, or lastly, the absolute administration by the state, which prevails in Baden, parts of Braton. Parts of Brons. Bavaria, provinces Hesse Nassau and Hanover. The tendency, however, in modern times appears to be toward a more strict interpretation of the obligation of the state to prevent mismanagement of the communal property. Private forest property, which during the preceding century had been largely under restrictions, first under the application of the hunting right and then under the fear of a wood famine, became in the first decades of the century under the influences already mentioned, almost entirely free. All former policies being reversed? Indeed, Prussia in 1811 issued an edict

ensuring absolutely unrestricted rights to forest owners, permitting partition and conversion of forest properties, and even denying in such cases the right of interference on the part of possessors of rights of users. This policy of freedom was also applied, although less radically in Bavaria, except as to smaller owners. The result was, to a large extent, the increase of exploitation and forest devastation, creating wastes and setting shifting sand and sand dunes in motion. The reaction which set in against this unrestricted use of forest property

resulted in Prussia, not in renewal of restrictive measures, but in the enactment of promotive ones. The law of 1875 saw improvement by encouraging small owners to unite their properties under one management. But the expectations which were founded on this ameliorative policy seem so far not to have been realized. This promotive policy has especially since 1890 found expression in the institution in many provinces and information bureaus,

which give technical advice, make working plans, secure plant material and give other assistance to woodland owners. A new relation, however, of a conservative character arose by the establishment of the Entail, i.e., a contract made by the head of the family with the government under which the latter assumes the obligation of forever, preventing the heirs from disposing of, diminishing, or mismanaging their property. As a result of this arrangement, many of the larger private forest properties are forced to a conservative management, not as a direct influence of the law, but as a matter of agreement. The condition of the state

supervision of private and communal forest property at present prevailing is expressed in the following statement of divisions by property classes of forest areas of Germany, which shows that at least 63.9% are under conservative management. Total forest, 34,769,000794 acres. Crown Forest, 1.8%. State forest, 31.9%. Corporation forest, 16.1%, Institute Forest, 1.5%, association forest, 2.2%, private forest, including 10.4% entail, 46.5%. Until the beginning of the present century, the protective function of the forest had played no role in the arguments for state interference, but just about the beginning of the century,

cries were heard from France that, owing to the reckless devastation of the Vosges and Yora Alps by cutting, by fires and overgrazing, Brooks had become torrents, and the valleys were inundated and covered by the debris and silt of the torrents. A new aspect of the results of forest devastation began to be recognized, which found excellent expression in a memoir by Mioro de Jonas, Brussels 1825, on the question.

What changes does deference? denudation effect on the physical condition of the country. This being translated into German by Vietamann was widely spread, being interestingly written, although not well founded on facts of natural history and physical laws. Nevertheless, sufficient experience as regards the effect of denudation in mountainous countries had also accumulated in southwest Germany and in the Austrian Alps, and the necessity of protective legislation was recognized. This necessity first found practical expression in the Bavarian law of 1852,

in Prussia in 1875, and in Wittenberg in 1879. But a really proper basis for formulating a policy or argument for protective legislation outside of the mountainous country is still absent, although for a number of years attempts have been made to secure such basis. 8. Forestry Science and Literature The necessarily brief statements which are made under this heading presupposed knowledge of the technical details to which they refer. In this short history, it was possible only to sketch rapidly the development of the science in terms familiar to the professional man. The habit of writing encyclopedic volumes, which the Camerallis and learned hunters had inaugurated in the preceding centuries,

continued into the new one, and we find Hottish, Cota, file, and Hundeshagen, each writing such encyclopedias. Carl Haya began one in separate volumes, but completed only two of them. Even an encyclopedic work in monographs by several authors was undertaken as early as 1819 by J.M. Bechstein, who with his successors brought out 14 volumes, covering the ground pretty fully. While in the earlier stages, the meager amount of knowledge made it possible to compress the whole into small compass, the more monoconial.

encyclopedias of Lorry, Thurst, and Dombrowski arose from the opposite considerations, namely, the need of giving a comprehensive survey of the large mass of accumulated knowledge. Since 1820, monographic writings, however, became more and more the practice. Among the volumes which treat certain branches of forestry monographically, the works of the masters of silver culture, Cauta, Hottah, Hottish, and Haya, based on their experiences in West and Middle Germany, and of Fyell, referring more particularly to North German conditions, were followed by the South German writers Gwina, 1834, and Stumpf, 1849. In 1855, H. Burkart introduced in his classic, Zain and Flansen, a new method of treatment,

namely by species, and after 1850, when the development of general silviculture had been accomplished, such treatment by species became frequent. Of more modern works on general silviculture elaborating the attempts at reform of old practices, those of Gaia, 1880, Wagner, 1884, Borgreve, 1885, Ney, 1885. All writing in the same decade are to be especially mentioned. In this connection should be also noticed first the valuable collective work on nursery practice.

Flansen-Zucht in Vald. 1882. At present, the magazine literature furnishes ample opportunity to discuss the development of methods in all directions. The textbooks at present appearing seemed to be justified by or intended mainly for the needs of the teacher, and rarely for the practitioner. Such a textbook is that by Weiser. But the latest contributions to civil cultural literature by Wagner 1907 and Maya and, Maya, 1909 are works of a new order utilizing broader ecological knowledge. Other branches in silviculture were similarly first treated in comprehensive volumes

and then in monographic writings on special subjects of the branch. The literature on forest utilization covering the whole field was enriched especially by Feil, Koenich, Geier, and First. The first investigation into the physical and technical properties of wood was conducted by G. L. Hattish himself, following, followed by Teodor H. Hartish, and the subject has been most broadly treated by H. Nürdinger, 1860. In later years, Schwapak's investigations deserve a special mention. The question of means of transportation gradually became also a subject capable of monographic treatment,

and a series of books came out on locating and building forest roads. Brown issued such a book in 1855 for the Plains Country, and Kaiser, 1873, for the mountains. Also, Moulhausen, 1876, who had been commissioned to locate a perfect road system over the demonstration forest at the Forest Academy of Minden. Only within the last quarter of the century were railroads introduced into the economy of forest management. The last comprehensive book on the subject of logging railroads was issued by Fuster, 1885, and a later one by Runnenbaum, Stutzer, 1903, furnished in his compact style the latest discussion on the subject of roads and railroads. A very comprehensive literature on the value of forest litter was brought into existence by the

established usage of small farmers of supplying their lack of straw for bedding and manure by substituting the litter raked from the forest. Haughtish and Hundus Hagen were active in the discussion of this subject as well as almost every other forester. The discussion being, however, mainly based on opinions. But, after 1860, the subject became so important both to the poor farming population and to the forest, which was being robbed of its natural fertilizer, that a more definite basis for regulating its use was established by analysis and by experiments at the experimental stations. With the inauguration of the various methods of forest organizations described before,

there naturally went hand in hand the development of methods of measurement. Better forest surveys developed rapidly, the transit generally replacing the compass and plane table. At this period, the necessity for books teaching the important methods of land survey was met by Barr, 1858, and by Kraft, 1865. This subject does no longer occupy a place in forestry literature, the knowledge of it being taken for granted. On the other hand, the subject of forest menstruation, which formerly would, was generally treated in connection with forest organization, has developed into a branch by itself, and has been very considerably developed in its methods and instruments, making a tolerably accurate measurement of forest growth possible, although many unsolved problems are still under investigation.

Still, late into the century, it was customary to measure only circumferences of trees, by means of a chain or band, although an instrument for measuring diameters is mentioned by Cota, in 1804, and by Hartish, in 1808, Schöner and Richter are in 1813 mentioned as inventors of the first universal forest measure or caliper. The improvement of calipers to their modern efficiency has been carried on since 1840 by Carl and Gustav Heyer, and by many others until now self-recording calipers by Rus, Wemin, etc., have become practical instruments. For measuring the heights of trees, Felt had already a satisfactory instrument in 1800, a very large number of improvements in great variety followed, with Faustmann's mirror hypsometer probably in the lead.

As a special development for measuring diameters at varying heights, Presler's instrument should be mentioned, and a very complicated but extremely accurate one constructed by Bremen. Various formulas for the computation of the contents of felled trees had already been developed by Uthelt, and others in the 18th century, and a formula by Huber. Using the average area multiplied by length was definitely introduced in the Prussian practice in 1817. The names of Smalian, Hossfeldt, Pressler, and others are connected with improvements in these directions. The idea of form factors, and their use was first developed by Huber, who made three tree classes according to the length of crowns, measured the diameters six feet above ground, and used retreats. reduction factors of 0.75, 0.66, and 0.50 for the three classes. But the first formula for

determining form factors is credited to Hossfeldt, 1812. Hundus Hagen and Kurnish also occupied themselves with elaborating form factors. Smalayan, 1837, introduced the conception of the normal or true form factor relating it to the area at 1.20th of the height. An entirely new idea has lately been introduced by Schiffel, an Austrian-German, under the name of form quotient, placing two measured diameters in relation. Volume tables, giving the volumes of trees of varying diameters and height, were already in use to some extent in the 18th century. Kota gives such for Beach in 1804, and in 1817 furnished a set of so-called normal tables, which were, however, based upon the assumption of a conical form of the tree.

Kurnish perfected volume tables by introducing further classification into five growth classes, 1813, published volume tables for beach and other species, and in 1840 published volume tables not for single trees but for entire stands per acre classified by species, height, and density, using the so-called space number which she had developed in 1835 to denote the density. It is interesting to note that these tables, which he called Algemeina-Walt-Schitzchetsungstaffeln, were made for the Imperial Russian Society for the Advancement of Forestry. In 1840 and succeeding years, the Bavarian government issued a comprehensive series of measurements and a large number of form factors, which were used in constructing volume tables.

These were found to be so well made and so generally applicable that they were used in all parts of Germany and translated into meter measurement by BAME, 1872, are still generally in Luce, although new ones based upon further measurements have been furnished by Lory and Kunza. For arriving at the volume of stands, estimating was relied upon long into the 19th century, although Hossfeld in 1812 introduced measuring, and the use of the formula A-H-F,

in which A was the measured total cross-sectional area of the stand, H and F the height and form factors, the latter being at that time still estimated. He first made form classes for the same heights, but in 1823 simplified the method by assuming an average form factor for the whole stand. Even in 1830, Koenish still estimated the form factor, although he introduced the measurement of the cross-section area and determined the height indirectly as an average of measurements of several height classes. But, Huber, 1824, knew how to measure both the average height and form factor by means of an arithmetic simple tree. This method found entrance into the practice and held sway until about 1860, when the well-known

improvements by drought and Eurish supplanted it. These last-mentioned methods have become generally used in the practice, while other methods, like R. Hartish and Presslers, have remained mainly theoretical. The study of the increment of the making of yield tables, which had been inaugurated toward the end of the last century by Eltt, Paulson, Hartisch, and others, was just at the end of that century placed upon a new basis through Spet, 1797, who constructed the first growth curves by plotting the cubic contents of trees at different ages, and through Sitter, 1799, by introducing stem analysis on which he based his yield tables. On the shoulders of these, Hossfeldt, 1823, built, when he conceived the idea of the idea of the,

of using sample plots for continued observation of the progress of increment, and he also taught the method of interpolation with limited measurements, laying the basis for quite elaborate formulae. But the first normal yield tables based on the average trees of an index stand were published by Huber 1824, and in the same year by Hundeshagen. From that time on, yield tables were constructed by many others, but only since the experiment stations undertook to direct their construction is the hope justified of securing this most invaluable tool of forest management in reliable and sufficiently detailed form.

Even the newest tables are, however, still deficient, especially in the direction of detailed information regarding the division into assortments. The yield tables of Bauer, Kunze, Weisser, Lory and others are now superseded by those of Schwapak for Pime and spruce and Schuberg for fur. As a result of the many yield tables which gradually accumulated, the laws of growth in general became more and more cleared up and finally permitted their formulation as undertaken by R. Weber, Forst Ein Richtung, 1891.

The idea of using the per centic relations for stating the increment, and of estimating the future growth upon the basis of past performance for single trees, was known even to Hattish, 1795, and Carta, 1804, who published increment percent tables. The methods of making the measurements of increment on standing trees were especially elaborated by Kurnish, Karl, Edward, and Gustav Heyer, Schneider, his formula 1853, Yeager, Borgrever, and especially by Pressler, 1860, who opened new points of view and increased the means of studying increment by causing the construction of the well-known increment borer, and in other ways. The most modern textbook which treats fully of all modern methods of forest menstruation,

giving also their history is that of Udo Mueller, Lechburg der Holzmesskunda, 1899, superseding such other good ones as those of Bauer, 1816 to 1882, Kunza, 1873, Schwabak, short handbook last edition, 1903. The many sales of forest property, which took place at the beginning of this period, naturally stimulated the elaboration of methods of forest valuation. Even the soil rent theory finds its basis at the very beginning, 1799, in a published letter by two otherwise unknown foresters, Byn and Eber, who proposed to determine the value of a forest

by discounting the value of the net yield with a limited compound interest calculation to the 120th year. This idea was elaborated in 1805 by Nerdlinger and Hossfeldt into the modern concept of expectancy values, and the now-familiar discount calculations were inaugurated by them. Kota and Hartish participated also in the elaboration of methods of forest valuation. Kota, writing his manual in 1804, recognizes the propriety of compound interest calculations, while Hartish, 1812, still uses only simple interest and exhibits in his book as well as in his instructions for practice in the Prussian state forests, rather mixed notions on the subject.

All together, even in the earlier part of the period, there arose considerable differences of opinion and warm discussions in which all the prominent foresters took part as to the use of interest rates and methods of calculation. But this warfare broke into a red-harmes. Flame when Faustmann, 1849, with much mathematical apparatus, developed his formula for the soil expectancy value, and when Pressler and G. Haya transferred the discussion into statical fields, making the question of the financial rotation the issue. Then, the advocates of the soil rent and of the forest rent theories ranged themselves in opposite camps. This war of opinion, although abated in fervor, still continues.

and the issue is by no means settled. The discussion of what should be considered the proper felling age or rotation naturally occupied the minds of foresters from early times, a maximum volume production being originally the main aim. As early as 1799, Sutter had recognized the fact that the culmination of volume production had been obtained when the average accretion had culminated.

Hartish, in 1808, made the distinction of a physical and economical and a merriment, mercantilistic, i.e. financial felling age, and Pfeil, considerably ahead of his time, is the first to call, 1820, for a rotation based on maximum soil rent. As, however, he had so often done he changed his mind, and while he first advocated even for the state a management for the highest interest on the soil capital involved, he later rejected such money management. About the same time, Hundushagen clearly pointed out the propriety and proper method of base. facing the rotation on profit calculations, but it was reserved for a man, not a forester,

to stir up the modern strife for the proper financial basis, namely Presler, a professor of mathematics at Tarant, who became a sharp critic of existing forest management and developed to the extreme the net yield theories. It was then that the danger of a shortening of the existing rotations, due to the apparent truth that long rotations were unprofitable, called for a division into the two camps alluded to. Jihir, Eudaihe and Lear, elaborated especially the mathematical methods of the soil rent theory.

Kraft and Wagoner came to the assistance of Pressler, while Burkart, Bozer, Bauer, Borgerve, Dankelmann, Fishbach, and others pleaded for a different policy for the state at least, namely the forest rent with the established rotations. As in the previous period, The mathematical subjects, namely forest measurement and forest valuation, were more systematically developed than the natural history basis of forestry practice, the slower progress of the latter

being caused by the greater difficulties of studying natural history and of utilizing direct observation. In botanical direction, descriptive forest botany was first developed and several good books were published by Voltaire, Borkhausen, Bechstein, Réon, and. the latter, 1814, of high value and also by Beelin, Gwina, and Hottish. In the direction of plant physiology, Cota, early and creditively, attempted 1806 to explain the movement and function of sap, but remained unnoticed. Myers' 1805-1808 essay on the influence of the natural forces on the growth and nutrition of trees contains interesting physiological explanations for advanced silvicultural practice,

but these sporadic attempts to secure a biological basis were soon forgotten. Not until Theodore Hattish, 1848, published his anatomy and physiology of woody plants, was the necessity for exact investigation of forest biology as a basis for silvicultural practice fully recognized. With the development of general biological botany or ecology, a new era for silviculture seems to have arrived. Perhaps in this connection there should be mentioned as one of the earlier important contributions of much moment. Ji Hires,

Verhalten der Bejmer gegen Lychut and Shatten, 1856, in which the theory of influence of light and shade on forest development was elaborated. Among those who placed the study of pathology of forest trees on a scientific basis should be mentioned first Wilcombe, 1876. followed by R. Hotish. In zoology, the early writers began with a description of the biology of game animals. Next, interest in forest insects became natural,

and in 1818, Bechstein, in his encyclopedia, devoted one volume by Schaffenberg to the natural history of obnoxious forest insects. Toward the middle of the century, with the planting of large areas with single species, insect pests increased. Hence the interest in life histories of the pests grew and gave rise to the celebrated work by Ratzberg the Vald Bewerber and Iere Feinde, 1841. A number of similar handbooks on insects and on other zoological subjects followed.

The latest, the most complete work on insects, being still based on Ratzaberg's work, is that of Udyk and Nietzsche in two volumes 1895. Of course, the general works on Forest Protection always included chapters on forest entomology. The first of these textbooks on forest protection was published by La Roop, 1811, and others by Bechstein, Fael, Kalsinger, and recently by Hess, 1896, and First, 1889. Knowledge of the soil was but poorly developed in the encyclopedic works of the earlier part of the period.

Not till Liebich's epic-making investigations was a scientific basis secured, for the subject. Then became possible the improvements in the contents of such works as Greber, 1886, Zenft, 1888, and of Gustav Heyer, whose volume, Leerbuch, Der Forslicen Bodingcunda and Chlimatology, 1856. Well, records the state of knowledge at the time. But only since then has this field been worked with more scientific thoroughness by Ebermeier, Schroeder, Weber, Wollney, and by Raman, whose volume on Bodenkunda, 1893, may be still considered the standard of the present day. Newest edition, 1910. The question of the climatic significance of forests is one which first became recognized as capable of solution by scientific means,

when the movement for forest experimentation began to take shape and the systematic collecting of observed data was attempted. Most of the problems are still unresolved. With the aspects of political economy, in reference to forest policy, the foresters had occupied themselves but little, leaving the shape of public opinion to the Camerolists, whose influence lasted long into this century. These produced a good deal of literature in the early years of the century when the question of retaining or selling state forests was under discussion,

and, under the influence of the teachings of Adam Smith, their opinion was mostly favorable to sale. Only gradually was the propriety of the state forests recognized by them till finally the leading economists Rao, Rocha and Wagner took a decided stand in favor of this view. The foresters naturally were for retention of the existing state properties, but one-sided mercantilistic views regarding their administration persisted with them till modern times.

Venekind, as early as 1821, advocated the theory which is now becoming a practice, that the state should not only retain, but increase its present forest property by purchase of all absolute forest soil for the purpose of reforestation. The erratic and radical file alone was found with the Camerolus on the opposite side in 1816, but by 1834, he had entirely gone over to the side of the advocates of state forest, declaring anyone who opposed them fit for the lunatic asylum. Division of opinions existed also regarding the supervision by the state of private and communal forests. The political economists were inclined to reduce, the foresters to increase supervision, accepting again file in his earlier writings.

He modified his views later by recognizing supervision as a necessary evil. Cota, who was inclined to favor free use of forest property, sought to meet the objections to such free use by increasing the state property. The main incentive urged by the early advocates of state supervision was the fear of a timber famine. This argument vanished, however, with the development of railroads, and was then supplanted by the argument of the protective functions of the forest, a classification into supply forests and protective forests suggesting differences of treatment. Nevertheless, the belief that absolute freedom of property rights in the forest is not in harmony with good political economy. A belief correct because of the long-time element involved still largely prevails.

The difficulty, however, of supervising private ownership and the advantages of state ownership find definite expression in the policy which Prussia especially is now following in acquiring gradually the mismanaged private woodlands and in proverished farm areas for reforestation, making annual appropriations to this end. Many other states are also beginning to see the propriety of this. movement. On the whole, the systematic study of the economics of forestry has been rather neglected by foresters, although the subject was discussed by early writers, Meyer, Lorope, Féil, and in modern times by R. Weber, Lear, and Schwabach. Forst Politique, 1894. The latest comprehensive

volume on this subject comes from Andres, 1905. 9. Means of Advancing Forestry Science During the century, the means of increasing knowledge in forestry matters have grown in all directions, schools, associations, journals, and prolific literature attesting the complete establishment of the profession and practice. The master schools which began to take shape at the end of the last century, and a number of which were found in the beginning of the century as private institutions, were usually either of short duration or were changed into state institutions. They became either middle schools for the lower service or else academies. For the higher education, the chairs of forestry at the universities continued to do service, as at Heidelberg, Giesen, Leipzig, Berlin, etc. But, as these were mostly occupied by Camerollos, although Hortish in 1811 filled a chair at Berlin, and were intended for the benefit of such rather than of professional foresters,

the education of the latter was somewhat neglected. Most of the existing institutions had their beginnings in private schools. Both these and the state schools passed through many changes. The first high-class Forestry Academy was established at Berlin, directly by the state, in 1821, in connection with the university. Here, Vile was the only professor of forestry subjects, the other subjects being taught by other university professors. The fact that in the absence of railroads a demonstration forest was not easily accessible, and perhaps the friction between Fyle and Hartish, brought about a transfer to Neustadt-Eberthold in 1830,

with two professors till 1851 when a third professor was added, now 16 with eight assistants. At the same time, the lectures at Berlin were continued by Hartish until 1837. In Saxony, Cota's private school became a state institution in 1816, the Forest Academy of Toronto, with six teachers, now 13, and later in 1830, an agricultural school was added to it. In Bavaria, a private school was begun in 1807 at A Schaffenberg. It was made a state institution divided into higher and lower school in 1890, but was closed in 1832 on account of interior trouble. and inefficiency. It was reopened and reorganized in 1844 with four teachers and was intended to prepare for the lower grades of the service. Meanwhile, the lectures at the University of Munich

supplementing this lower school were to serve for the education of the higher grades. A reorganization took place in 1878 when a special faculty for forestry was established in Munich with Gustav Haya as head professor. This was done after much discussion, which is still good. going on throughout the empire as to the question whether education in forestry was best obtained at a university or at a special academy. The present tendency is toward the former solution of the question since railroad development has removed the main objection, namely the difficulty of reaching a demonstration forest. Nevertheless, Prussia retains its two forest academies, Eberswald and Minden, since 1868, for the education of its forest officials, the other state academy,

being at Torant and Eisenach, while chairs of forestry are found at the universities of Tübingen since 1817, Giesen since 1831, and Munich, and for Baden at the Polytechnicum in Karlsruhe, 1832. For the lower grades of forest officials, there are also schools established by the various governments, three in Prussia, five in Bavaria. In 1910, the school at Aschaffenburg was discontinued and the entire education of foresters' governments for Bavaria left to the university. Although as early as 1820, Hundishagen had insisted upon the necessity of exact investigation

to form a basis for improved forest management, and especially for forest statics, and although, in 1848, Carl Haya, elaborated the first instruction for such investigations which he expected to carry on with the aid of practitioners, the apathy of the latter and the troublesome times prior to 1850 retarded this powerful means of advancing forestry. During the decade from 1860 to 1870, however,

the movement for the formation of experiment stations took shape. The first set being instituted in Saxony, 1862, by establishing nine stations for the purpose of securing forest meteorological data. The next in Prussia, in 1865, to solve the problems of the removal of litter, and in Bavaria, 1866, also for the study of forest meteorological. by Abbermaier, and of the problem of thinnings. But not until Bauer, 1868, had pointed out more elaborately the necessity of systematic investigations,

and a plan for such had been elaborated by a committee instituted by the German Forrester's Association, was a system of experimentation as organized in modern times secured in 1872. The various states established independently such experiment stations, but at the same time, A voluntary association of these stations was formed for the purpose of coordinating and planning the work to be done. Forestry associations instituted merely for the purpose of propaganda were apparently not organized. The first association of professional foresters appears to have been formed as the result of Bechstein's conception, who proposed in connection with his school, 1795 at Golta, 1800 at Dry Sikaka, the formation of an academy of noted foresters.

As a result, the Societet des Forst and Yachtkunda was formed, in which all the noted foresters joined with much enthusiasm, and in 1801 a membership of 81 regular and 61 honorary members was attained. At the same time, the official organ Diana was founded, 1797, in which the essays of the members were to be printed after having passed four censors. Two sessions were to be held annually. this much too elaborate plan for then, rather undeveloped education and deficient means of transportation, defeated to some extent the great object. But 1812, it was thought necessary to divide the academy at least into a northern and southern section, and for the latter an additional journal edited by La Roep was instituted. The interest, however, decreased continually, and by 1843 at Bechstein's death, the academy was abandoned.

At the same time, there was a little bit of the same time, there was a lot of the interest. sprung up a number of local associations in the modern sense. The first in 1820 composed of the foresters and agriculturalists of Nassau. The next, in 1839 of the foresters of Baden, and by 1860, nine such local societies of foresters were in existence, and they have since increased rapidly until now some 30 may be counted. The desire to bring these local associations into relation with each other led to the first forestry Congress in 1837.

Congress der Lant and Forst Viter, meeting at Dresden. At that time, and in the Congresses following, the Agriculturalists played a reading part so that, in 1839, the South German Foresters separated and peripatetic congresses were held every one or two years. In 1869, a general organization was determined upon, and in 1872 the first General German Congress of Foresters met, holding yearly meetings thereafter.

A rival association having been organized in 1897, two years later an amalgamation of the two was affected in the Deutsche Forsferheim, now over 2,000 members. The most striking feature of this forceful means of advancing forestry is the institution of the Faust Wirtz Schaffratt, 1890, a permanent committee of about 50 members, which is to look after the political and economic interests of forestry, forming a semi-official national council. There also exists an international association of forest experiment stations. The magazine literature, the Camerales, dominated until the 18th century.

The first journal edited by a forester was Reiter's Journal for Forfors and Yachtwezen, which ran from 1790 to 1797. During the first part of the century, many others were started, especially after 1820, usually failing soon for lack of support. Hottish himself participated in this literature with five volumes until 1807 of Journal de Forst Yacht und Fischeraisosen and later 1816, 1820 with the semi-official journal Forst and Yacht archive. Files, Critisha Bletta, were continued by him from 1823 to 1859, when Nerdlinger had the editor's ship till 1870. An irregular publication of much note was Burkart's Alstim Walder, 1865 to 1881. Some of the journals founded in earlier times have continued

with changes in title and editorships to the present day. Of these, it is proper to mention as the oldest Algemeine of Forsten and Yacht Zeitung, founded by von Beelin, 1825, later conducted by G. Hire. Forst Bissenshafluses Centrablat, 1828, Zeitzschrift for forst and yachtwazen, founded in 1869 by Dunkelmann, Fossilisher Bletta, founded 1861 by Grunert, continued by Borgrever until 1890. The Tarantae Forselessier Yearbuechere were begun in 1842,

and the Mundiner Fosslisher Heftter in 1892. In 1893, the Fossilish Natur-Wisenschaftlitzschrift was established to discuss mainly the biological basis of forestry changed in 1903 to Natur Wiesenschafleischer Philand and Faust Wesen. For the lower grades, there has been published since 1872, Zeithrift der Deutsche Faust Beamton. Several lumber trade journals also discuss forestry matters. A weekly journal, Silva, was begun in 2008. To assist in keeping track of the historic and scientific development of the art,

an annual summary of magazine literature is being published. The first effort in this direction was made in 1876 by Bernhardz Chronic Des Deutsche Faust Wessens, which was continued for several years, but is now supplanted by Jaresberich, Ube, Becergues, Ubeck de Feastwerchert de Faust Wirtchertz, since 1880. Besides this more scientific magazine literature, pocketbooks, and calendars, have been published from early times, the regular annual appearance of the latter, giving detailed statistics, statistics, personalities, tables useful in the practice, etc. dates from 1851. With the accomplishment of the unity of the empire in 1871,

with the establishment of the experiment stations and their association in 1872, and with the organization of the Society of German Foresters, which dates from the same year, a new and most active era in the development of forestry science may be recognized, the tendency of which is to lift the art out of the shackles of empiricism and place it on a more scientific basis. End of Section 7, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 8 of a brief history of forestry by Bernard for now.

This Lieber Fox recording is in the public domain. Austria To Fort Gischiste Oster Reich by Pinder von Kreiglstein in the Forhandlinger of Kaka Landwirtschauschurchaseasellchaft, 1836. The History of the Osterreichestownland and Fost Wisschaft and Their Industriere, 5-48-18-5 volumes, 1902, parts referring to forestry, volumes 4 and 5 by Dr. Van Gutenberg and 15 others. A unique and most comprehensive work, magnificently published as a jubilee of the semi-centennial of the coronation of Emperor Franz Josef.

The Forster of Stats and Fort Gupta by Carl Schindler. 1885 and 1889, two volumes, pages 487 and 742, contains in greatest detail with historical data, a description of the state and fund forests and their management. Yeah, book of the state's and fond's gutter Verfaltung, nine volumes L. Dimitz, 1897 to 1904, continued. Ercundsen samlang The History of Ungarishan Faust Wirtchap by Albert V. Bedou

1896 in Magyar The Wirtschaflissan Belshire Belshirements of the Wendor by A. van Biddle 2.96 4 volumes

2,242 pages 4th published as a Jubilee of the 10 centennial existence of Hungary. First volume contains the general description, third volume, the details of government forests. A magnificent work describing in detail the forests and forest management of Hungary. This is briefed by the same author in the chapter in The Millennium of Hungary and its People by Yakofalusi, 1897. Germany's neighbor to the southeast, and until 1866, a member of the German Empire or Federation, largely settled by Germans and hence swayed by German thought,

developed forestry methods on much the same lines as the mother country. Yet there are differences to be found due to difference in economic development, and there is for the United States, perhaps, more to be learned from Austria in the matter of introducing forestry methods, especially as lately practiced in Bosnia-Herzegovina, then from any other country for economic conditions are in several respects alike. The interest in the forest history of Austria lies especially in the fact that private forest property

in large holdings is predominant and that large areas are still untouched or just open to exploitation so that Austria is still in the list of export countries, although in some parts intensive management has been long in existence. In the main, although movements for reform in forest use date back to the Middle Ages,

the condition of forestry in Austria was past the middle of the 19th century still most deplorable, and in a stage of development which most of the German states had passed long before. But in the last 50 years, such progress has been made that both science and practice stand nearly, if not quite on the same level, with those of their German neighbors. If Germany exhibits in its different parts a great variety of development, political and economic, Austria, although long under one family of rulers, since 1526, exhibits a still greater variety due to racial, natural, and historical differences within its own borders. It is indeed an extraordinary and singular country, without an equal of its kind, except perhaps

Turkey, in that it is not a national but a dynastic power, composed of unrelated states or lands, with people speaking different languages, mixed races, widely different in character. These were gradually aggregated under one head or ruling family, the Habsburgs, who as Archdukes of Austria occupied the elective position of German emperors for several generations. and after the collapse of the empire in 1806, retained the title and called themselves emperors of Austria. The Kingdom of Hungary alone, which was joined to the Habsburg Dominions by election of its people in 1526 and under new relations in 1867,

with at least 50% Hungarians is a national unit with a national language, Magyar, while all other parts have in their composition, preponderatingly Slavic, population, although German elements have the ascendancy more or less everywhere. Not less than ten different languages are spoken among the 40-odd million people, of whom the Germans comprise about one-quarter, the Hungarians one-third, the balance being Slavs. Originally, this section of the country was occupied by Germans with the German institution of the Mach, but when the Slavish and Magyar tribes pressed in from the east, it became the meeting ground of the three races, and during the first 1,000 years after Christ, the Eastmach

formed the bulwark of the German Empire against the Eastern invaders, who were in succession the Slavs, the Huns, the Turks. With the unexpected election of Rudolph of Habsburg, a little known prince of small possessions to the dignity of German Emperor in 1272, the foundation of the Austrian Empire was laid. The Archduchy of Austria, he secured by conquest in 1282, and around this nucleus all the other territories

were from time to time aggregated by the Habsburgs through marriage, conquest, or treaty. At one time, their rule extended over Spain, Netherlands, Switzerland, Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia. The abdication of Francis II in the year 1806

prepared the separation from Germany, although Austrian influence persisted in Germany until 1866 when, by the crushing defeat suffered at the hands of Prussia, its place and voice was permanently excluded from German councils. By arrangement with Hungary, the new dual empire of Austria-Hungary came into existence and gave a new national life and new policies to the coalition, which is to amalgamate these southeastern territories into a homogeneous nation. By the Treaty of Berlin in 1878, this territory of 241,942 square miles, with over 45 million people, was further increased by the addition of the Turkish provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with 1,250,000 inhabitants and 23,262 square miles. First, merely placed under Austria's Souserenti and administration in 1908, incorporated as, an integral part.

It is natural that corresponding to this great diversity of ethnological elements and historical development, we should find a great variety of forest conditions and uneven development of forestry. While in Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, the most intensive management has long been practiced. In the Carpathians of Galicia, and in Hungary, rough exploitation is still the rule, and in other parts large untouched forest areas still await development. We can distinguish at least seven regions thus differently developed. The northwest, with Bohemia, Moravia, and the remaining part of Silesia settled the longest,

and the longest under forest management. The northeast, Galicia, with the Carpathian Mountains, still largely either exploited or untouched, The Danube lands, or Austria proper, with the Vienna forest and the forest connected with the saltworks in Upper Austria and Styria, under some management since the 12th and 16th centuries respectively. The Alp Territory, including Tyrol and Salzburg, parts of Styria, Corinthia, and Crane, much devastated long ago, and offering all the problems of the rebozsment work of France. The coastlands along the Adriatic with Dalmatia, Istria, and Trieste, which, from ancient times, under Venetian rule, bring with them the inheritance of a mismanaged limestone country, creating the problems of the cost of reforestation which has baffled the economist and forester until the present time. The two new provinces east of this region, Bosnia and Herzegovina, which rich forest areas have only lately begun to be treated under modern. conservative ideas. And finally, Hungary, with a great variety of conditions itself. The large forest percent, a little over 24 million acres or over 32 percent of the land area,

is due to the mountainous character of the country, the Alps occupying a large area on the west and southwest, the Carpathians stretching for 600 miles on the northeast, various mountain ranges encircling Bohemia, the Sudetis forming part of the subatians forming part of the northern frontier and the Wienerwald and other lower ranges being distributed over the empire and bounding the fertile valleys of the Danube and its tributaries. At least 20% is unproductive. The climate in the northern portion of Austria is similar to that of southern Germany. In the southern portions to that of Italy, while Hungary partakes of the characteristics of a continental plains climate with low rainfall, an extreme temperature rain.

In addition to the tree species found in Germany, there are of economic value for species of pine, Pinus, Austriaca, Sembra, Penea, Halepensis, two oaks, Kerkis Ilex and Subur, and the chestnut Castanayevska. Conifer forest is prevailing in Austria with 82%. Deciduous forest in Hungary, mostly beech and oak, with 75%, 27% being oak. in pure stands. The following pages refer to Austria proper, Hungarian conditions being treated separately further on.

The value of the total raw product exported from the Austrian forest, some 180 million cubic feet, may be estimated at over $50 million annually. 1. Property conditions On the whole, property conditions developed not unsimilarly to those of Germany. There were free men and serfs to start with, developing into barons, peasants, burghers. There were ban forests, royal domain, forests of the mock and private properties. Rights of users or servitudes and all the methods and conditions that were developed in other parts of Europe are also found here, only perhaps differing in time and rate of progress in their development.

As a result of gradual changes, the present distribution of property resulted in which the state ownership is comparatively small, namely, in Austria proper, not more than 7.3%, with 2.8 million acres of which nearly one-third is unproductive land, while private ownership represents over 58.6%. Of this, 34% is in large landed estates, among which those of the princes of Liechtenstein and of Schwarzenberg with round 350,000 acres and 290,000 acres, respectively, are the largest. And 25 others, with from 50,000 to 230,000 acres may be named. By the middle of the 19th century, at least 75% of the forest area was in large compact properties, a guarantee for the possibility of forest management. The industrial development of the last decade. decade has, however, led to considerable exploitation. In upper and lower Austria, and in the

Alpine region, small private ownership prevails. The communal forest comprises 13 percent, entailed forest, 8 percent, and the rest belongs to church and other institutions. These so-called Fons Forsta are in part under government administration. 2. First attempts at Forest Control The oldest record of attempts at an orderly management in any part of the empire seems to date back to the 12th century when the city forest of Vienna had been placed under management. During the 16th and 17th century, this property appears to have been managed upon the basis of careful surveys and estimates. We also find a definite forest organization in the forest attached to the ducal salt mines in steering. by 1524, and the dams, canals, and waterworks for floating timber developed by 1592 through Thomas Sayauer

were the wonder of the times. In 1524 also, Archbishop Matthias Lang of Vellenberg issued a forest ordinance which was full of wise prescriptions, probably a little heated. A forest ordinance of 1599 refers to burning of tops and care of young growth in fellings. Generally speaking, as in Germany proper, forest ordinances were issued from time to time by the Dukes under the theory of the Forest Hoheite, applying to limited territories and attempting to regulate forest use. No uniformity existed. The iron industry and the more northern provinces had led early to a more conservative use of forest properties for fuel, and since the mines were regal property, the Dukes had a special interest in their conservation.

In the Alp territory, especially in Styria, the regal right to the mines combined with the Forst Holheite led early to the reservation by the Dukes of whatever forest was not fenced or owned by a special grant for the use of the mines. In addition, a superior right was asserted by them in some of the private forests to all the forest produce beyond the personal requirements of the owners. for use of the mines at a small tax, and what other private property existed was burdened by innumerable rights of user.

The exercise of these rights, and the warfare against irksome restrictions, led to widespread illegal exploitation and devastation, which as early as the 15th century had proceeded to such an extent that in Tyrol, associations for protection against the torrents were already then in existence. Yet in this province scantily populated, with one-third of its area unproductive and one-third forested,

wasteful exploitation continued until recent times. In Crane, which was unusually well-wooded, forest reservations were made for the use of the mines and furnaces in 1510 and 1515. These reservations comprising all forest lands within a given radius. The balance was mostly divided among small owners whose unrestricted, unconservative exploitation continued until the latter half of the 19th century. In Styria, nearly one half-wooded and one-third unproductive,

a regulated management was attempted as early as 1572 and by subsequent forest ordinances of 1695, 1721, and 1767, devastation was to be checked. But the resistance of the peasants to the regulations and the efficiency of the Forest Service were such that no substantial improvement resulted. In Galicia, unusually extensive rights of user in the crown forest led to their devastation, and the attempts to regulate the exercise of these rights by ordinances in 1782 and 1802 were unsuccessful.

The forest area along the coast of the Adriatic in Istria and Dalmatia had furnished ship timber even to the ancients. The Venetians becoming the owners of the country in the 15th century declared all forests national property, reserved for ship timber and placed them under management. They instituted a forest service, regulated pasturing, and forbade clearing. The oak coppice was to be cut in eight to 12-year rotation, with standards to be left for timber, etc. A reorganization of this service with division into districts is recorded in the 16th century when Charles V and 1520

instituted a forest college, i.e. administration. But the district officers, Capitani Aiboshi, being underpaid, carried on a nefarious trade on their own account, and by 1775 the whole country was already ruined in spite of attempts at reform. The cost problem remained unsolved, and when Austria secured Dalmadi in 1897, that country was too found in the same deplorable condition, the forest area there in the hands of the peasants having suffered by pasture an indiscriminate cutting. It was the work of Maria Teresa to reform the administration of the various branches of government, and wholesome legislation was also extended to the forest branch by her Forest Ordinance of 1754, which remained in force until 1852.

It relieved the private owners who held most of the forest area from the restrictions hitherto imposed, except in the frontier forests. These, for strategic reasons, were to be managed according to special working plans prepared by the patriotic economic society. The management of communal forests also was specially regulated, otherwise the ordinance merely recommended in general terms orderly system and the stopping of abuses.

In 1771, another forest ordinance proposed to extend the same policy of private unrestricted ownership to be cast for us, with the idea that thereby better conditions would most likely be secured, but since here the property was not as in Bohemia in large estates, but in small farmers' hands, the result was disastrous, as we shall see later, it merely led to increase devastation. The same result followed the increase of private peasant ownership, which came with the abolishment of serfdom in 1781. In 1782, an ordinance full of one, prescriptions against wasteful practice intended for the Northwest Territory

sought to check the improvident forest destruction. A further wholesome influence on private forest management was exercised by the tax assessment reform in 1788, when not only a more reasonable assessment, but for the first time a difference was made in taxation of managed as opposed to unmanaged woods, and the epic-making fertile idea of the normal forest was announced. See page 115. At the same time, the hunting privileges and other burdens, hampering forest properties were abolished and measures for the extinguishment of the rights of user enacted. Three, development of forest policy. As appears from the foregoing sketch of early attempts at forest control, no uniformity existed in the empire, each province being

treated differently and the regal rights being applied differently in each case. Originally, the regular circuit or district governments had charged not only of the management of state forests, but also of the forest police and the regulation of the management of communal forests. This supervision was exercised by the political administration, often without technical advisors, and the different provinces had developed this service very variably. While in some provinces, no special effort was made. to look after these interests, the laws remaining mainly dead letters, and others a better system prevailed. In Styria, for instance, in 1807, five forest commissioners and 20 district

foresters were employed, but this organization was of short duration. A loose administration of the forest laws was most general. The movement for reform and to secure general law for the empire controlling forest use dates from the year 1814. But only after the police, political reaction of 1848, and when the severe floods of 1851 had forcibly called attention to the unsatisfactory state of things was the necessity of change recognized. In 1852, such a general law was enacted, supplanting all the forest ordinances with minor exceptions. This law, which in the main is still in force, distinguishes between banned forests and protective forests. The former are such as require in their management consideration of their protective value to adjoining private estate property and personal safety, e.g. to prevent landslides, snow slides, avalanches, etc.

Protection forests are specifically located forests, which, for their own continuance as well as for that of neighboring ones, must be managed under special restrictions, e.g. on sand dunes, shores of waters, steep slopes. The dangers which they are to prevent being more of an indirect or hidden nature, and only produced by their mismanagement. The control also is of a more general nature, the owner being allowed to manage his property within general prescriptions, while the ban forests are protective forests of a higher order, and are more strictly and more directly controlled by the authorities. The declaration of a ban forest and the prescription for the conservative management depend on the findings of a commission assisted by exescendant. experts since 1873. The execution of the law, however, being left to the political administration of the provinces, jealousies between imperial and provincial governments and fear of resistance and ill-will of forest owners

prevented a strict and uniform application of the law. Hence, from time to time, we find ministerial rescripts and special provincial legislation to secure a more energetic enforcement of the law. At first, the reform had reference mainly to the Alp districts, which had suffered the most, and in Tyrol, at least, an organization was created in 1856, which was to manage the state forests, supervise the management of cooperation for us, and exercised the forest police. Not until the years, 1871 to 74, however, was a similar service extended to other portions of the empire, but at the end of that period the entire empire had been placed under the

administration of a forest protective service, an organization quite distinct from the state forest administration. In 1900, they were placed under this service nearly 2 million acres of protective and somewhat over 150,000 acres of banned forests. But some 5 to 6 million acres of private or communal forest was under some other restrictive policy. In 1888, this service consisted of 14 forest inspectors, 56 forest commissioners,

63 forest adjuncts, and 80 assistants and forest guards. In addition, 252 special appointees and officers of the state forest administration were doing duty in this service, so that altogether, nearly 500 persons were then employed in carrying on the protective forest policy of the state. In 1910, there were 388 technical attaches to the provincial authorities employed, and 124 on re-blossment work, while the state administration employed only 297 officials of the higher grade. The law declares the function of this technical service to be, quote, to assist the political

government by technical advice and observation in supervising forest protection and in the application of the forest laws, unquote. In 1883, the functions of this organization were extended, quote, to instruct and encourage forest owners in forest culture and to manage forest designated to be so managed." The service has been so satisfactory that, while at first much complaint against the enforcement of the regulations was heard, owners now ask constantly for its extension. The details of the duties devolving upon this organization are found in a series of laws, applicable to different parts of the empire, which are based upon the recognition of protection

forests in which sanctioned working plans, regulars. the management. Forcible reforestation and employment of competent foresters and these are obligatory. Now, altogether about 60% of the Austrian forest area is managed under working plans. A special re-bosment law for the extinction of destructive torrents was the result of unusual damage by floods in Tyrol and Corinthia in 1882. The basis for this legislation was laid by a translation from the French of Demonse's great work on the revoir of mountains by Van Sackendorf in 1880 and a subsequent report by the same author in 1883. A law similar to that of the French was enacted in 1884 for the regulation of torrential streams.

A special fund for the work was created to which the interested parties are required to contribute assisted by annual subventions from the state. The contributions of the state have averaged from 40 to 60% of the province's 20 to 50% percent, the interested parties having contributed 30 percent of the round $5 million expended on this work by 1901. In 1910, the contribution to the amelioration fund by the state had grown to $1.6 million, at the same time, for the regulation of the lower rivers and appropriation of $1,350,000 was made, of which $400,000 was to be used for reforestation work. This work, as well as the reforestation of the cost, see page 173, under the laws of 1881, 1883, 1885, is carried on by the Forest Protective Service.

On the whole, the Forest Policy of Austria tends toward harmony with forest owners and liberation of private property, by reduction of railroad freights which are under government management, by abolition of export duties, by reasonable tax assessments, etc., the wood export trade, now exceeding $30 million, is favored. By the extinction of rights of user under liberal laws, improvement in forest management is made possible. The emperor, setting a good example by having renounced in 1858, his superior right to forest reservations in the Alp districts. The best exemplification of the spirit of the Austrian forest policy

and of the methods of forest organization and administration is to be found in the administration of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina described in a volume published in 1905 by the veteran Austrian forester Ludwig Dimitz. The forestlvanes and enrichtungosvenians and der Herzegovina, Ludwig Dimitz, Vienna, 1905, page 389. See Forest Quarterly, Volume 3, page 113. Here the Austrian government has, in the short time of 25 years, succeeded in bringing orderly conditions into the forest management. Until 1878, these countries were provinces of Turkey and were placed under Austria and Souseranti as a result of the Russo-Turkish war. The Turks had already attempted a management of the forest lands which were in their entirety claimed by the Sultan.

Property conditions being entirely unclear when the Austrians assumed the administration, these questions had first to be settled by a survey. This survey resulted in showing a forest area of 6.3 million acres, 51% of the land area, of which probably all but about 1.5 million acres is private or communal property. Half of the state property is fully stocked, and it is estimated that about 100 million cubic feet is the annual increment. 4. State Forest Administration

The state domain in the first half of the 19th century had been reduced by sales from nearly 10 million acres to 4.5 million acres, and to a little over 3 million acres in 1855. In that year, about one half of this property was handed over to the National Bank to secure the state's indebtedness of $30 million. And between 1860 and 1870, further sales reduced the domain to about its present size of 1.8 million, acres productive forest. In 1872, however, a new policy and the present organization were instituted. Before 1849, the forest properties which the Crown or state owned in the various territories were not managed as a unit or in any uniform manner, but a number of separate provincial or territorial forest administrations existed, which were often connected with mining administrations and were placed under the Minister of Finance. These, under the influence of the

the educated foresters issuing from the newly established forest school had to be sure been much improved. Nevertheless, the Camerales, as in Germany, were at the head of affairs and kept the technical development back until after the revolution of 1848 when the accession of Franz Josef I brought many reforms and changes in methods of administration. A ministry of soil culture and mining was created in that year, and as a branch of it, a forest department, separated from the department of the chase. To the head of this forest department was called a forester, Rudolf Feistmantel, who elaborated an organization. But before much had been accomplished, the ministry and its forest department were abolished, 1853, and the forest domain again

transferred to the Ministry of Finance. Feistmantel returned in 1856 as chief of the forest division in that ministry, and as organization of the forest property of the state into forest districts, under forest managers, and into provincial forest directions, was perfected. Matters, however, did not thrive, and only when public attention and indignation had been aroused by a policy of selling state property, a change of attitude took place in 1872, which led to the present organization. This places the state forest administration in the Department of Agriculture with an Oberland Forstmeister, and two assistants as superior officers, and the rest of the organization is also very nearly the same as that in vogue in most German states, each province having a directive

service of Oberforzmeister with Forstmeister as inspectors, and Oberfester with the assistance of Forstvata as executive officers. In addition, a special corps of forest engineers and superior forest engineers is provided for the elaboration of working plans. Lately, 1904, a reorganization of the central office, provided besides the Department of Administration of State and Funds Forests, a Department of Rebosment and Correction of Torrance and a Department of Forest Policy charged with the promotion of forest culture, including the education of foresters and similar matters. Most of the state property is located in the Alps and Carpathian Mountains, at an elevation above 2,000 feet.

Hence, financial results do not make a good showing. Since 1885, it has been the policy to add the state forest area by purchase, and by 1898, over 350,000 acres had been added to it. 5. Progress of Forest Organization Since 1873, working plans according to unified principles have been prepared, for most of the state property, so that by 1898, about 82% was under-regulated management. The progress made in bringing forest areas under-organized management varied greatly in the different provinces. In northeastern Austria, the first methods of regulated management consisted, as in the

neighboring territories of Germany, in a simple division into felling areas. The example of the neighbors was also followed later in the northwestern provinces, and in both, regions this method was improved upon by allotment according to the propositions of Hartish and Cota. In addition, since 1810, the method of Austrian Camaraltaxa, with the new and fertile idea of the normal forest, began to be employed. See page 115. The new method now largely employed is an area allotment checked by the normal forest formula. Especially in Bohemia, most of the large Baroneo properties had by 1848 been put under a regular system of management, according to Saxon and Prussian precedent. The influence of the former was especially strong, and Saxon

foresters were largely employed to regulate the management. Most prominent among these was Yudai, who became the director of the Austrian Forest School at Weissvasa afterwards of Tehrant. By 1890, over 83% of the total forest area of Bohemian, capable of of such management had been placed under rational working plans according to the most modern conception, and nearly the same proportion in the neighboring provinces of Moravia and Silesia. In the Alps Territory and in the Danube provinces, the regulation of forest management has not progressed with the same rapidity, partly owing to the existence of the many hampering rights of user. Only here and there are properties managed intensively. By 1890, only 23% were

managed under rational working plans, 40% state and 60% private and communal property, mostly regulated by a combined area and volume method. Insteria, in the forest attached to the mines, we find already in 1795 quite a remarkable effort in the manner of working plans. Such a plan by an unknown author deals with volume tables and sample area methods for determining the stock. But the fine plan was stowed away in a cupboard, and, And when in 1830, forest counselor Wunderbaldinger proposed to apply a similar plan,

he had to wait seven years before permission for a trial was granted. He continued, however, the organization of these forests until 1848, using Hundeshagen's use percent in the selection forest, and volume allotment for the woods managed under clearing system. In Lower Austria, the Vienna state forest of 70,000 acres had, for a long time, received attention. The first thorough forest survey and yield calculation being made in 1718 to 20, revised in 1782 to 86, and regulated for the shelter wood system in 1820. Within the last 50 years, the method has been changed again and again until, in 1882, the present Austrian method based on normal stock principles was applied. Since in this province, 50% of the forest area is small peasant property and communal forest, which are usually usually,

managed without systematic plans, the 33% under working plans represents more than half of the area capable of such management. In Upper Austria, where the saltworks are situated, the attempts at regulated management in connection with these date back to the middle of the 16th century, and, after various changes, these forest areas were, by 1888, placed under working plans of modern style. Over 50% of the forest area of this province is so regulated. One of the most modern working plans based upon Presler's soil rent theory and a most intensive silver culture is that of Baron Mayor Menloff on his estate, Kogel. These details are merely brought forward to illustrate the great variation both in the progress of development and in the present conditions in different parts of the empire. Similar differences being found in other portions.

Suffice it to say that in round numbers, about 1,500,000 acres are managed under more or less intensive working plans, and of the balance, seven million acres are farmers' woodlots on which only silvicultural treatment is necessary. 6. Development of silviculture The necessity for conservative forest use and reforestation did not arise as early in Austria as it did in Germany. It was not until the middle of the 19th century that this necessity became apparent in most of the provinces when German experiences in silviculture could be readily utilized. In Bohemia, the clearing system with artificial reforestation, mostly by seed, had been introduced at the beginning of the century for the conifer forests,

planting as a rule being resorted to only in fail places. For this planting, wildlings were mostly used in the broadly forest the selection system and to some extent the shelterward method were largely followed. The strip system was also much implanted. and as the felling areas were often made too large, undue increase of undesirable softwoods resulted. During the last 50 years, soapicultural theory and practice developed very much

on the same lines as in Germany, more intensively in the densely populated and more accessible regions, and less so in the more distant and thinly settled mountain districts. The most noted work of reforestation, which has occupied Austrian foresters for the last 40 years or more is that of the cost,

a name applied to the wastelands in the mountain and hill country of Istria, Trieste, Dalmatia, Montenegro, and adjacent territories skirting the Adriatic Sea. It is a dry limestone country of some 600,000 acres in extent, stony and rough and overdrained. Originally, well-forested with conifers and hardwoods, it had furnished for ages, ship timber, and other wood supplies to the Venetians. Through reckless cutting, burning, and pasturing by the small farmers,

it had become almost entirely denuded natural reforestation being prevented by these practices, combined with the dryness of the soil intensified by the deforestation. For centuries, countless laws were passed to stop the progress of devastation, but without effect. The first attempt at planting was made by the city of Trieste in 1842 and found some imitators, but with meager result. In 1865, the Austrian government acting upon representations of the Forestry Association undertook to encourage and assist private landowners in reforesting their karst lands by remitting taxes on reforested lands for a period of years,

by technical advice and by assistance with plant material and money. By this move, so much land was withdrawn from pasture and taxation that opposition was aroused among the cattle owners, which led to additional legislation during the years 1882 to 1887, and finally to the creation of a commission charged to select the lands, which in the interest of the country required reforestation, and empowered to enforce this improvement within a given time, the state expropriating the lands of objecting owners.

At the same time, the commission brought about the division of pasture lands, which were held in communal ownership. By 1909, of the 75,000 acres selected by the Commission as of immediate interest, 15,000 acres had been planted, mostly with Austrian pine, at an average cost of $8 to $16 per acre. The cost including stone enclosures for the plantations to protect them against cattle and fire, and the repairs which sometimes equaled the original expense. In addition, some 50,000 acres of natural growth were brought into productive condition

merely by protection. While this activity refers to the northern portion of the coast region, the cost of Damadia farther south, being oak country, was mainly recuperated by protective measures. Here, in 1873, the pasturing of goats was forbidden on areas of over one million acres in extent which were found capable of reforestation. In 1876, the partition of communal holdings was ordered, and portions were designated for forest.

used to be planted. As a result of these measures, nearly 400,000 acres have been recuperated. 7. Education and Literature. The first forest schools in Austria were established through private effort, namely one in 1800 in Bohemia by Prince Schwarzenberg, and another one in Moravia by Prince Liechtenstein. These two being the largest forest owners in Austria. In 1805, another private forest school was opened in Bohemia,

and at the same time the State Institute near Vienna came into existence. This was in 1813 transferred to Maria Brun, and after various changes in the character of the teaching, was in 1867 raised the dignity of an academy with a three years course. In 1875, it was transferred to the Hochschula Fierboden Coulter at Vienna, in agricultural school, which had been instituted in 1872, intended to give the higher scientific education in both for, forestry and agriculture by a three years course.

The course was in 1905 increased to four years. During the years from 1875 to 1904, over 2,600 students in forestry alone had attended this excellent school, at which over 70 professors and instructors were employed. For the lower grades of foresters, schools were from time to time opened in addition to the private ones, first mentioned. And such so-called middle schools were founded at Eulenberg, 1852, Weissvasser 1855, transferred to Reichstadt, and Lemberg, 1874, at which latter the course is two years in the Polish language, and one at Broch, 1900, with the course is three years. At present, there are five middle schools in operation. For the education of guards, three Forstvart schools were instituted in 1881, and, and, and, and the education, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and, and,

in 1883, one each for Tyrol, Styria, and Galicia, where in an 11-months course, 15 forest guards at each receive instruction. In addition, there are five schools of silviculture where the course is won here. Besides these schools, courses in forestry of shorter duration are given at three other institutions. Besides these schools, the promotion of forestry science is, as in Germany, secured by forest experiment stations, which came into existence as a result of the earlier deliberations of the German foresters. The first proposition to establish such a station was submitted in 1868, but its establishment was delayed until 1875 when such a station was instituted at Vienna in connection with the school there. The results of the investigations

are published from year to year and have enriched the forestry literature in the German language with many important contributions. Very active association life exists in Austria, largely due to the influence of the many large private forest owners. Curiously enough, the first attempt at forming a society of foresters in Bohemia was suppressed by the authorities, probably for fear of revolutionary tendencies, and the efforts simply resulted in a literary or reading association

to obviate the need of private purchase of books. Not until 1848. The very year of the revolution did the Bohemian Forestry Association become a fact. And under the leadership of the large forest owners among the nobility, it has become the strongest in Austria, issuing a bi-monthly association journal from the beginning. Another strong local association which dates back its beginning as a society for agriculture to 1770 is the Moravian-Silesian Forestry Association, which segregated from the Mother Society in 1850, first as a section, and having by 1858,

attained a membership of 1,000 it constituted itself as a separate association in 1886. Besides these, many smaller ones exist in Austria. In 1852, a general Austrian forestry association was founded, which in 1854 began the publication of a quarterly journal and held sessions in various parts of the empire. But by and by and by, the interests seemed to flag. The attendance at the meetings became smaller and smaller. And finally, the association was abandoned after a rival,

the Austrian Forestry Congress, had been organized in 1874, which later became the Auster Reich Forst Fehrin. In Galicia and in Bukwina, the foresters met as a section of the Society for Soil Culture. The same method of forming forestry sections of the agricultural societies was followed. in other parts of the empire.

And at least a dozen or more other local foresters associations might be mentioned, in which owners of forest properties are as fully represented as professional foresters, and their activity is not only to be found in literary labors, but also in practical work. In addition to the meetings of these local societies, representative congresses have met annually at Vienna since 1876, and have become powerful agents for improving legislation and practice. Although, as was natural, owing to the difference in conditions the forestry literature in Austria began much later than that of Germany, a very active progress is noticeable since the middle of the last century. And the Austrians are vying successfully with the Germans in this direction.

The names of Fiakele, Bacorni, Bairn, Beirme, Weissner, Mollish, Wilcombe, Hemple and Kernae, in the direction of Forest Botany. Vessaly, von Lorenz, von Lorenow, Feistmantel, Dimitz, Wachtel, entomology, Dombrovsky, Encyclopedia 1886, Axner, Janke, Wood Technology, Gutenberg, Forest Menseration, von Sekendorf, Schiffel, Forest Menseration, Sissla, Ruse, Burmela, Hefnagel, Machet, and many others are familiar to all German readers. In addition, a very considerable literature in the Bohemian language is in existence. Some in the Italian by Austrian authors, and some in the Slovenian. The magazine literature began with publications

by various forestry associations which became active after 1848. At the present time, weekly, monthly, bimonthly, quarterly, yearly, and irregular publications to the number of not less than 14 in German, in addition to several in Bohemian, may be counted,

among which the monthly Centrablot-Ferdasks is amped to Faustwazen, in existence since 1875, and the weekly Austerreichesis for Seitong since 1883 are perhaps the most widely known. End of Section 8. Recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 9 of a brief history of forestry by Bernard for now. This Librevats recording is in the public domain. Hungary

Hungary is mainly a fertile plain traversed by the Danube and Tice, an agricultural country with the forest confined to the hilly portions, to the mountainous southern provinces of Slovenia and Croatia, and to the Carpathians which bound it on the north and east. Nevertheless, while wood in the plain is scarce, the total forest area, including that of the two mentioned provinces, is but little less than that of Austria proper, namely 23 million acres or 28%.

Large areas of shifting sands and along the dead, Anub and Tice rivers, swamps, partly created by deforestation, are interspersed with the heavy black prairie and compact clay soils. At present, of the 23 million acres of forest the state owns 16%, corporations somewhat over 20%, churches, cloisters, and other institutions 7.5%. And the balance, over 13 million acres, is owned privately. The administration of the state forest is in the Department of Agriculture, but some are still under the control of the military and railroad departments.

All but the private force are under state surveillance. Of the private properties, the majority consists of large holdings and about 10% are entailed, a hopeful condition for conservative management. Yet, with an export of $10 to $12 million or more, exploitation would appear still to be general, and devastated areas abound. It is claimed that half the area is. is under working plans and that the 1,000 million cubic feet of annual cut do not approach the annual increment.

The state forests yield now in the neighborhood of $600,000 net. Although naturally influenced by Austrian precedent, forestry matters in Hungary, like all matters of administration, are largely independent of Austria, the connection being only in the identity of the ruler. The forests, which had been for the most part the property of the kings of the archers, our Pard dynasty, had by them been turned over from time to time in donations to the churches, cloisters, and to colonists, so that when the Habsburg succeeded to the throne in 1526, only a small portion remained undisposed, and this became state property.

In the forests which were necessary for the working of the royal mines and furnaces, an attempt was early made to secure systematic treatment under an ordinance, 1565, which gave instructions as to the order of fellings, the reservation of seed trees, etc. But otherwise, the government did not make much effort at regulating forest use until the middle of the 18th century. And then, largely owing to military considerations urged by General von Engelshofen,

commanding on the frontier against the Turks. The planting of forests for defense was ordered in 1743 by Maria Teresa, but this order was probably never executed. About this time, however, movements of reform in various directions are noticeable. Complete working plans were made for the Kremlin's forest in 1750 and for the Shemnitz forest in 1763.

The forest ordinances of 1770 and 1781 and the law of 1791 attempted to regulate the use of communal forests and ordered the reservation of devastated forest areas. Other legislation followed in 1807 designed to arrest the further extension of shifting sands. Although since 1809, forest inspectors had been employed to look after the execution of the forest laws, mismanagement and forest destruction by promiscuous cutting, pasture and fire remained the rule, and with the advent of the railroads in 1850 increased a pace. Political troubles prevented any attempts at improvement until, in 1867, comparative peace and the new regime had arrived, and finally, in 1879, it became possible to pass a reform law,

which is the basis of present conditions. A general forest law had been enacted in 1807. This was superseded in 1858 by the adoption of the Austrian law of 1852, but in 1879, a new law reorganized forest policy and forest service. In that year, the state interests were placed under the administration of the Department of Agriculture with a technical forester at the head, Oberland Forstmeister, assisted by four section chiefs, one in charge of the state forest administration,

one for the administration of corporation forests, one for the elaboration of working plans, and one with the assistance of 20 forest inspectors having supervision of the execution of all forest laws. Otherwise, the general features of German administration methods prevailed, except that for purposes of executing the protective forest laws, committees composed of three members chosen from the country officials cooperate with the government service.

The law of 1879, modified and intensified in 1898, provides government supervision of the management of corporation and of protection of forests, and prescribes that land unfit for farming, i.e. absolute forest soil, three quarters of all forest land, no matter by whom owned is to be reforested within six years after having been stripped, and no new clearings may be made on such soils. Mountain forests, which are classed as protection forests,

around one million acres or 5.4% of the forest area so classed, as well as entailed properties must be managed, according to working plans approved by the Forest Department. The declaration of protective forests was to be made by a commission within five years of the enactment of the law. New planting for protective purposes could also be ordered, and this under certain conditions may be done by the interested or protected parties, which may associate themselves for this purpose.

Violations of this law are liable to be punished by a fine for each acre imposed annually as long as the offense continues. Two-thirds of the whole forest area is thus more or less under state supervision, and working plans for over 12 million acres have been, been or are to be prepared by the government. An area allotment method with a normal forest formula as a check has been mostly employed in this work, which is by no means as yet completed. To promote forest planting, several nurseries have been established by the government, from which around 10 million plants are annually distributed free of charge, and subventions for

reforestation of wastes are also granted annually. It is interesting to note in this connection, that more than 170,000 acres have been planted to black locust, which is managed as coppice for vineyard stakes. In 1884, a special fund for the purchase of forest land by the state was instituted by turning all monies received from eventual sales of forest land into that fund. Another fund for forest improvement is accumulated by placing four-fifths of all penalties collected for forest trespasses into a separate account for that purpose. These funds, have not accumulated very fast, the Forest Improvement Fund in 1896 being only about $120,000. Similar to the lands in France, there exist in various parts of Hungary extensive sand waste and

shifting sands, partly caused by deforestation. Ever since 1788, legislation has attempted to secure rehabilitation of these waste areas, which cover in all some 600 square miles. In 1870, a first systematic beginning was made in the Benat, on the outfield of Le Magyars, under the forest dictator Bakofen, similar to Bramontier's undertaking in France. By 1842, the total plantations amounted to about 12,000 acres, and by 1869, some 20,000 acres had been reforested, and parts of the plantations had begun to yield profits.

But even today, there are still large areas in a desert condition. A classic volume in German by Josef Wessell, Hungarian forest director, der Eurpeche flogsand and zayna culture, describes in detail the principles and methods of reclamation of shifting sands. Most of the Hungarian forestry literature being written in the Magyar language is inaccessible to the rest of the world. Efforts by private endeavor to promote forestry education date back as early as 1796 when Forest Inspector Visner opened an elementary

Forest School and wrote a forestry catechism. This effort was followed in 1806 by introducing the subject in the Agricultural School at Kesthli, and in 1808 in the School of Mines in Schemnitz, Salmitszlmitsch, a German forester, Wilkins, filling the chair, while a special forest school was established in Hermannstadt in 1817. The forestry courses at Schemnitz were enlarged and the school reorganized in 1846 and again in 177. one of the changes being the use of the Hungarian language in its instruction, which had originally been in German. In 1904, the course which was three years and only optionally four,

one year for engineering education, was made four years for all, and is obligatory for all higher-grade state officials. In Croatia, Slovenia, which is, in many respects separately administered, an agricultural and forestry school exists at Kreutz, Kuros, with a three-year course. For the lower service, four schools of two-year courses have been established by the government, the instruction being given by practitioners, and some of the students receiving free tuition. A forest experiment station was established in 1898. It issues a quarterly magazine, Erdicelli Kizerletek, in which its results are recorded.

A Hungarian forestry association was formed in 1866. Six, it issues a monthly journal, distributes pamphlets, gives prizes for literary effort, etc., and is, with over 2,000 members, an active agent in the work of reform. A separate forestry association which also publishes a monthly in the Slavish language exists in Croatia. End of Section 9. Recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 10 of A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for now. this Librevox recording is in the public domain. Switzerland

A very good brief statement of present conditions of forestry in Switzerland, with some historical references, may be found in Handwerth-Boch der Schweitzerichen Volkswirtch, Berlin 1903, with two chapters by Dr. J. Coates and Professor C. Bourgeois. F. Funkhauser, History of Des Bernersian forestwes Bairn, 1893, gives insight into the developments in one of the cantons, beginning in 1304. Landolt

Over the history of Valdungen and of forest wessens, Zurich, 1858. Levolution forestier down the canton de Nuchatel, Histoire Statistique, 1896, Bury, the cultuageschislish, entvicklung and workshoplishes bideoters, Switzerland, Luzerne, 1898. Meister, the Stadvart Woltungen from Zurich, second edition, 1903,

exhibits on 225 pages in great detail the history and methods of management of this remarkable city forest of only about 3,000 acres. Report of the British Foreign Office on Swiss Forest Laws by Conway Thornton, 1888, gives a very satisfactory expose of the earlier legislation. The interest which we have in the development of forestry in this small territory of somewhat less than 16,000 square miles, with over 3 million people, lies in the fact that it is a republic, or rather an aggregation of republics, the oldest in existence, and that occupying an alpine mountain country, it has developed a unique cooperative policy

of forest protection. Being largely German by origin and sentiment, German influence on the development of forestry methods outside of the administrative measures has here been as strong as in Austria. Switzerland did not exist as a power in name until the 17th century, and as a unit not until the reconstruction of 1815, and in its present settled conditions. and constitution not until 1848, although the nucleus of its political existence dates back at least 600 years when, in 1291, the people of the three forest canons, Schwitz, Uri, and Untervalden formed their first league to resist encroachments on their rights by the church

and by the feudal barons. The country became settled, similarly to Germany, by Germans, and especially Burgundians of free people. But when the control, of the Obermerker over the free communities began to ripen into feudal superiority, it found resistance in the forest cantons, and these formed a league to fight the Duke of Habsburg, who partly as feudal lord, partly as Reichvaat, the emperor's representative, claimed obnoxious rights. Through admission of neighboring lands and cities to the league, the number of confederates had by the middle of the 14th century grown to eight, and when by the battles of Sempak, 1386, and Neffels, 1388, the Austrian Habsburg supremacy had been permanently destroyed.

The number of allies grew, and by conquest and annexation and otherwise, their territory attained nearly the present size by the middle of the 15th century, the war against feudalism being the cause for this growth. These various small republics, however, always formed a part of and owed allegiance to the German Empire. Although they resisted the arms of the emperor as Archduke of Austria, until, with the peace of 1499, this connection became entirely normal.

The final separation from the German Empire and acknowledgement of independence was not pronounced until the peace of Vestvalia in 1648. The League of Cantons was only a very loose confederation without any central power, although a diet to which each canton sent a delft. delegate had deliberative functions. Almost immediately after the alliance was formed, it became fatally divided, especially when religious differences arose, and throughout the 16th and first half

of the 17th century, continuous warfare existed between the different allies. It must not, however, be understood that the peasants in the different cantons were entirely free from the ancient tyrannies, with the exception of the three forest cantons, which were truly democratic republics, The majority of the Swiss peasants, free in the eyes of the outside world, were mere serfs until the beginning of the 18th century and secured their freedom only after many revolts. After nearly 500 years of this loose federation, it was reserved to Napoleon to proclaim the Helvetian Republic one and indivisible in 1798 after a short struggle of 74 days. This constitution fell with the fall of Napoleon and gave place in a year. 1815 to a reorganized federation, in which the former sovereignty of each canton was re-established, the inviolability of the territory being guaranteed by the European powers.

Finally, in 1848, the seventh and last phase of reconstruction brought into existence the Bund, the Confederation of Switzerland, very much after the pattern of the United States, the Constitution then adopted being once more revised in 1874. The country is divided into 19 entire and six half-states or cantons, which are a unit towards foreign powers, but have as much independence among themselves as each of the United States, each self-governing. A parliament, Bundeswesamlung, of two chambers,

the National Ratt of 145 members corresponding to the House of Representatives, the Standish Ratt, with 44 members equivalent to the Senate, represent the interests of the whole federation. The administration of the cantons lies in the hands of the great and small councils, with an executive ministry of three members chosen for two years by the former council. The administration of the Bundt is in the hands of the Bundesrat of seven members elected by the parliament, which also elects one of the members as president for one year.

The referendum, which, if 30,000 voters demand it within three months, requires reference of any law to direct vote of the people is used as a check on legislation. Although the larger part of the population of 3 million people is German, parts of Switzerland are French, and other parts Italian. From this brief statement of the political development of the country, it will appear that the development of forestry must also have varied. 1. Forest Conditions and Property Rights topographic and soil conditions necessarily had also their influence on this development. In the plains, the plateau, in the hill country, the distinction of forest and field as it now exists had been in general attained in the 15th century.

While in the mountain country, forest destruction began only in the 18th century and continued till the middle of the 19th century, stimulated by the development of the metal industry and the improvement in means of communication. The clearings made here were turned into pasture, and being over-pastured became wastelands. Thus, owing to topographic and soil conditions, a very uneven distribution of forest has resulted, and we find a variation in forest area from 9% to over 39% in Yorah, of the total land area of the different cantons. The average being 20.6%, leaving out of consideration the area above timber limit, 5,000 to 7,500 feet, and the waters and rocks below.

This is less than in Germany and Austria, more than in France, but if allowance is made for unproductive soil, which is included in the German area statements, the percentage of forest area on productive soil would about equal that of Germany. In the last 25 years, the area has increased by 10% to 2,140,000 acres. This area is insufficient to supply the demand,

from 15 to 25% of it being imported. In 1907, the imports had risen to nearly 25 million cubic feet, valued at $9 million. Property rights developed at first similarly to those developed on German soil, except that as we have seen, feudal conditions were not allowed to gain foothold to the same extent, and liberty from serfdom was secured earlier. In 1798, seniorial rights had pretty much nearly been extinguished, At present, ownership is still largely communal. Nearly 67% are so owned, making this property of highest forest political importance.

Private owners hold only 28.5% and the cantonal forests represent but 4.6%. The boont, as such, owning none. It is also to be noted that communal property is constantly increasing by purchases from private holdings. 2. Development of Forest Plurts. policy. No doubt. In some parts, the first beginnings of care for forest property and forest use date back even to Roman times. Charlemagne had his forest officials here as elsewhere, and the number of ban forests seems to have been especially great, some 400 ban brief documents establishing them having been collected at Bern. The first forest ordinance regulating the use

of a special forest area in Bern dates from 1304. But the first working plan seems to have been made for the city forest of Zurich, the so-called Silvaalt, in 1680 to 1697. And to this day, this corporation property, with its intensive and most profitable management, is the pride of all Switzerland. The Bernese, cantonal forests were first surveyed and placed under management from 1725 to 1739, and fully regulated by 1765. An excellent forest code for bail was drawn up in 1755 by Bishop Joseph William, and in 1760, through the propaganda of the two scientific societies of Zurich and Bern, the teaching of forestry was begun, and forest organization in the two cantons secured in 1773 and 1886.

The canton of Solur, Soliturn, was the first to start a regular system of instruction, two citizens, from each woodland district being given the opportunity to qualify themselves as foresters. Each canton had, of course, its own laws protecting forest property against theft and fire. In the latter respect, especially great care was exercised and burning of brush could only be done by permit and under a force of watchers. The example of Zurich and Bern in organizing the management of their forest areas was followed more or less by other cantons, but a real serious move. is not discernible until the beginning of the 19th century, when with the impetus of modern

life and trade, the value of forest property increased, and most cantons issued regulative forest laws. Forest ordinances had from time to time attempted to prevent the decrease of forest area by forbidding clearings, regulating pasture, and forbidding wood export to other villages or canton's, a local timber famine being dreaded. But only when a severe flood and 1830 had accentuated the protective value of forest cover, where the forest ordinances more strenuously enforced, and a general movement for better management began in the various cantons. This was partly signalized by sending young men to the forest schools of Germany. Largely through the influence of a lively propaganda carried on by such men as

Landoltz, backed by the Swiss Forestry Association founded in 1848, and through the increase of torrential floods, especially in 1834 and 1868, was it made clear that a central power would have to be clothed with authority to regulate the use, at least of the Alpine Forest. In 1857, Le Bunt ordered an investigation of the mountain forests in all parts. This was made by Landolt. But opposition by the cantons against restrictive measures prevented any legislative results. At the same time, an annual vote of $2,000 was made to the first. Forestry Association for Reforestation and Engineering Works in the Alps.

This grant was changed in 1871 by voting an annual credit of $20,000 to be expended by the Bundesrat for similar purposes. The floods of 1868 brought such distress in certain cantons that contributions from all other parts were required to assist the flood sufferers, and $200,000 of the collections were appropriated for reforestation. Finally, in 1874, through the effort of the Forestry Association, it was determined to create a central bureau of forest inspection for the whole boont in the Department of the Interior, and an article was inserted in the Constitution, declaring the superior right of oversight by the Federation over the Water and Forest Police in the High Alps.

At the same time, proposing to aid in the engineering and rebuasment work, necessary to correct the torrents and to take measures for the preservation of these works and forests. The result was the installation of a federal forest inspector with one assistant in 1875, and the enactment of a law in 1876, which determined the area within which the federal government was to exercise supervision. The execution of the law was, however, left to the cantons. The jealousies of state rights as against federal rights being even more strongly developed in Switzerland than in the United States. Each canton proceeded in its own way, or neglected to proceed, and hence no uniform progress in applying the law was made. Indeed, not a single prescription of the law

was applied within the prescribed time, although again and again extended, and even today, some cantons have not yet complied. Stubbered opposition to the law continues even to date in some cantons. Besides the unwillingness to submit to federal authority the lack of technically trained foresters, their employment being a requirement of the law, and the objection to their employment by the cantons who looked on them as disguised policemen impeded the progress of the reform. Until 1884, each canton held its own examinations for forest officials, but in that year a standard was enacted for employment within the federally supervised territory. The most frequent quarrel was as to what was to be considered forest and wet pasture, so that finally as a compromise,

a classification between the two called pasture woods was introduced. It will be noted that the federal surveillance was to extend only to the high alps above a certain limiting line. This limitation was removed in 1898 by resolution of the council and change of the constitution, by which the federal exercise of water and forest police was extended over the whole country. and a bill to carry this into effect was introduced. Finally, in 1902, a revised law was passed establishing fully the present federal forest policy. This law places the surveillance of all forest police and all forests of Switzerland in the Bund, the private forests as well as the public, i.e. state and communal or corporation forests.

But as there are distinctive differences in the manner of this surveillance, a differentiation of ownership conditions and forest conditions was to be made by the cantons within two years. The forests are to be divided into protection and non-protection forests by the canons with sanction of the boont. The former being such as are located at headwaters or furnish protection against snow slides, landslides, rock falls, floods, and climatic damage.

Most of this segregation had already been made and mapped in consequence of the law of 1876. In 1904, 71% of the total forest area had been classed as protective forest, nearly 80% of the communal and over 50% of the private forest property. All public forests are to be surveyed and their corners permanently marked by the cantons, according to the instructions by the Bunt, the latter furnishing the needed triangulation survey and inspecting and revising any older surveys free of charge. The surveyed public forests are to be fully regulated according to a sustained yield management

under working plans made according to instructions by the cantons to be sanctioned by the Bundesrat for the unsurveyed forest areas at least a provisional felling budget is to be determined as nearly as possible representing the sustained yield in protection forests

the working plans must conform to the objects of these forests and clearings in these are as a rule forbidden. The fellings are to be made under direct supervision of foresters, and after being cut, the wood must be measured. Sale on the stump is forbidden,

otherwise no interference in the management is intended. Up to 1902, under the law of 1876, working plans for 540,000 acres had been made. In 1907, 90,000 acres of state forest and over one million acres of corporation forests were under working plans. For other than protection forests, the law provides a number of restrictions,

such as the following. Pasture woods may not be decreased in area except by permission of the cantons. Communal forests are not to be subdivided without consent of the cantonal government, except where two or more communities have joined ownership, nor are they to be sold, except with such permissions.

Rights of user in public forests, especially in protection for us, may be forcibly extinguished by the cantonal government, but under appeal to the Bundest. Money equivalents are to be the rule, territorial equivalents to be given only by special permission. By 1902, over $300,000 had already been spent in extinguishing 2,842 different rights of user. The establishment of means of transportation, roads, etc., is encouraged by subventions from the boon to end in other ways. Private forests, as far as they fall under the classification of protection forests,

are subject to the same supervision and rules as the public forests as regards their survey, the prohibition of clearings except by permission of the federal government of diminishing pasture woods, the extinguishment of rights of user, the prevention of damaging use and assistance in establishing means of transportation. The cantonal government is obliged to ensure the execution of these laws. In addition, while the law encourages cooperative forest management of small holdings as larger units, the Bunt, paying for the cost of affecting such cooperation, it empowers the Canton or the Bunt to enforce such cooperative management of protection forest areas

in specially endangered localities, as at the headwaters of torrential streams. Otherwise, in the non-protective private forests, only the prohibition of clearing except by permission of the cantonal government, The obligation of reforesting, felling areas within three years, and of maintaining existing pasture woods is ordered. Wherever on private property's conversion of forest into farm or pasture is permitted, after report of the Forest Administration of Canton or Bunt, an equivalent reforestation of other parts may be ordered. Wherever by the reforestation of bare ground, protective forest areas can be created, this may be ordered, the federal or the cantonal government contributing towards such work.

or else, if the owner prefers, he may insist upon having his ground expropriated by the Canton or other public corporation, the federal government assisting in the first case to the extent of 30 to 50% of the cost, and in establishing new protection forests to the extent of 50 to 80%. Before 1902, under the law of 1876, some 16,000 acres had been reforested and put in order at an expense of over $1 million. The federal government contributing just about 50%. In 1910, the area of planted protection force had grown to 25,000 acres. Besides the various restrictions with provisions of penalties for disobedience,

from $1 to $100 for each transgression, an enforced execution by cantonal government, there are a number of directions in which the federal government makes contributions for the purpose of encouraging conservative management. For the salaries of the cantonal higher forest officials, 20 to 35% are contributed. For the higher corporation and cooperative association officials, 5 to 25%. For the lower forest service, 5 to 20%. The Federation participates to the extent of one-third in the accident insurance of forest officers,

a minimum salary of the officials and also their proper education being made conditions. To secure the ladder, the Federation pays for teachers in teachers, demonstration material under prescribed conditions. In 1901, the federal contributions amounted to $100,000 in all. In 1903, the total appropriation was $126,000, namely $9,000 for the Inspector General's office, 26 towards salaries of cantonal foresters, 80,000 towards rebuasment, 8,000 towards survey, and the cantonal governments contributed about the same amount outside of the cost of their forest administrations.

It is estimated that the budget will have to be increased by $50,000 annually for some time to come. By 1910, the federal government had altogether contributed $2 million in the 35 years toward the execution of the law outside its administrative office. The organization, which is to carry out this forest policy, is still the one which originated with the law of 1876, somewhat modified, by the law of 1892, namely, a forestry division in the department of the interior with one superior forest inspector and three assistants. The cantons have their own administrations, mostly under one forester of higher grade, called variously Oberforster,

Faustinspector, Forstmeister, Oberforcemeister. Bairn has three coordinate Forst Inspector. The canton's are, or are to be districted into forest circles, Forst Kreishe, The subdivision to be approved by the Bundesrat, and some are further subdivided into ranges, Unterferstere. The forest districts, from 7,500 to 45,000 acres each, are to be managed by properly educated and paid foresters elected by the people. The eligibility depends upon an examination, the theoretical part of which is conducted by the Forest School. The practical part, after a year's practical work, is conducted by a commission of foresters, after completion of which the candidate becomes eligible,

the election being for three years and re-election being usual unless there are good reasons against it. In 1903, they were employed as administrators or managers, 119 state or cantonal foresters, and 33 communal foresters, besides 11 federal forest officials. In 1909, the total number had grown to 193, besides 1,091 under foresters to whose salaries the Bund contributed, the state foresters are

allowed to manage neighboring communal properties. 3. Forest Practice The timber forest is the most general form of silvicultural management. Selection forest with 150 to 200-year rotations is practiced in the Alps and in the smaller private forest areas. Shelterwood system in compartments is in use in other parts, with a rotation of 60 to 80 years in the deciduous and 80 to 120 years in coniferous forest. So planting largely the clearing and planting system which had found favor during the middle of

last century. In corporation forests, large areas are still under coppice with standards, but will probably soon be converted into timber forest, a policy favored by cantonal instructions. Pure coppice is only rarely met, usually confined to the overflow lands in small private holdings. In some of the public forests in the French territory, it is practiced with a double rotation, Firtaga, according to French pattern. Artificial means to secure complete stands and natural regenerations is favored by the cantonal regulations, but thinning operations are still mostly neglected,

except where local market for inferior materials makes them advisable, which is mostly in the plains country where the annual yield from thinnings may represent 30% of the total harvest yield. conversion from coppice and coppice with standards into timber forest and change from the clearing system to natural regeneration proper for mountain forest and from pure to mixed forest have become general provisions of the working plans. The average cut in the state forest during four years prior to 1893 was over 64 cubic feet per acre and 42 cubic feet for the corporation forests

an average for all the public forests of around 45 cubic feet, not a very good showing as yet. So far, the collection of material for yield tables and for a statement of increment and stock on hand in the country at large are still insufficient. Although, in 1882, Professor Landolt estimated the annual product at little less than 500 million cubic feet or 50 cubic feet per acre. Only for the intensively managed city forests of Zurich and the Cantor

Tonal forests of Bern are more accurate data available. In the latter, the state forests yield 50 cubic feet in the plateau country, 73 cubic feet in the middle country, and 76 cubic feet in the Yorah, while the communal forests of that country yield 15, 66 and 56 cubic feet respectively. Prices for wood are higher in the low country than the average in Germany, and have been steadily rising for the last 40 years, especially for coniferous saw material, which at present brings stumpage prices of 12 to 15 cents. Owing to these high prices, the gross yield of some Swiss forests is the largest known in Europe.

The city forest of Zurich exhibiting yields of $12, and the city forest of Aural, as much as $14 per acre on the average, although in the Alps forests the gross yield sinks to $3 and $4. dollars. The more intensively managed city forests mentioned spend on their management $6 and even $7 per acre, while most of the state forests keep their expenditures within $2.50 to $3.50, and in some places down to $1.50 per acre. The net yields vary, therefore, for the state and communal forests of the plateau country between $3 and $6.50 for some of the city forests from $6.50 to $8.000. and $9.

Switzerland has long ago ceased to produce its wood requirements and imports from $8 to $9 million annually of wood and wood manufacturers. 4. Education and Literature For the education of the higher forest officials, the federal government instituted a two-year course at the Polytechnicum at Zurich, which was founded in 1885. The course being in 1884 increased to three years. Three professors of forestry besides the faculty of the institution and fundamental and accessory branches are active here, the number of students averaging in the neighborhood of 35.

Two examinations, a scientific and a practical one, the latter taken before a special commission, test the eligibility of candidates, foreigners not excluded, for positions. For the education of the lower grade foresters, the Canton themselves are responsible, the boont only contributing by paying for teachers and demonstration material, about $1,250, to carry on cantonal or inter-cantonal forestry courses. The courses usually last from two weeks to two months in succession or divided into spring and fall courses. They are mainly practical and require candidates to be not less than 18 years of age and to possess a primary school education.

Their number must be at least 15 and not more than 25. There have also been instituted specially conducted excursions and progressive underforester's courses, as well as additional scientific courses which the Bund subsidizes. In connection with the Zurich School, forestry science and art are furthermore advanced by a well-endowed central forest experiment station, with several substations and an annual budget of $10,000. The greatest credit for the advancement of forestry and forest legislation is due to the Swiss Forestry Association, 365 members in 1911, which was founded in 1843, meeting annually in various

places, managed by a committee of five elected for three years. This association is subsidized by the Bund for its educational work. A Schweitzerisherzsche chitrift for Das Forstvesen began 1850 and its organ with Dr. Frankhauser as editor. In 1898, an association of underforesters with a special organ, der Faustworth came into existence, 526 members in 1902, and several cantonal foresters associations are also active. In the literature, which is largely in German, with some French and Italian volumes, notable works have appeared in real advances in forestry science, especially with reference to management of mountain forests, are due to Swiss writers. In 1767, the Society d'Economy De Zurich published a forester's manual, and during the first quarter of the 19th century,

Zorka and Kosthofer developed silver culture in the Alps. Landolt, in 1860, published the results of his investigations under the Order of the Boont in 1857, into the forest conditions of the Alps, and contributed other volumes along similar lines. He was succeeded by the now venerable Dr. J. Cote's as Inspector General of the Boont, still active at 90 years of age, who also, also, who also, contributed to the science of mountain rebuasment and in other directions. The work on the management of the city forest of Zurich by its long-time manager, Meister, is classic. Under the active direction of Anton Buehler for many years, the publication of now under Dr. Engler, with Heilongen der Edgnosician Central Anstalt for the Forslisher Versuchweson since 1891

have become important contributions to forestry science. In the direction of wood technology, the name of L. Tetmayr, who is conducting timber tests, should be mentioned. End of Section 10. Recording by John Van Stan. Savannah, Georgia. Section 11 of a brief history of forestry by Bernard for now. This Librovac's recording is in the public domain. France No complete monographic history of forestry in France is in existence, and mainly incomplete,

notes scattered through various volumes were at the disposal of the writer. The work which contains the largest amount of historic information is G. Huffel, Economy Forsteia, three volumes, 1904-1907, pages 422, 44, 510. Perhaps the most ambitious work in the French language, which has been largely followed in the account here given. It is a collection of 10 studies, historical data being interspersed throughout the three volumes, the third volume containing one study entirely historical. L.F. A. Mori. Le Foray de la Galle and de Langeon France.

1867, 501 pages, is mainly descriptive but full of interesting historic data and detail up to the revolutionary period. Jules Clave etude on the economy forestieres. 1862, 377 pages, 12 degrees, while mainly a

propagandist essay rehearses to some extent the history of forest practice, policies, etc., and gives a good insight into conditions at that time. De Faustlisten for Heltnissa Frankreich. By Dr. A. van Sechendorf, 1879, 228 pages furnishes a few historical notes. Three English publications by John Cromby Brown, pine plantations in France, Rebosman in France, 1876, French Forest Ordinance of 1669. and 1882 are profuse and not entirely accurate, but give hints of historic development.

C.H. Guillaume, L' Encinemortier-on-France, 1898, 398 pages, gives an insight into the development of forestry education and a complete history of the school at Nancy, and throws much light on other developments. Code de la Leggillation Forcierre par-Pouton contains all the legislation having reference to forests. An article on Lidee Forestier-Don-Listoire by L.F. Tessier in Review des O'Eau and Forre. 1905, January and February, gives on 26 pages an interesting brief survey of the history of forest policy in France. Forestry in France, by F. Bailey, in the Indian forester, 1886, 61 pages, describes, well, conditions at that time. France is one of the countries in which forestry has been practiced for a long time, and forestry practice has been almost as highly developed as in the preceding Teutonic countries.

Germany's neighbor to the West has evolved, however, forest policies and practices which are different in some respects from those of Germany, although the early history of forestry in France was largely analogous to that of Germany. Indeed, until the end of the 9th century, the two countries being undivided, the same usage is exactly. existed more or less in both, except that in the Gallic country Roman influence left a stronger imprint, Gallia having been long under the dominion of Rome. The fact that France has for nearly a thousand years been a unit, while Germany, has until recently been split up into many independent principalities, did much for uniform, albeit less ambitious, development in forestry matters.

Most of the forest policy as it exists today was inaugurated during the monarchical regime, to an end in 1871. Since that year, a Republican form of government with an assembly of 584, a Senate of 300 members, under a president elected by the legislature for seven years, has been in existence. The country is principally a plain, mostly below 1,200 feet in altitude, sloping to the north and west. The mountain ranges, Pyrenees, Alps, Yora, and Vosquez, are confined mainly to the south and east boundaries with secondary ranges. Sivin, Cot d'Overn, etc. in the southeastern part of the country. Of the 204,000 square miles of territory, just about 18% is wooded, which, with a population of nearly

40 million, leaves only about 0.6 of an acre per capita. In its present condition, this area does not produce more than one-third of the home demand, which requires, on the average, an import, an excess over-export, to the amount of about $25 million, $33 million in 1902, representing over 110 million cubic feet annually, mostly woodwork, while the export is of mine props and railroad ties at about half the value of the imported wood. Since in 1892, there were still nearly 12 percent, or over 15 million acres, wasteland, opportunity for enlargement of the forest area seems to exist. It appears that about two-thirds of this wasteland is capable of burying forest, and the existing

forest area is capable of much larger production than the present, three-quarters of the production being fuel wood. The distribution of forest area is very uneven, varying from 3.5 to 56% in the various departments. Only about 20% of the area is located on the mountains, 19% in hill country, and 60% in the plains. Six forest regions may be differentiated according to Huffel, which, however, are mainly geographical divisions. The northeast, the valleys of Seine and Loire, northwest and central, southwest and Pyrenees, Mediterranean and pre-Alps, Alps. Hardwoods, oak, 40%, beach and ash, etc., occupy fully 80%, while pine, the two species, silvestrous and meritima, largely planted, represents the bulk of the 20% of coniferous forest area, fur, spruce, and large in the mountains,

forming a very small part. Only 25% of the forest area is timber forest, 38% is copus and 35% copus with standards, 2% being in process of conversion into timber forest. In the state forests alone, however, 68% are timber forest or in process of conversion to that form. Of the 227 million acres, hardly more than one third belonging to state and communities,

are placed under the, regime forestier, i.e. supervised and managed under working plans. The larger area is under coppice. Three-fourths of the communal and one-sixth of the state's timber forest is managed under selection system. Combinations of farm and forest culture, sartage and fjuretage, are still quite extensively practiced. The production of saw timber under these practices is naturally small. Of the 40 cubic feet of wood per acre produced in the better class of managed state and communal properties, only 10 cubic feet are saw logs. And if the private forest were taken into consideration, the average product on the whole would appear still smaller, the private properties

being mostly small, poorly managed, and largely coppice. Neither the owners nor their managers and guards have, as a rule, any professional education, although the means of obtaining it exist in the schools at Nancy and Bottas. Blessed for the largest part with the most favorable climate and with rich soil of tertiary formation, the difficulties in forestry practice experienced by other more northern and continental countries are hardly known. Hence, many practices which are successful in France might in Germany prove disastrous, and such yields as some of the oak forest show unattainable.

The greatest interest for the forester attaches to the methods of conversion of coppice into timber forest, to the extensive areas reforested during the last century, which probably exceed 3 million acres and to the rebosment work in the mountains. 1. Development of Forest Property As in Austria, private ownership of forest property is largely preponderant while state property is small. In ancient Gaul, the Romans found the forest outside of Holy Groves as communal property. After the conquest, all the unseated lands, especially the extensive mountain forests, were declared either state and or imperial property, more than half the whole territory, and were managed as Rezpublica

in the administrators of public affairs. And while later, with the advent of the German hordes, property conditions shaped themselves somewhat according to their ways, the influence of the Roman law and institutions were never quite eradicated. The country outside of the public property was by the Romans divided into communities called fundus, each placed under a Gallic Signor or X, a former chief, now proprietor, his tribesmen and the remnants of the earlier Cecil population, becoming serfs. One third of the fundus was handed to the serfs as their property and divided among them, the first private property.

Another third was retained by the signor and utilized by means of the service of the serfs, Corvets. But usually so burdened by rights of user on their part, and the last third became common property of the community at large. There remained, however, here and there. Also, some of the original free communes are Mark, Vicus, so that five different property classes were in existence. The fifth century saw Teutonic tribes, Swayvi, Alani, Vandals, and Burgundians

overwhelmed the Romans who had for 500 years kept the Gallo-Celtic population under their rule, and these were followed by Visigoths and Franks, who in turn took possession of the country. The conquerors did not. drive out the Gallo-Romans, but merely quartered themselves on them under the euphemistic title of guests, assuming to themselves two-thirds of each estate, and leaving the remainder to their hosts. On these lands, undoubtedly, similar economic and social institutions were developed as in

Germany. Communal ownership under these was at first developed to such an extent that the Salick laws declared all trees which were not reserved by special sign as subject to the use of all and any of the mockers. But later, as in Germany, the socialistic mock was followed by the feudal system, with its band forests and the creation of great-landed proprietors or lords. When Clovis, the king of the Franks in the first decade of the 6th century, defeated the Visigoths and took possession of the country, he found communal forests of the villagers, Vicus, property of seigniors, equits, royal forests and state forests and remnants of Roman origin. The latter properties in much of the mock forest he claimed for himself and divided two-thirds

among his vassals. But the large part of the other third became also gradually property of the nobility and church, so that by the 12th century only a relatively small royal property remained, afterwards the royal or state property grew again in various ways as the power of the kings grew. In 1539, Francis I first declared the same inalienable, but neither himself nor his successors paid heed to this self-imposed prohibition, and whenever financial troubles made an expedient, they disposed of some of their holdings. By the ordinance of 1566, Edie de Moulin, King Charles the 9th again declared the domain of the crown inalienable.

Nevertheless, he himself in the same year, and repeatedly afterwards, sold parts of his domain. Henry III in 1579 renewed the ordinance of non-alienation and restored some of the last parcels to the domain by the exercise of the royal right. Himself and his successors however continually broke this contract and the royal domain decreased while that of the seigneurs grew. Similarly to what happened in Germany, the church property was taken by machination or force to increase the holdings of kings or seigneurs. Nevertheless, at the beginning, beginning of the Revolution in 1789, the Royal Domain comprised not more than 1,200,000 acres, producing a net income of $1.2 million.

Then, followed an era of ups and downs, continuous changes of policy, increases and decreases of the property until, with the inauguration of the Republic in 1871, comparative stability was secured. In 1791, after the Revolution, the Royal Property became, national domain, and by further spoliation of church property and otherwise, attained an area of 4,300,000 acres. In the law of 1791, a distinction was made between the inalienable domain, which comprises roads, canals, fortresses, harbors, etc., and the alienable national domain, including

the forest and other property derived from royal or crown domains. To this national domain was added by the law of 1792, the forest-prosephersonable. property of the refugees of the revolution, which was, however, later, for the most part, restored or indemnified. Finally, when by the Treaty of Basel, 1795, the French frontier had been pushed to the Rhine, the total state forest had grown to around 6,500,000 acres, nearly one-third of the total forest area. But through sales and otherwise, this area had, by 1850, been reduced to 3,200,000 acres, and during the period until 1872, the area had been further again reduced to less than 2,500,000 acres. At present, in 1905, it comprises 2.9 million acres or less

than 12% of the total forest area, 55% of which comes from the original royal domain, and 22% from original church property, and 23% from recent acquisitions, secured under the laws of rebossment of mountains, sand dunes, etc. The communal property developed largely in a similar manner as in Germany from the Mach and through the feudal system with its rights of user as a result. In the 12th century, the grantees or seniors were active in colonizing their domains acquired as fiefs or otherwise with serfs and others, giving them charters for villages with communal privileges and rights. Under this method, another kind of communal forest property, grew up by written instruments or contracts, in which limitations and reservations of rights are

imposed by the Seniors. One of the most usual conditions of the contract was the prevention of clearing or sale. At the same time, a new set of rights of user, this time on the part of the Signor brought new complications. One of the worst features originating in the 14th century as an outgrowth of feudal relations was the Right of the Third, triage, which gave to the Signore. whenever he wished to exercise it, one-third of the property free of all rights of user. In this way, the communal area was diminished until 1667.

The widespread abuse of this right led to an ordinance abolishing it. It was, however, re-established by the ordinance of 1669 in all cases where the forest had been gratuitously seated by the Seniors, or when the remaining two-thirds was deemed sufficient for the needs of the parish. Not until 1790 to 1792 was this exorbitant right finally abolished. As an outgrowth of the revolutionary doctrine of 1793, the most radical legislation decreed presumptive ownership by the municipal corporations of all lands for which the claimant could not show a deed of purchase, excluding any title acquired as a result of feudal relations,

the day of revenge of all old wrongs had come and appeal to justice being, useless, the municipalities increase their holdings freely. Although later legislation attempted to arrest this public theft and irrestitutes some of the stolen property, much of the communal forest area of today, consists of this kind of ill-gotten property. Another method of increasing municipal properties was by exchange of territory for the rights of user. Efforts to get rid of these rights, which grew up as described and to prevent their extension, were instituted much earlier than in Germany. Philip of Valois expressly forbidding such extension as early as 1346. Nevertheless, they continued to grow so that by the middle of the 18th century, they were as general

and afforded as great a hindrance to forest management as in Germany. The ordinance of 1669 also provided for the extinction of these rights, apparently without much success, and the troublesome times after 1789 increased their number. Only when the orderly regime following the reign of Napoleon gave rise to the Code Forsteier 1827 was a systematic attempt for their extinguishment by the cessation of territory and cash payment begun. And by this time, the extinction may be considered practically concluded, at least for the state and communal property.

Private property not seignorial was but little developed before the 16th century. after that the frequent sales by the kings and barons gave rise to small forest owners, so that by 1789, over 10 million acres were in such possession. During the 19th century, this grew by purchase, by sessions, and by reforestation of wastelands to double that amount, not less than 2 million acres being added by the latter cause alone, while some decrease came from clearings. In 1905, private holdings comprised 15 million,

acres or 65% of the total, the communal and institution forests, 4.8 million acres or 21%. Leaving for the state forest, 2.9 million acres, or a little over 12% of the total 22.7 million acres. 22% of the state and communal property is, however, wasteland, and such areas in private hands maybe six times as large, there being altogether between 14 and 15 million acres of wasteland. 2. Developments of Forest Administration In the earlier times and indeed into the 18th century, the most important use of the forest was in the mass from oak and beach for the pigs and pasture, for the cattle, besides firewood, for which mostly the softwoods were used.

This was given free from the royal domain, and the administration consisted mainly in regulating this use. The main incentive for the regulation of forest use on the part of the king were the interests of the chase. Toward the end of the 9th century, special forest officers forestarii are mentioned in Charlemagne celebrated capitularium, which describes in detail the administration of the public domains. These were, to be sure, only lower-rank officials working under mayors, intendants, and the Count Combs, who was the administrator and soon independent arbiter of the royal domain, as well as the administration of justice in general.

his office early became hereditary. The first mention of Forest Masters, Maitre de O' and Foray, dates back to 1291, and later ordinances mention hire officials. But the credit for a full and detailed organization regulation of management belongs to Charles V, the Wise Valois, in his ordinance of 1376. This organization, after various changes by the end of the 16th century, under the reign of Henry the fourth took about the following form. Under a general superintendent of forests, titulary head of the Forest Service, a number of

Grand Maitre, General Reformateurs, Des Oet-Fauré. Some seventeen were appointed by the king to watch over the conduct of the matres and griers, officers in charge of the Forest Districts, Maitrice. All of these officials had their deputies and lieutenants under various designations, Procure de Rae, Grefier, Guard de Marteau, Sargent to Guard, etc. A stamping hammer kept by the Garda Marteau was employed for marking trees which define the boundaries or which were to be reserved in the fellings. In addition to these regular officers, there were employed a great number of Capitaine de Chasse, whose functions, as the title indicates, related mainly to the chase. The function of the forest masters did not stop with the supervise.

vision of the use of the forest and sale of the wood, but included also the jurisdiction of all misdemeanors and crimes committed in the royal and later in all forests. They became thus gradually a privileged class of immense power. Graft and sale of offices became the order of the day. Sometimes the offices were made hereditary and again were limited to three or four years tenure in the endeavor to break up the shameful practices. For nearly three centuries, all efforts at reform were failures. The method of prescribing the rules and regulations during the 12th to 17th century was by ordinances like those issued by the German princes. The first ordinance on record being that issued by Louis VI in 1215. These ordinances usually appeared under the name La Fe des Oenforay,

the matters of waters and woods. Curiously enough, thus suggesting the relation of the two, The latter term was used exactly like that of the German Faust, designating the reserve territory under the ban, while Bois is used to designate actual woodland or silver. In 1376, Charles V in his endeavor to build up a navy against England, made reservations for naval timber, and also issued the Ordinance of Melun, a general forest code, the provisions of which lasted largely until the reform of 1669.

In 1402, the many ordinance, is often contradictory, were codified under one text and another codification was made under Francis I in 1515. By the middle of the 17th century, the devastation of forests had progressed so far, and the abuses in the management of the royal domain had become so evident that Louis XIV's great minister, Colbert, was induced to make the historical remark, France will perish for lack of woods. Again, the needs of the Navy was the prime incentive of the vigorous reform which he instituted after most searching investigations. The result was the celebrated Forest Ordinance of 1669.

For this purpose he appointed in 1662, a commission which not only investigated conditions but was clothed with the power to reform the abuses which it might discover. For this work, he selected four trusted men outside of the Forest Service, to whom later more were added, and gave them the aid of technical advisors, among whom a Furdoir seems to have been the most prominent. Colbert himself gave close attention to this work of reform. As the first act, the Commission recommended the ceasing of all cutting in the Royal Forests, and after deliberation and consultation with interested parties through eight years, the final law was enacted, a masterpiece whose principles and prescriptions to an extent have persisted into the 19th century.

The commission from time to time made reports, giving their findings in detail, and these form a most interesting record of conditions prevailing at the time. As one of the historians, Jovain puts it, The commissioners did not recoil before long hours of inspection nor high influence. They neither hesitated to declare against, nor prosecute, great and small alike, nor to pronounce a most serious sentence. A thorough cleaning up was done, and they could. complete reorganization secured. By this ordinance, three special courts of adjudication in matters pertaining to the forests were established, with special officers whose duties were carefully defined,

namely the courts of the Gréry and the Matrice and the Tabla de Mabre. The first-named lower-grade courts took cognizance of the lesser offenses, abuses, wastes, and malversations. Disputes in regarding to fishing or chase and murders, arising out of these. Gruries, being the woods, belonging to individuals in which the jurisdiction and the profit from such jurisdiction belong to the king, or at least to the seigniors.

The courts of the Ametries referred to the forest territory placed under administration of the matre particulare, Forstmeister, and were established near the many royal foresters' courts of appeal in forest matters. A final appeal could be made to the Tabla de Marlborough, courts of the marble table,

which also decided on the more weighty questions of proprietorship by whatever term held, and especially civil and criminal cases relating to the O'E. Foray, the wrongdoings in the discharge of official duties, abuse, contraventions to the orders and regulations, misdemeanors are depredations, delis, and all kinds of fraud not included under those cited malversation. The whole country was divided into 18 arrondissement, of a grand matrice de au et foray, and these were divided into 134 matrice,

each under a matre parriciarticiliar, with a lieutenant, a guard-morto, a guard general, two, aupentiers, and a number of god. A financial branch for the handling of monies and the judicial branch represented by the three courts described above completed the organization, which lasted until the revolution, albeit some details were changed soon after. its enactment, and the offices became again purchasable and hereditary. The sale of Royal Forest was again forbidden, penalties being provided for the eventual purchaser. Theft and incendiarism were severely punished, and specific rules of management were established.

Clearings could only be made by permission even on the part of private owners. The methods of sale and harvest were determined. The prescriptions of older ordinances were renewed to the effect that at least 30, 13 to 16 seed trees, Balevaux, per acre in the coppice, and eight seed trees and timber forest were to be reserved in all forests without exception. Private owners were not to cut these seed trees before they were 40 years old in the coppice and 120 years in the timber forest, while in the public and church forests these seed trees were treated like reserves. Similarly, the prescription that no woods were to be cut before 10 years of age was revived from former ordinances, at the time later,

1787, being increased for public forest 25 years. Also, the obligation to keep one-fourth of the forest in reserve, which Charles a 9th had decreed in 1560, was renewed for the public forests, those belonging to corporations and other public institutions. For the fir forests of the mountains, which had become important as furnishers of shipmasts, special regulations were issued and the

mass timber reserved for the crown. There was lively opposition to the enforcement of these prescriptions, especially where they interfered with property rights. Nevertheless, they persisted until the changes brought about by the revolution of 1789. Certain prescriptions, as for instance the exclusion of shepherding were never enforced, and this practice continues even today in certain sections. As a result of the reform, however, the revenues from the Royal Forest trebled in 20 years. During the 18th century, several famines occur, and led to the encouragement of extending farm operations at the expense of the forest, notably in the 60s, when, among other similar efforts, some 200 families returning from Canada

after the English conquest were colonized in the forests of Pua Tzu. At that time, also the Declaration of 1766 exempted those who cleared land for farm purposes for 15 years from all taxes. As a result of this invitation, some 750,000 acres were cleared, and the practice of clearing for farm use continued until the middle of the 19th century. In this way, by inconsiderately exposing soil which would not everywhere be found adapted to farm use, wastes naturally existing were greatly increased. The revolution brought with its sudden and disastrous changes.

The law of 1791 abolished not only the jurisdiction of the maitricea, but removed all restraint and thereby inaugurated widespread destruction. and devastation of forest property against which legislative attempts of the Republican government were entirely powerless. Not only did the peasants take advantage of this order, and the municipalities cut their reserves without hindrance, but extraordinary fellings in the state forests

were necessitated by the needs of the Navy and the Eschequire. In 1801, after various previous attempts at organization, Napoleon reorganized the surface with five administrators, 30 conservators, 200 inspectors, and 8,600 inferior officers. At that time, it appears that the revenue from the public forest domain amounted to $6 million, some justifying such elaborate organization. But otherwise, the methods of Colbert's ordinance were revived. Devastation, however, continued.

Incompetence in the service was again introduced, when in 1811, half the number of officials was recruiting from a superannuated army officers. In 1817, the whole Forest Service was abolished, and the properties placed in the hands of the fiscal agents of the government without any technical knowledge. The old order of things was, however, re-established in 1820,

and soon after the final organization which has lasted to date was affected. 3. Development of Modern Forest Policy. In 1822, a commission composed of foresters was instituted to revise the ordinance of 1669, which here and there modified had continued to be valid, except during the revolutionary period. The result of the work of this commission was the Code Forestier in 1829, which is the law of the present day.

In it, principles are laid down under which the state, communal and other public forests, are to be managed. All forests submitted to the regime forestier, namely the state and communal forests and those belonging to public institutions, are entirely managed. by the state forest administration. The communities or other public forest owners paying for the service not to exceed nine cents per acre or five percent of the revenue. All jurisdiction and execution of forestry laws is in the hands of the officials of the

Forest Administration. The foresters of the state have the exclusive responsibility of making and executing working plans without interference by the municipalities after the plans having once been submitted and approved by them. The corporations have not even the right to appoint their own guards, all such being appointed by the prefects of the departments upon recommendation by the Forest Department. The fellings usually perform by the purchaser, the wood being sold on the stump, are supervised most rigorously, making even the smallest deviation from the conditions of the contract sale,

which otherwise would only entail the payment of damage punishable by fine, and the responsibility for any trespass which may occur on the land. reaches 250 yards beyond the limits of the purchasers' territory, unless he gives proper warning and tries to find out the perpetrators of the same. Legal proceedings are brought before the courts of correction and are greatly simplified, as is customary in Germany. The public forests may not be sold, mortgaged or divided, and the product can be sold only through state foresters. As in the olden times, one quarter of the stands in the timber forest and one-fourth of the felling budget in the coppice is placed in reserve for urgent and unforeseen needs. In addition of these and other

restrictions which refer to the public forests, there are prescriptions which apply to all woods in general. All foresters employed, even on private properties, have sheriff's power. Walking in the woods with axe, saw and wagon outside of the public roads which pass through them is forbidden. The making of fires is forbidden. The making of fire lines 20 yards wide between private forest can be enforced by either owner, and railroads along their rights of way are required to make such. By special law of 1893, the setting of fires even within 200 yards of a wood is forbidden in certain regions, and the punishment of infractions of these laws is very severe.

The rights of user are gauged by the administration according to the possible yield, even in private forests, and are surrounded by many other restrictions, the wood falling under such rights of user is cut and delivered by the forest agents, and the rights can be forcibly extinguished by exchange of territory. Supervision of the communal forests, which had indeed existed since the 16th century, was by no means an easy task. The opposition to it which had always existed and was in earlier times, justified by the incompetence and graft of the officials, continued even after this justification of it had ceased. Thanks to the tact and efficiency of the officials of the modern period, the opposition has been largely overcome, and thanks to the progress made in

enforcing these rigorous laws, their necessity has almost vanished, and at present, relatively few infractions need to be investigated and punished. Moreover, the rigor of the original law was somewhat abated by the law of 1859. There are, however, voices which proclaim that the supervision by the government is not as thorough as it should be, and that the conditions of the communal property have deteriorated. While the supervision of the management of communal property is mainly based on fiscal considerations, the Code Forestier also authorizes the administration to interfere in the management of forests whose influence on the public welfare can be demonstrated.

In order to assure the possibility of such interference, every private owner who desires to clear land is required to advise the government of his purpose, when the administration can prevent such clearing, if deemed necessary to prevent landslides, erosion, and torrential action, to protect water sources, sand dunes, for defensive purposes at the frontier, and for public health. Otherwise, the management of private forests is unhampered. By special legislation enacted in 1860 and 1882, however, the special cases of torrential action were taken care of in a special manner, which will be set forth in the following pages. The rebozeman law, of 1882 authorizes the administration to acquire by expropriation mountain forests or mountain slopes

needed for reforestation for the sake of safeguarding them and preventing torrential damage. For Algiers, the same authorization to expropriate was extended by law of 1903 to include all such areas on which according to the code for SDA the administration might forbid clearing and such extension is advocated for the mother country. As a rule, the administration has has been able to avoid expropriation and secure the territories by voluntary sale at less than $10 per acre. At present, the Forest Service is under the Minister of Agriculture as President of the Forestry Council, with a Director-General as Vice President and Technical Head and three Administrators Verificatiers General, Chiefs of the Three Bureau into which the

administration is divided, each with two chiefs of sections, inspectors, and the necessary office staff. For purposes of the local administration, the forest area is divided into 32 conservations, each under charge of a conservateur, equivalent to the German Oberforstmeister. These are again subdivided into chafferie or inspections, two or twelve in each conservation, which are administrative units under the supervision of inspectors, 200, and assistant inspectors 210. In addition, a special service for forest organization and ribozy.

employs, 14 inspectors, and some 20 assistants. The forest districts, or Canton-Mont, ranges, finally are under the direct charge of Gaud and General, 162, with the assistance of Garde-General, Stajar, 67, and under foresters or guards, brigadiers, 3,650, altogether a personnel of over 4,400 officials. While this is a larger force per acre, yet the expense for personnel per acre is less than one half that of the Prussian Forest Administration

and one quarter of that in several of the other German state administrations. In 1909, a reorganization was affected in proving to some extent the salaries. The legislation of 1909 also further strength in state influence by placing certain private properties under the control of the administration and allowing the latter to undertake the management of private properties at the request of owners for a consideration. The budget for 1911 places the total expenditure for the forest administration at $3 million, 98 cents per acre, of which $950,000 for revoirzment and other improvement work.

The receipts for the last five years have averaged near $7 million so that a net result of $1.60 per acre seems attained, considering the expense of rebutment as new investment. 4. Work of reforestation. The most noted work of the Forest Administration, and one for which it deserves high credit, has been that of the reclamation of Wastelands, of which in 1879 it was estimated there were still 20 million acres in extent, especially the re-bosment work in the Alpine districts as a result of the law of 1882 has become celebrated. The movement for recovery of wastelands dates from the beginning of the 19th century, and today reforestation by state communal and private effort

encouraged by Legislatured Act during the last 60 years has restored well nigh more than 3 million acres of ground which had been lost to forest production. There are four definite regions of large extent in which systematic effort in this direction has been made,

namely the sand dunes of Gaskini and the land of southwestern France, the sandy plains of La Soan, the limestone waste of champagne, and the mountain slopes in the Voske and Yora Alps. The sand dunes on the coast of France comprise around 350,000 acres. Those on the coast of Gascany and southwest France alone

have an extent of nearly 250,000 acres, these being the most important, and having for a long time endangered the adjoining pastures and fields. It seems that the land occupied by dunes was originally forested, and that these were created by deforestation. As early as 1717, successful attempts at reforestation were made by the inhabitants of Laetest, and from that time,

sporadically small plantings came into existence. But the inauguration of systematic reforestation was begun only after a notable report by Bramontei, who in 1786 secured as chief engineer of the Department of Bordeaux a sum of $10,000 to be employed in ascertaining the possibilities of draining the land by mains of a canal and of fixing the dunes. As a result of this beginning, the method for their recovery having been in 1793 experimentally determined by Bramontier, 275,000 acres of moving sand had been fixed during that last century. The revolutionary government in 1799 created a commission of dunes, of which Bramultier was made precedent, an annual appropriation of $10,000 was made, later in 1808 increased to $15,000.

In 1817, the work was transferred to the Administration de Ponte and Chaucercese. The appropriations were increased until, in 1854, they reached $100,000 a year, and in 1865, the work being nearly finished, the dunes were handed over to the Forest Administration. There being still about 20,000 acres to be recovered, this was achieved in 1865, when 200,000 acres had been reforested at an expense of about $2 million, and an additional expense of $700,000 to organize the newly formed pine forests. Pinus Meritima was entirely used. These, at present, with their resinous products and wood, are furnishing valuable material. An unfortunate policy of seeding some of these forest areas to private and communal owners, who claimed them as of ancient right, and also of sales was inaugurated just as the planting was finished,

so that at present only 125,000 acres remain in the hands of the state. The returns from the sales, however, reimbursed the cost of the rebutment in excess by 140,000, So that the state really acquired for nothing, a property now estimated to be worth $10 million. A similar plantation on moving sands of 35,000 acres is found north of this tract. To the eastward of this region of dunes stretch the so-called landa, a territory triangular in shape, containing 2 million acres of shifting sands and marshes on which a poor population of shepherds on stilts used to eke out a living. In 1873, Chamberland, an engineer of the Administration of Bridges and Roads,

administration de Pont de Chauzee, conceived the idea of improving this section by reforestation, and at his own expense recovered some 1,200 acres in the worst marsh by ditching and planting. The success of this plantation invited imitators, and by 1855, the reforested area had grown to 50,000 acres. This led in 1857 to the passage of a law ordering forestation. of the parts of the land owned by the state, as well as by the communities, the state at the same time undertaking the expense of building a system of roads and making the plans for forestation free of charge. The communities were allowed to sell a part of the reclaimed land in order to recover the expense, and sold some 470,000 acres for $2.7 million, of which

less than $300,000 were used to forest the 250,000 acres belonging to them. From 1850 to 1892, private owners imitating the government and communal work, altogether nearly 1,750,000 acres, were covered with pine forest at a cost of $4 to $5 per acre, or including the building of roads for a total expenditure of around $10 million. In 1877, the value of the then-recovered area was estimated at over $40 million. This figure being arrived at by calculating the possible net revenues of a ponderance. minor under a 75 years rotation, which was figured at $2.50 per acre, with a production of 51 cubic feet per acre and 200 quarts of resin at $3 each. An estimate of recent date places the

value of the recovered area at $100 million. Centurally located between the valleys of the Loire and the Cher near Orleans lies the region of La Salon, a sandy, poorly drained plain upon an impenetrable calcareous subsoil giving rise to stagnant waters. This region too had been originally densely wooded and was described as a paradise in early times, but from the beginning of the 17th century to the end of the 18th it was deforested, making it an unhealthy, useless waste. By 1787, a million 250,000 acres of this territory had become absolutely abandoned. About the middle of the 19th century, a number of influential,

citizens constituted themselves a committee to begin its work of recovery, the Director General of Forests being authorized to assume the presidency of that committee. As a result, a canal 25 miles in length and 350 miles of road were built, and some 200,000 acres, all non-agricultural lands, were sowed and planted with maritime and scotch pine, the state furnishing assistance through the Forest Service and otherwise. A setback occurred during the severe winter of 1879, frost killing many of the younger plantations, which led to the substitution of the hardier scotch pine for the maritime pine in the plantings. The cost per acre set out with about 3,500 two-year-old seedlings accounted to $5. An estimate of the value of these plantations places

it at not less than $18 million, so that lands which 50 years ago could hardly be sold for $4 an acre now bring over $3 as an annual revenue. In the province of Champagne, south of Reims, a plain of arid limestone, wastes of an extent, which in the 18th century had reached 1,750,000 acres, is found. About 1807, the movement for the recovery of these waste began, first in a small way gaining strength by 1830 after some sporadic experiments, had shown the possibility of reforestation. And today, over 200,000 acres of coniferous forest,

mainly Austrian and Scotch pine, largely planted by private incentive are in existence, the better acres being farmed. It is interesting to note that land which 50 years ago was often sold without measurement by distance as far as the cry would carry, and rarely for more than $4 per acre is today worth over $40 at a cost for planting of less than $25.

The stumpage value of a 30-year's growth is figured at from $50 to $100, the total forest area is a total. valued at $10 million, with net revenue from the 200,000 acres at $2 per acre. France is unfortunate in having within her territory, although so little mountains, the largest proportion of the area in Europe liable to torrential action. Not less than 1,462 brooks and mountain streams had been counted as dangerous waters in the Alps. The Sevin and the Pyrenees Mountains, or two-thirds of the torrents of Europe.

An area nearly one million acres in extent of mountain slopes is exposed to the ravages of these waters by erosion. Here, the most forcible demonstration of the value of a forest cover and protecting watersheds was furnished by the results of the extensive forest destruction and devastation which took place especially during and following the years of the revolution. Long ago in the 16th century, the local parliaments had enacted decrees against clearing in the mountains with severe fines, confiscation, and even corporal punishment. And these restrictions had been generally effective,

but during the revolutionary period, all these wholesome restrictions vanished. Inconsiderate exploitation by the farmers began, and the damage came so rapidly that in less than 10 years after the beginning of freedom, the effect was felt. Within three years, 1792, the first complaints of the result of unrestricted cutting were heard, and by 1803, they were quite generous. general, the Brooks had changed to torrents, inundating the plains, tearing away fertile lands or silting them over with the debris carried down from the mountains. Yet in spite of these early

warnings and the theoretical discussions by such men as Boussengalt, Beccarell, and others, the destructive work by acts, fire, and overpasturing progressed until about eight million acres of tillable land had been rendered more or less useless. And the population of 18 departments had been impoverished or reduced in number by emigration. A young engineer, Sorrell, was the first to study the possibility of coping with the evil and proved in his etudes to the Torrent in 1841, its relation to forest cover and the need of attacking it at the sources. The first work of recovery was tentatively begun in 1843, but the political events following did not promote its extension until, in 1860, a special law charged the forest

department with the mission of extinguishing the torrents. They were recognized two categories of work, the one considered of general public interest being designated as obligatory, the other with less immediate need being facultative. The territories devastated by each river and its affluence on which the work of recovery was to be executed were known as perimeters. In the obligatory perimeters, private lands were to be acquired by the state by process of expropriation, and communal properties were to be only for a time occupied by the state, and after the achievement of the recovery were to be restituted on payment of the expense of the work, or else the corporation could get rid of the debt by seeding one-half of its property to the state. In the facultative

perimeters, the state was simply to assist in the work of recovery by gratuitous distribution of seeds and plants, or even by money, subventions in some cases. It appeared hard that the poor mountaineers should have to bear all the expense of the extinction of the torrents, and much, complaint was heard. In response to these complaints, in 1864, a law was passed allowing the substitution of sodding instead of forest planting for at least part of the perimeters with a view of securing pastures. But this method seems not to have been successful and was mostly not employed. Finally, by the Riebosement law of 1882, the complaints of the mountaineers were properly taken care of by placing the entire expense of the rebuasment work on this state. The attitude of the

mountaineers, which was at first hostile due to the restriction of the pasture, has been overcome by the beneficial results of the work, and now the most hostile are ready to offer gratuitously their territory to the Forest Department. Wherever necessary, the state has bought territory, and from year to year has increased its holdings and continues to acquire land at the rate of 25,000 to 30,000 acres per year, the budget of 1902, for instance, containing one million for this purpose, that of 1911, only 40,000. Altogether the state had up to 1900 acquired 400,000 acres, of which 218,000 have been planted, and it is estimated that about 430,000 acres more will have to be acquired. The total expense outside of subventions to communities and private owners,

up to 1900, has been over $13 million, of which somewhat over $5 million was expended for purchases. It is estimated that round 25 to 30 million more will be needed to complete the work. Of the 1,462 torrents there were in 1893, 163 entirely controlled, and 654 began to be cured. Among the former there were 31, which 50 years ago were considered by engineers incurable. It is estimated that with the expenditure of $600,000 per annum, the work may be finished by 1945. The names of Mathieu and Demontse, especially the latter, are indelibly connected with this great work. Lately, however, Brieux in his classical work, Le Alps Francés, criticizes severely as improperly extravagant the large expenditures in places

where the result does not warrant them and proclaims as illusory some of the methods adopted. End of Section 11, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 12 of A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for now. This Libravox recording is in the public domain. France continued. 5. Forestry science and practice. Until the 16th century, whatever regulations had been issued regarding forest use were merely administrative or police character,

and had nothing to do with the management or silviculture except perhaps so far as the number of Bellevot. reserved trees to be left might be considered as bearing upon the subject the reformateurs who were from time to time appointed had to deal only with judicial questions and abuses and usually the ordinances referred only to special forests but in 1563 the table de Mabre of Paris

issued instructions which were to serve in all forests a futile attempt to secure statistical knowledge of the forest domain was made apparently with a view to regulation of the cut by de Fleury, the chief of the Forest Service in 1561. In default of data from many of the metrice, a provisional partial order to regulate the cut was issued in 1573, which remained in force for a hundred years and was regularly disregarded,

extraordinary cuts being made without authority and with the connivance of the officers. An ordinance of 1579 describes the deplorable condition of the forest at length, and calls for statistical data, but again without result. A number of further ordinances also made no impression upon the callous and corrupt officials of the Forest Service. The first-class attempt to secure more conservative forest use and to regulate the cut was made by Henry IV in instituting a commission, and as a result of its report, issuing his General Order of Ruan in 1597, a highly interesting document giving insight into conditions and opinions of the foresters of that period, It also remained without any result whatsoever.

Repeated replacement of the higher officials had no more effect than the issuance of ordinances, not until Colbert's vigorous reform in 1669 came a change in conditions. Meanwhile, some forestry notions had been developed, a sequence of felling areas in the coppice, enhance an area division, an idea of rotation and of the exploitable age, 10 to 20 years, although sometimes down to 3 and 4 years, the leaving of overwood which became obligatory in the royal domain and a kind of regulation of its age,

40 years, too short, according to one writer of the time to furnish valuable trees and some proper considerations of its selection. In the timber forest, the fellings proceeded by area in regular order from year to year, leaving a prescribed number of marked seed trees at least six to eight per acre, on such areas as are outside the rights of user and removed from the likelihood of depredations, The felling age being at least 100 years, under the notion that the oak, the most favorite species, grows for 100 years, keeps vigorous but stands still for another 100, and declines in a third hundred. The sewing of acorns on prepared ground was also ordered in the 16th century and perhaps occasionally done. Young gross were sometimes protected by ditches or fences against cattle, although objections were raised against the former as impeding the chase. A diameter limit sometimes reserved all oak and beach two feet in circumference at six inches from the ground, the height of the stump.

Even improvement cuttings called Recipage are on record in Normandy, mainly for the purpose of cutting out softwoods in freeing the young valuable reproduction repeated in decennial returns. Later thinnings assumed the character of selection fellings and indeed received the name of a jardinage. They were continued until the time for final cut and regeneration had arrived. In the coniferous mountain forests, selection cutting, pure and simple, was the rule. It appears then that quite sane notions of silver culture existed, albeit they may not have been very generally and very strictly carried out. Especially during the 16th century, the Mao administration of the royal domain brought with it a decadence of the practice in the woods, the area of the compass increased by clear cutting

at the expense of the timber forest, and by Colbert's time, all forestrys. knowledge had well nigh become forgotten. The Forest Ordinance of 1669 attempted to reform not only the administrative abuses, but to improve the method of exploitation hitherto practiced, at least in put in writing, codified as it were, the best usage of the time. A commission of 21 was instituted to make working plans and prescribe the practice. The prescriptions had reference both to management and civil cultural practice. A felling budget, a Tart d'Assiette was prescribed annually by the Grand Matre for each Garderie district, and felling areas were also sometimes, but not always, definitely located. Besides, extraordinary fellings might be ordered. The garteries were divided into

triages now called cantons, management classes or site classes under different rotations, and the fellings proceeded in each triage in sequence. In each felling area, as had been supposedly the practice, at least eight seed trees per acre, and generally, 16, besides those under the diameter limit, were to be left, the method, a tier et air. Intermediary fellings, thinnings, were avoided and frowned down upon, probably because of the abuses to which they had given rise. Meanwhile, their need grew more and more, especially in those places where the felling method did not produce satisfactory regeneration, and softwoods impeded the development of the better kinds. To improve the chances for valuable regeneration

and to keep the softwoods down, the foresters proposed a reduction of rotations from 100 to 50 and even 40 years. And as with each felling, the number of reserve trees had to be left, the forest assumed a form resembling the coppice under standards. In the coniferous forest of the mountains, fur, which in Colbert's time appear almost like a new discovery to his reformers, the selection forest with a diameter limit,

e.g. 6 inch at the small end of the 21-foot log, was the method most generally, in vogue, and is still to a large extent the method in use, but somewhat better regulated and modified, sometimes with improvement fellings added. In some parts, especially in Lorraine, for a time artificial regeneration and a strip system were tried, and even a group selection with a regeneration period of probably 25 to 30 years, and an exploitable age of 100 years, was practiced in the 18th century. Buffon, in 1739, proposed a treatment for the pioneers to secure natural regeneration by cutting one-third to one-half, leaving 40 to 50 seed trees per acre,

while Duomel, 1780, consider selection method best for larch and pine, as well as fir, although pine might, light oak, be readily reproduced by sewing. While system and orderly progress of fellings in selection forests had gradually been established during the revolution, this was largely disregarded, and unconservative fellings became the order. Guillaise Manuel, Forests, D.A. published in 1770 gives a good idea of the status of forestry at that time. It appears that for timber forest, mostly royal woods, rotations varying from 60 to 200 years, for coppice from 10 to 20 years, were in use on the royal domain, that fellings were regulated according to species, soil quality, and the most advantageous yield.

To facilitate regeneration, a superficial culture of the soil is also advocated. The prescription of Colbert's ordinance, to leave a certain number of seed trees, no matter for what species or conditions of soil or climate, had as early as 1520 been pointed out as faulty by one of the grand masters, Tristan de Rostang, who had recommended a method of successive fellings. This prescription, applied pretty nearly uniformly as a matter of law, removed from their officials all spirit of initiative and desire or requirement of improving upon it.

No knowledge beyond that of the law was required of them, hence no development of civil cultural methods resulted from the 17th and 18th century. The seed trees left on the felling areas grew into undesirable and branchy wolves, injuring the aftergrowth or else were thrown by the wind or died, and many of the areas became undesirable brush. Not until the first quarter of the 19th century was a change in this method proposed through men who imported new ideas from Germany. when the inefficiency of the metada tier et arre was recognized, the only remedy appeared to lie in a clearing system with artificial reforestation, recommended by Ria Mour and Duamel. And indeed, the ordinance of 1669 recognized the probable necessity of filling up failplaces in that manner. Yet the success of plantings in wastelands does not seem to have brought about much extension of this method to the felling areas.

As late as 1862, Clavey complaining of the conditions, of civil culture in France, and of the ignorance regarding it, refers to the clearing system as metad alamanda, the German method. The shelter-wood system, the metad du renamesment, was introduced in theory from Germany by Lawrence in 1827, was hardly applied until the middle of the century. Indeed, the promulgation of this superior method cost Lawrence's position in 1839, and other officers suffered similarly for this German propaganda. In this statement, we follow Clavey and other authors.

Hophel takes exception to this conception of the origin of the shelterwood system, because he finds in some documents allusion to a modified application of the Tieret-Air method, which might be construed into shelterwood regeneration. Indeed, Guillo, 1770, and Ferrand de Fenil, 1790, describe methods of procedure which resemble somewhat this method of regeneration. But as the method of successive fellings was practiced in Germany since, 1720, and fully developed in all its detail by 1790, Hottish formulating merely into rules what was long practiced,

it is likely that the French authors had heard of it. Moreover, in another place, volume 3, page 271, Huffel says, quote, at this time, 1821, one made several tentative regeneration cuttings by successive fellings according to the new formula, but without success, end quote. At the present time, large areas of cuts, coppice, and of coppice with standards characterize the holdings of the municipal and private owners, and the selection forest still plays a considerable part, even in the state forests.

The method of shelter wood in compartments being still more under discussion than found in practice. The main credit for advance in solviculture direction, which belongs to the French foresters in particular, is the development of new and fertile ideas regarding the operations of thinnings. Here, the differentiation of the crop into the final harvest, La Hall, and the nurse crop, Le Ba, see page 105, and the differentiation of the operations, Parla Halt and Parlaba, seems to have been for the first time described by Bop in 1887. Indeed, the theory of thinnings, at least seems to have been well understood by Bufant, who advanced his theories in a memoir to the Academy of France in 1774, and gives a very clear exposition of the value of thinnings

and improvement cuttings. And nevertheless, thinning practice, while often accentuated in the literature, is too often omitted in practice or exercised only in long intervals, while otherwise civil cultural practice is excellent, especially in the coppice. Most valuable lessons may be had, especially from the experience in converting coppice into timber forest. At the International Congress of Civil Culture, convening in connection with the Universal Exposition in 1900, supposedly the best home talent was represented, but it cannot be said that anything new or striking or promotive of the art or science transpired. The desirability of establishing experiment stations outside the one in existence

at Nancy, established in 1882, and the desirability of constructing yield tables still required arguments at this meeting. In the direction of forest organization, it is stated by Claix that in 1860, only 900,000 acres of the state domain were under a regulated management, namely, 380,000 acres in timber and 520,000 in coppice with standards, leaving about 1,500,000 acres at that time still merely exploited. The same writer states that of the corporation or communal forests, hardly any are under management for sustained yield, and private forest management is not mentioned in this connection. Even today, less than one-third of the total area is under systematic control.

In 1908, still, about 14% of the state forests were without working plans and 15% in selection forests. The method of forest organization employed, outside of the crew determinations of a felling budget in the selection forest, is an imitation of Cota's combined area and volume allotment, with hardly any attempt at securing normality, introduced in 1825. Characteristic and differing from the German model is the practice of actually co-locating in each district, Canton, the periodic felling areas, effectations, on the ground so as to secure a schematic felling series or periodic block, serrier. This is done often at great sacrifice.

Lately various more pliable modifications have come into vogue, metad de la faction unique, and freer methods, method de quartier de regeneration. Somewhat similar to Udyke's stand management are proposed. Altogether working plans such as

elaborated in Germany are rare, and yield tables are still looked upon by Huffel as doubtfully useful. The management of the state forest is extremely conservative, large accumulations of old stock, the holding over of one quarter for reserve, and high rotations, only apparently based on maximum volume production, since the statistical data are scanty, are characteristic. The opposite conditions appear in the private forests. 6. Education and Literature

In the earlier times, the service established was, as we have seen often, nay, mostly, in incompetent hands. The offices of Forestmasters were purchasable, were given to courtiers as benefits and became hereditary. In all these, higher professional knowledge was unnecessary. The ignorance of the subordinates was as great as that of their German counterparts, but lasted longer. Hardly any book literature on the subject of forestry developed before the 19th century,

and educational institutions had to wait until long past the beginning of that century. The first and up to the present only Forest School came into existence. after a considerable campaign directed by Baldri Lart, chief of division, administration general de Forre, and professor of political economy. His campaign in the Anal Fosierre, the first volume of which appeared in 1808, and in other writings, as in his Dictionaire de O'E Foray, 1825,

led to the establishment of the Forest School at Nancy in 1825. The first director of this school, Bernard Lorenz, having become acquainted with and befriended by, G. L. Hottish and his assistant, afterwards his son-in-law and successor, Aldorf-Parad, having studied under Cota, 1817 to 1818 in Tarant, this school introduced the science of forestry as it had been been developed in Germany, but later generations under Nanket, Wagnerie, Dwayard, Pop, and Puton, imbued with patriotism, attempted in a manner to strike out on original lines. As a consequence of the unpatrious,

German tendencies in its first directors, the continuance of the school at Nancy was several times threatened, there being friction between the administration of the school and the service, which in 1844 came to a climax, agents in the service being employed without preparation in the school, a condition which lasted until 1856. Even to date, an active service of 15 years is considered equivalent to the education in the school for advancement in the service. In 1839, Lorenz was disgracefully displaced, in spite of his great merits, because he advocated too warmly the application of the superior system of regeneration under Shelterwood to replace the coppice and selection forest, an incident almost precisely repeated in the state of New York in abandoning its state college at Cornell University, and in other respects the two cases appear parallel. Parade, the successor of Lorenz, being imbued with the same heretical doctrines, was constantly in trouble, and in 1847, a most savage attack in the legislature was launched which threatened a collapse of the school. This condition lasted until Parade's death.

In 1864, when Nantat assumed guidance of the school and steered in more peaceful waters by avoiding all ideas at reforms and innovations. But otherwise, improving the character of the school, an introduce, the third year study. But he too was much criticized and in difficulties until 1880, nor was Putin, his successor free from troubles, until in 1889 a new regime and new regulations were enacted. According to others, a reviewer of this volume, the difficulties which befell the institution were financial ones, quote, the too rapid conversion into timber forest reducing receipts which the Minister of Finance resented, end quote.

Guilla's history of the school, however, leaves little doubt of the above interpretation being correct. In the case of the State College at Cornell University, a later historian might similarly claim financial difficulties, the school having actually been closed for lack of appropriation. Nevertheless, political trickery was the real cause of this lack. The school is organized on military lines. The students who intend to enter the state's service are chosen from the graduates of the Institute National Agrononique, of Paris. Only a limited number being admitted. It has 12 professors, two for forestry, two each for natural science, mathematics, and one each for law, soil physics and agriculture, for military

science, and for German. A three-year course, which includes journeys through the forest regions of France, leads to government employment. Indeed, the first paid position as God General Stacier is attained after two years study and before leaving school. For several years, 1867 to 1884, English students preparing for the Indian Service received their instruction here, and 380 foreigners have received their education in this school since its foundation. For the education of the lower grades, an imperial rescript ordered the establishment of several schools, which were, however, never organized. In 1863, we're proposed, and in 1868 opened four schools, where efficient forest guards were to secure some knowledge that would assist them to,

advancement. Three of these schools persisted until 1883. In 1873, an additional school for silver culture for the education of underforesters was organized at Bar Filmohen, where annually a limited number of students are permitted to enter. This institution has persisted to date. The French forestry literature has never been prolific, and to this day occupies still a limited amount of shelf room. The first book on record is a translation of the well-known volume of the Italian Peter de Christentius, translated at the instance of Charles V in 1373. In the 16th century, we have referenced to an encyclopedic volume, probably similar to the German house feta, by Oliver de Cere, Teatro de lausanne de Chambre, in which a chapter is devoted

to the forests. During the 18th century, just as in Germany, the Camerales, we have seen in France a number of high-class writings, not by foresters. But by savants or students of natural history, the names of Riemour, Dramele, Buffon, and Michaud, appearing with memoirs transmitted to the Academy of France, the highest literary and scientific body of men on subjects relating to forestry. Riemeur, in his Reflections on La Tart de Forre in 1721, recommended the conversion of coppice forests and the timber forest by a system of thinnings, but it is evident that his words were not heard beyond the academy.

Duramel in 1755, 1764 and 1780, repeats the recommendation of Riemour in his three memoirs, Semi-epletion, exploitation de bois, and treate de la physique des Abra, in which he exhibits considerable learning, while Bufant, the great naturalist, in 1739 and after, presented several memoirs on forestry subjects full of excellent advice. Farhan de Fenil, another one of the academicians. but also one of the conservators, is on record with two memoirs in 1790 and 1791 on the management of coppice and timber forests in which also the theory of thinnings was well developed. But among the foresters of the service there seems not to have been sufficient education to

appreciate these writings, or with the exception of Giot with his Manuel Faustier, 1770, to bring forth any contributions to the literature and art until the 19th century. In 1803, we find the first encyclopedic volume in Trete d'Alermain de la Mangement de Forre, which was followed in 1805 by a very incorrect translation of Hartich-Lehrbourg, both by Bauderile Art, Professor of Political Economy, who also published in 12 volumes as Creté General de O' and Forreys. Perthui, in 1796, and Jallet, a forester in 1807, also brought out treatises on forest management,

which include all branches of the subject. According to Huffel, the foresters of this period, Louis XVIth and 16th were of superior character, and forestry in France was the first in the world. The writings of French authors were being translated into German and studied by foreign foresters. He has to admit, however, that the majority of these authors were not really members of the Forest Service. In 1836 appeared Parades' Accor Elementaire de Coulter de Beau. An excellent book, recording the teachings of Hortish and Cota. This seems to have been all sufficient until 1873, at least.

Such things as yield tables are still a mere wish. When Tassie wrote his etude, etc. In 1858, while de Salamon, a little later, reproduced Cots's yield tables, and to this day this needful tool of the forester is still almost absent, at least in the literature of France. Nantquette, Brouillard, Barniery, Puton, Rus, Bob, all directors or professors at the forefathers, at the Forest School, enriched the French literature by volumes on silviculture and forest management.

And Henri on soil physics, he also translated from the German Volonies to Composition des Materia Organique. It is claimed by Gillo that a truly French science of forestry dates from Breard's Coeur de Management in 1878. De Montcée's Roboisme de Montagne, 1882, is a classic volume. Of more modern book literature, mentioned three-volume as publications, namely Tretees of Abra by Moly-Fer, 1892 to 88 in three volumes, and Trete d'Exploitation Commerciales by Maté in two volumes, and Gilles, and Gilles, Coe de D'Droit Frestier in two volumes. A very complete work on valuation of damage under the misleading title in Saint-Ire and Foray was published by Jacourt in 1903. But the latest and perhaps most ambitious work in the French language, and especially of

intense interest from the historical point of view, tracing not only the development of forest policies but of subicultural and managerial practices in France, is G. Hoffel's Economy Forestier, in three volumes published 1904 to 1907. There should not be forgotten as among the non-professional promoters of forest questions, Chivandier, a chemist and manufacturer, who in 1844 made investigations regarding the influence of irrigation on wood growth and on the influence of fertilizers, and, in connection with their time, laid the foundation for timber physics. One bi-weekly magazine, Review de O'Eigh, in existence for 50 years,

the successor to the Annal Horstier began in 1808, satisfies the need of current literature, besides the journals of various forestry associations, among which the Bulletin de la Societ, the France Comte at Belfour, has for a long time taken a prominent rank. A very active propagandist literary and association work has within the last decades been inaugurated, and forestry associations of local character abound. Among these, the touring club,

a sporting association with some 16,000 members and 364 branches, is active by writing out prizes in promoting wasteland planting. Through its agency, some 4,000 acres had been planted by 1910, some 900 nurseries furnishing plantings. material. An active section of silviculture in the Societatathe agricultures some time ago absorbed the Forestry Association and is also doing practical work the direction most needed improvement of forestry practice among private woodland owners. 7. Colonial Policies

The French possess extensive colonies in Africa, Asia, America, and Oceana, covering not less than 4 million square miles with over 90 million people, to some of which at least they have extended some features of their forest policy, notably in Algeria, Tunis, Indochina, and Madagascar. Algeria, which was conquered in 1828, is about four-fifths of the size of France, but only 5.5% is forested. Besides the desert, there are two forest regions, the northern slope, the so-called tel, abutting on the Mediterranean, which, with 20% forested, contains the most valuable forests of cork oak, various other oaks, and Aleppo pine. In the high plateau to the south, a region of steppes with about 6% forested, mostly with brushwood. The adjoining Tunis also contains some 2 million acres of forest, a part of which clothed with the valuable cork oak.

Although the population does not exceed 5 million, import of wood from Sweden and elsewhere to nearly $1 million in amount is necessary. The first advancement in civilization led to widespread destruction of the originally larger forest. forest area, fire and pasture being especially destructive. Before the French occupation, the 8 million acres of forests were all, as usual in the Muslim's empires, the property of the Sultan, but were used like communal property by the people. By 1871, the larger portion, some 6 million acres, remained in possession of the state, much encumbered by rights of user. At the same time, considerable areas, some 700,000 acres, had been ceded to communities outright,

and others, 1.25 million acres, have been sold to private parties. At first, these latter lands were let for exploitation of the cork oak on 40-year leases, later extended to 90 years with indemnities for damage by fire, an incentive to allow these to run, until in 1870 the fire damage, having become onerous, all areas burned after 1863 were gratuitously seated to the contractors. More than one-third, the areas involved, and the other two-thirds were then sold at a ridiculously low price and under the easiest conditions of payment, and the same shameful manner in which the timberlands in the United States were given away. In 1836, a forest administration for the state domain was inaugurated,

but the unfortunate division of powers between military and civil authorities was a hindrance to effective improvement of conditions. The fire ravages of 1871 led to a thorough reorganization under the direction of Tassie in 1873. Nevertheless, in 1900, Lefevre, inspector of forests in his book Le Forre de Algerie, still complains that the forests are being ruined, especially by pasturing. The means allowed the administration being too niggardly measured. The Forest Code of the Home Country and Special Laws enacted from time to time applies. The administration of the state and communal forest is directly under the Home Department

and is regulated in similar manner. A reorganization and a special forest code for Algiers was enacted in 1903. This legislation relies still largely on the general principles of the Code of 1827. The most interesting features are the provision for expropriation, in addition to the state domain of forest, the preservation of which is of public interest, and the rigorous forest fire legislation, which permits the treatment of incendiaries as insurrectionists, makes the extinction of forest fires a duty of the forest officials, and provides the forcible estate. establishment of fire lines or rides between neighbors. In the forests placed under the forestry

regime, permits from the Governor General are required for clearing. For the administration of these properties, the state receives 10% of the gross yield. Reforested hilltops or slopes in sand dunes are relieved from taxes for 30 years, burnt areas for 10 years. In the other African possessions, unregulated exploitation of the tropical forests, largely for byproducts like Kuchuk, Kola, and Fine Furniture Woods is still the order of the day, except in Madagascar, which, with 25 to 30 million acres of tropical forest area, was in 1900 provided with a forest service, which is under the Minister of Colonies. Here, a license system is in vogue, giving concessions to exploit limited areas for a given time

at an annual rent of less than 1% per acre per year. The concessions run from 5 to 20 years, and on 12,000, 5,000, 5,000. acres or more, the time of their duration being extended from the lowest term for one year for every 2,500 acres. Police regulations and fines are intended to check abuses and to regulate the rights of users exercised by natives. In Indochina, Cochin China, Cambodia, Annum, Tonkin, the total forest area is still unknown. Only that of Cochin China with 2.5 million acres and of Cambodia with 10 million acres can be stated, and Cochin China seems to possess the only approach to a forest service. Although it is estimated that in 1901 in the whole of Indochina

with 18 million people, some 85 million cubic feet of wood were cut, 9 tenths firewood, an import of over $200,000 worth of workwood from Europe was needed. The first attempts at regulating forest use in these Asiatic possessions date back to 1862 when exploitation was confined to delimited areas. The administration of our government, however remained inefficient, and under impracticable and heterogeneous orders, which were issued from time to time, devastation progressed with little hindrance. For Cochin China, a more definite forest policy was formulated in 1894-95, when not only the state domain but also the private forest property was placed under the regime forestier. The supervision of the private forest

consists in requiring the marking of trees to be cut by government agents and a permit for their removal. The state forests are of two classes, reserves in which all cutting is forbidden, only some 200,000 acres, and those in which licenses to cut may operate. Such licenses are given for one year and for a price of 100 piastres. The villagers have free use of the less valuable woods, their only obligation being to assist in protection against fire and theft. A real forest service was not instituted until 2001, a director with four assistants being placed in charge under the Department of Agriculture. Until recently, reports of the deplorable condition due to the absence of technical management

reached the outside, but lately, 1911, the Governor General discussing the situation not only speaks approvingly of the Forest Service, which on the two million acres under its immediate management had by 1909 trebled the revenue, but talks of extending its activities to planting up waste places in order to secure favorable water conditions for irrigating lands. The rest of the colonies are being merely exploited. End of Section 12, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 13 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording.

All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Recording by Lawrence Trask, Mount Vernon, Ohio. Interface Audio.com A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for Now. Section 13, Russia and Finland While Germany and France were forced into the adoption of forest policies through necessity, after the natural woods had been largely destroyed or devastated,

Russia started upon a conservative forest management, long before the day of absolute necessity seem to have arrived. Indeed, even today, Russia is one of the largest and increasingly growing exporter of forest products in the world. Its annual export, having grown in the five years 1903 to 1908, from 4 to 6 million tons and from 35 to 62 million dollars. A vast territory of untouched woods is still at her command, representing roughly two-thirds of the forest area of Europe. The vast empire, second only to the British Empire and extent, gradually acquired since the 15th century, occupies in Europe, including Finland, somewhat over 2 million square miles, with over 120 million inhabitants, and in Asia somewhat over 6.5 million square miles, with only 30 to 40 million people.

until 1906, when as a result of a revolution, a kind of representative government was secured. The hereditary czar was ostensibly and by title an autocrat, governing with the assistance of four great councils and 12 ministers. But in reality, the government was in the hands of a bureaucracy and court cabal, to a large extent corrupt, and hence the many good laws and institutions of which we read may not always be found, executed in practice as intended. The European section of the country is divided into 98 governments or provinces, each under a governor who is, however, largely dependent on the central power. The large territory of Siberia is divided into three governor generalships, much of it, as well as of the other Asiatic provinces, is still unorganized, undeveloped and unexplored, or at least little known.

Originally used mainly as a penal colony for criminal and political exiles, since the completion of the great Trans-Siberian Railway, the country has been peopled by Russian farmers. Both European Russia and Siberia are in the main vast plains, the former sloping northwestward from the Uro Mountains in the east and from the Caucasus in the south, and the latter from the Altai, Lion, and Yabloni Mountains north to the Arctic Ocean. Both sections exhibit in the southern ranges the effect of continental climates, prairie and plains country, the steppe, and in its northern ranges, the effect of an Arctic climate, short hot summers and long severe winters, tundra, and swamps.

1. Forest conditions and ownership. Both the forest area and the ownership conditions vary, very much throughout the country. Russian statistics are very unreliable and are based on estimates rather than enumerations and vary from year to year. So little is known of conditions in Asia where Russia occupies a territory three times as large as its European possessions that we can dispose of them briefly. There exists a vast forested area, almost unknown as to its extent and contents or value. This area is mainly located in Siberia, and although its extent is uncertain, it is known to exceed 700 million acres. But it is also known that its character is very variable, and much of it is taiga, or swamp forest, much of it devastated, and much of it in precarious condition, fires having run and still running over large portions,

destroying it to such an extent that in several of the provinces within the forest belt, the question of wood supplies is even now a troublesome one. The natives are especially reckless and devastation difficult to control. The railroad has only increased the evils. Here in Siberia, the first attempt at a management was made in 1897, in the government forests, which are estimated at over 300 million acres. In addition, about 400 million acres have been declared reserved forests. Not one-third, however, even of the government forests, is well-stocked,

and less than 4 million acres are under some form of management. In European Russia, the forest area comprises about 465 million acres, or 36% of the land area. The population being now over 120 million, Nearly one half escaped from serfdom, only since 1861. The forest area per capita is only about four acres, somewhat less than in the United States. Half of what is claimed for Sweden and Norway,

although seven times as large as that of Germany or France. It will be seen, therefore, that Russia, although still an exporting country, has reasons for a conservative policy, even if only the needs of the domestic population are considered, which alone probably consumes more than the annual increment of the whole forest area. And the consumption is growing with the growth of civilization, as appears from the increase of wood-consuming industries,

which in 1877 showed a product of $8 million, in 1887 of $12.5 million, in 1897 of $50 million. This assertion that the era of overcutting has actually arrived may be made in spite of the stated fact that in the northern provinces only two-fifths of what is supposed to be a proper felling budget is cut and marketed, and that other most uncertain estimates make the cut 17 cubic feet per acre of productive forest area, and the annual growth on still more uncertain basis, 31 cubic feet. The same reasons that operate in the United States contribute to wasteful practices, namely uneven distribution of forest and population. As in the United States, the East and West are or were well-wooded, with a forestless agricultural region between.

So in Russia, the North and the South, Caucasus Mountains, are well-wooded, with a forestless region, the step between. This leads, as with us, to an uneconomical exploitation of the woods, the inferior materials being wasted because not paying for their transportation in one section, and dearth of timber and fuel wood in the other section. The two most northern provinces of Archangel and Volagda, in size to all Germany, are wooded to the extent of 75 and 89 percent, respectively, and the 14 northern provinces together contain nearly one-half the entire forest area.

Here, the forest covers 64% of the land area, and nowhere below 20%, and the acreage per capita ranges from three to over 200. These largely unsettled provinces are the basis of the active wood-export trade, and as in the similarly conditioned areas of North America, the territory is devastated by fires, which sweep again and again

over the large areas without check. Southern Russia, accepting the Caucasus, is largely prairie or steppe. Forest covers sinking below 20%, on the whole, down to 2%, and less than one-half acre per capita. Altogether, one-half the country and three-fourths of the population are, with less than 14% of the forest area, exposed to a dearth of timber. The northern forest, the most economic factor, is composed largely of pure or mixed coniferous woods, 74%, principally Norway spruce, 34%, and Scotch pine, 29.5%, with only slight admixtures of larch

and fur, and more frequently white birch. Open stand comparatively poor development and slow growth, characteristic of northern climate, reduce its productive capacity, while frequent bogs and other natural waste places outside those produced by mismanagement, reduce its productive area by not less than 20 percent. Toward the south, deciduous species are more frequent, oak finally becoming the prevailing timber and farming forests, with beech, maple, ash, and elm as admixtures. As the plains are approached, pure deciduous forest indicates the change of climate. The forest of the Caucasus is principally of coniferous composition.

There are six classes of forest property, the government domain, the Apennage or imperial family, crown forests, private forests, peasant or communal forests, institute or corporation forests, and forests of mixed ownership in which government and private owners participate. The larger part of the forest area of European Russia is in control of the crown or state, namely 278 million acres, or a little less than two-thirds of the whole, and a similar amount in Asia, besides the so-called Aponage forests of 14 million acres, set aside for the support of the court.

Especially the northern forest is in government control. In some governments, Archangel, the entire area, 67% of the domain forest, lies in the two governments of Archangel and Wallagda. In the less wooded districts, state property is insignificant. The area under government control in Europe and Asia is estimated in the official report for 1908 at around 957 million acres. This is, however, not the exclusive property of the state. Only about 260 million acres are so claimed.

The larger balance includes 170 million acres, which are to be apportioned to the liberated peasants, 200 million acres in which the government is only part owner, or the ownership is in dispute, and the rest is only temporarily placed under the management or surveillance of the administration. Yet 60% in Europe and 13% in Asia is exclusive state property. In 1907, the area in Europe under working plans of the Forest Administration, however,

was only 48 million acres, 86 million having been examined for working plans. Of the state property in Europe, 34% is spruce forest, 30% pine, and 26% mixed conifer forest, altogether 88% of coniferous timber. The Asiatic area is also over 80% coniferous. The Apennage or Crown forests, the yield of which goes towards maintenance of the Imperial family, comprise about 16 million acres, or 3.4%. Private forest property, to the extent of over 100 million acres, 23%, is much more. most developed in the Baltic provinces and along the vistula. Mining corporations and other institutes

own about 7 million acres. The peasants who until 1861 were mere serfs and had no ownership of any kind, being supplied with their necessities by the landed proprietors, still largely supply themselves in the northern provinces by the exercise of rights of users from the public domain on designated areas. In the central and southern provinces, farm and forest land, the letter to the extent of nearly 40 million acres were given to them in communal ownership. As stated above, about 170 million acres, classed as government domain, still awaits partition and session to the peasants. 2.

Development of Forest Policy The first record of attention to the woods as a special property dates from Michael, the founder and Alexis, the second of the House of Romanov, the former becoming Tsar in 1613, the latter in 1645. He, it was who began to introduce Western civilization. He confined himself, however, to regulating property rights, which up to that time had remained somewhat undefined, the forest is elsewhere being considered more or less public property. He issued deeds of ownership, or at least granted exclusive rights to the use of forests, somewhat similar as was done in the Ban forests.

Soldiers alone were permitted to help themselves, even in private forests, to the wood they required. Protection against theft and fire was also provided. The peasants, being serfs, were bound to the glebe, and had, of course, no property rights, being maintained by the bounty of the seigneurs. Alexis successor, the far-seeing Peter the Great, who in his travels in Germany and other European countries had no doubt been imbued with ideas of conservatism,

inaugurated in the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th century, a far-reaching restrictive policy, which had two objects in view, namely economic use of wood, which he had learned to appreciate while playing carpenter in Amsterdam, and the preservation of ship timber, which his desire to build up a navy dictated. All forests for 35 miles alongside of rivers were declared in ban and placed under the supervision of the newly organized administration of crown forests. In these banned forests, the felling of timbers fit for shipbuilding was forbidden. Minute regulations as to the proper use of wood for the purposes for which it was most fit were prescribed, and the use of the saw instead of the axe was ordered.

These rules were to prevail in all forests, with a few exceptions, and penalties were to be exacted for contraventions. This good beginning experienced a short setback under Catherine 1, 1725, Peter's wife, who, influenced by her minister, Menshikov, abolished the forest administration and the penalties and reduced the number and size of ban forests. But the entire legislation was reenacted within three years after Catherine's death, 1727, under Anna Ivanovna's reign, and many new prescriptions for the proper use of wood were added and additional penalties in forest. At this time, under the influence of a German forest expert, Focal, the increase of forest area by sewing oak, etc., in the poorly wooded districts was also inaugurated, and this planting was, made obligatory not only on the administration of crown forests but also upon private owners who in case of default were to lose their land and have it reforested by the forest administration to faquel's initiative it is also to be credited the celebrated large forest on the gulf of finland these restrictions of private rights and the tutelage exercised by the forest administration

were abolished in toto by katherine two in 1788 and although it was reported by the Admiralty, concerned in the supply of shipbuilding materials, that as a consequence the cutting, especially of oak timber, was proceeding rapidly, no new restrictive, but rather an ameliatorial policy was attempted, such as, for instance, the offering of prizes for plantations in certain localities by the provincial governors. Upon the abolishment of the serfdom of the peasants under Alexander 2 in 1863, lands both farm and woodlands were allotted to them and in this partition in some parts as much as 25 to 50% of this forest property was handed over to them immediately a general

slaughtering both by peasants and by private owners who had suffered by losing the services of the serfs was inaugurated leading to wholesale devastation servitudes or rights of user also prevailed in some districts and proved extremely destructive By 1864, complaints in regard to forest devastation had become so frequent that a movement for reform was begun by the Tsar, which led to the promulgation of a law in 1867, followed by a number of others during the next decade,

designed to remedy the evils. This was done by restricting the acreage that might be felt, by forbidding clearings, and by giving premiums for good management and plantations. Finally, in 1875, a special commission was charged with the elaboration of a general order, which, after years of hearing of testimony and deliberation, was promulgated in 1888, a comprehensive law for the conservation of forests, private and otherwise, which in many respects resembles the French, in other respects the Swedish conservation laws.

The devastation and its evil consequences on water flow and soil conditions had been especially felt in the southern districts adjoining the step, and these experiences were the immediate cause for enactment of the law, which, however, was framed to apply conditionally to the entire European Russia. The law makes an interesting distinction between protective, protected, and non-protective or unprotected forests, as well as between different ownership classes, and it makes distinction of four regions as to the extent of its application. In the far northern governments, densely forested, 60%, and thinly populated, only the protective forests are under the operations of the law.

In the Caucasus also, none of the restrictions of private property except in protective and communal peasant forests are to apply, perhaps because the forest area, averaging not over 17%, is there largely owned by members of the Imperial House and by nobles. certain districts adjoining the northern zone, with 37% forest, also only the last two classes of forest, namely protective and communal properties, with Institute Forest added, are subject to the provisions of the law. The rest, a territory of over one million square miles with only 12% in forest, is subject to all the provisions of the law, which is remarkably democratic in treating state, imperial,

private forests alike. This law declares as protective forests to be managed under special plans prescribed by the Crown Forest Department. Those forest areas which protect shifting sands and dunes, the shores of rivers, canals, and other waters, and those on the slopes of mountains, where they serve to prevent erosion, landslides, and avalanches. Conversion to these protective forests of farm use is forbidden, and the use of a clearing system in forest management, as well as pasture ridge and other uses supposed to be detrimental, may be interdicted, and the method of management may be prescribed. An instruction regarding the execution of the law promulgated in 1889, prohibited clear-cutting

in conifer forests, permitting only selection forest, and an especially endangered localities only the use of the dry wood and such trees as interfere with natural reproduction. Protected forests are those which are located at the headwaters and upper reaches of streams and their affluence. Here the rules as regards clearing, mismanagement, reforestation, and pasture applicable to the non-protective forests prevail, except that clearing may be prohibited or permitted, if the committee deems it not dangerous owing to the small size of the clearing. In forests, which are not protective forests, conversion into farms or clearing with the sanction of the committee is permitted, if thereby the estate is improved, for example, if the soil is fit for orchards and vineyards. Such clearing may also be allowed if the soil is fit for temporary

field use, but in that case the area must be eventually reforested. Clearing is also permitted, if another formerly farmed parcel of the same size has been reforested at least three years prior to the proposed clearing. Or if in artificial plantations, the growth is not yet 20 years old. Also, in a few special cases where property boundaries are to be rounded off, roads to be located, etc. If, after six months from the time of the application, the committee has not forbidden the clearing, it is considered as permitted.

It is also forbidden to make fellings which prevent natural regeneration, and the running of cattle in young growth is prohibited. Private owners are not required, but are permitted to submit working plans, and if these are accepted, they are exempted from any other restrictions. Such plans may be considered as accepted if the committee does not express itself within one year. All clearings made in contravention to the committee's decision must be replanted within a prescribed time, or may be forcibly reforested by the committee. The most interesting feature, because thoroughly democratic, is the creation of the local forest protection committees, which are formed in each province and district, and composed of various representatives of the local administration, one or two foresters included, the Justice of the Peace or other justice, the county council, and two elected forest owners.

In all nine to 11 members, under the presidency of the governor, the committee is vested with large, powers. It decides without appeal what areas are included in protective forest and approves of the working plans for these, as well as for the unreserved forests. It determines what clearings may be made, and exercises wide police powers, with reference to all forest matters, working in cooperation with the forest administration, which latter has the duty of making working plans free of charge for the reserved forest, and at the expense of the owner for the private unreserved forests. Owners of the latter are, however, at liberty to prepare their own plans subject to approval. Appeal from decisions of the forest committees lies through the committee of the Minister of Crownlands

and Minister of the Interior. In case the owner refuses to incur the extra expense arising from measures imposed upon him, the domain ministry may expropriate him, but the owner may recover within 10 years by paying costs with 6% interest in addition to the sale price. In addition to the above-sided and other restrictive measures, some ameliatorial provisions are also found. All protected forests are free from taxes forever, those artificially planted also for 30 years. Some of the best Forest officials are detailed to give advice gratuitously to forest owners, forest revisor, instructors, and prizes are given for the best results of silvicultural operations. At the recommendation of the Forest Committees, medals or money rewards or other distinctions

are given to forest guards and forest managers of private as well as public forests. Plant material is distributed free or at cost price, and working plans for protective forests are made free of charge. The Imperial Loan Bank advances long-term loans on forests based upon detailed working plans made by the state, which ensure a conservative management. In 1900, over 7 million acres were in this way mortgaged under such management. The minutest details are elaborated in the instructions for the execution of this most comprehensive law. How far this law is really executed and what its results so far have been, it would be difficult to ascertain. It is, however, believe that it has worked satisfactorily. By 1900, 1.5 million acres had been declared

protection forests, nearly 2 million protected or river forests, and nearly 100 million private and communal forests, had been placed under the regime. In 1907, the total area under the regime had grown to over 136 million acres. Of private forests, 18 million acres in 6,015 forests were being managed according to working plans, made or approved by the forest committees. In these plans, usually the strip system or seed tree system with natural regeneration under 60-year rotation for conifers and at least 30-year rotation for broadly forest is provided. In 1903, the application of the law was extended to the Caucasus, the Transcaucasian, and other southern provinces. But in the absence of suitable personnel and in a half-civilized country, no result for the

immediate future may be anticipated. The surveillance of the execution of this law lies with the assistance of the Forest Committees in the hands of the State Forest Administration. This latter, centralized in the Department of Agriculture, consists of a Director-General, with two vice directors and so-called Bureau of Forests with seven division chiefs, a number of vice inspectors and assistants. The local administration in the governments is represented by the direction of Crownlands with a superintendent or supervisor and several inspectors. The Crown forests, divided into some 1,260 administrative units,

are under the administration of superintendents, with foresters and guards of several degrees. The whole service comprised in 1908, about 3,790 higher officials, some 850 of whom in the central office at St. Petersburg, and over 30,000 lower officials, some 20,000 of whom are educated under foresters. Large as this force appears to be,

it is small in comparison with the acreage and inadequate. Although the net income from the third, 300 million acres of state forest, which are actually worked, is now close to $30 million. The expenditures, being near $6 million, the pay of the officials is such as to almost force them to find means of subsistence at the cost of their charges. Perhaps nowhere else is there so much machinery and so much regulation with so little execution in practice. Nevertheless, progress is being made in gradually improving matters, and the forest property, or at least the cut has become more and more valuable. While in the middle of the last century, the income from the

domain forest was only $500,000. By 1892, it had grown to $10 million, by 1901 to $23 million, and in 1908 to nearly $30 million. Besides several million dollars, worth a free wood. In 1908, the department spent over half a million dollars on planting and assisting natural regeneration. Timber is sold as a rule to contractors by the tree or acre, and a diameter limit is almost the only restriction. In 1897, however, an arrangement was made by which the lumberman was obliged to reforest, or at least pay a certain tax into a planting fund, and a part payment of $2 to $4 per acre, as guarantee must be made before cutting. This order, however, has remained mostly a dead letter, the buyer preferring to allow his

guarantee to lapse. In 1906, there stood $3 million to the credit of this planting fund, and only half of it had been applied. Meanwhile, the unplanted area increases, since natural generation generally proves a failure. Meanwhile, the unplanted area increases, since natural regeneration generally proves a failure. Three, education and literature. The attempts at forestry education date back to the year 1732, when a number of foresters were imported from Germany to take charge of the forest management, as well as of the education of foresters, each Forstmeister having six pupils assigned to him. This method, failing to produce results, the interest in ship timber suggested a course in forestry at the Naval Academy, which was instituted in 1800. Soon, the need

of a larger number of educated foresters led to the establishment. of several separate forest schools, one at Tsarskoy-Siloy near St. Petersburg in 1803, another at Kozlovsk in 1805, and a third at St. Petersburg in 1808. This latter under the name of the Forest Institute absorbed the other two, and from 1813 has continued to exist through many vicissitudes. Now with 15 professors and instructors, and an expenditure of nearly 200, and over 500 students, it is the largest forest school in the world. It prepares in a four years course for the higher positions in the Forest Service. The history of this Forest Institute is practically the history of forestry in Russia.

A second school at Novo Alexandria near Warsaw was instituted in 1860. In these schools, as in the methods of management, German influence is everywhere visible. In addition to these schools, chairs of forestry were instituted in the Petrovs School of Rural Economy in Moscow, and in the Riga Polytechnic Institute, and also in seven intermediate schools of rural economy. In 1888, 10 secondary schools were established after Austrian pattern for the lower or middle service, rangers, and under-foresters. Their number, by 1900, having been increased to 30, in 1908 to 33, with 460 students. These are boarding schools in the woods where a certain number of the students are taught

free of charge, the maximum number of those admitted being 10 to 20 at each school. The course is of two years duration and is mainly directed to practical work and theoretical study in silviculture. total expense of such a school is about thirty three hundred dollars of which the state contributes twenty five hundred dollars the total expenditure in nineteen o eight eighty four thousand one hundred and thirty four dollars a number of experiment stations were established in various parts of the country by the administration of crown lands and a very considerable and advanced literature testifies to the

good education and activity of the higher forest service two forestry journals, Lesnage Journal since 1870, and Lessepromakane Westnik, the first bimonthly, the latter weekly, besides several lesser ones, keep the profession informed. There are in existence several general societies for the encouragement of silviculture. Probably the oldest, which ceased to exist in 1850, was the Imperial Russian Society for the advancement of forestry, which was founded in 1830, which was founded in 1830. It published a magazine and provided translations of foreign books, among which the forest mathematics of the noted German forester Koenig, who also prepared yield tables for the society.

A society of professional foresters was founded at St. Petersburg in 1871. Another exists in Moscow, and recently two associations for the development of forest planting in the steppe have been formed. Among the prominent writers and practitioners, there should especially be mentioned Theodore Karloish Arnold, who is recognized as the father of Russian forestry. He was the sole of the forest organization work, for which he drew up the instructions in 1845, and as professor, afterwards director of the Institute for Agronomy and Forestry at Moscow since 1857, he became the teacher of most of the present practitioners.

Finally, he became the head of the Forest Department in the Ministry of Apennages, where he remained until his death in 1902. He is the author of several classical works on silviculture, forest menstruation, forest management, etc., and in conjunction with Dr. W. A. Titanoff, published an encyclopedic work in three volumes. In the first volume, Ruslin's Wald, 1890, which has been translated into German, the author makes an extended plea for improved forestry practice and describes and argues at length the provisions of the law of 1888.

In 1895, he published a history of forestry in Germany, France, and Russia. Of other prominent foresters who have advanced forestry in Russia, we may cite Count Vargasé de Bidemar, who made the first attempt to prepare Russian growth and yield tables in 1840 to 1850. Professor A.F. Rudski, who was active at the Forest Institute until a few years ago, developed in his volumes, especially the mathematical branches and methods of forest organization. The names of Turski, Krafzynski, and Kigdorov are known to Russian students of dendrology and silvic culture, and among the younger generations, the names of Morozov, Nesterov, Orlov, and Tolski may be mentioned.

It is well known how prominent Russian investigators have become in the natural sciences, and to foresters, the work of the soil physicist Ototsky and Dukachev would at least be familiar. 4. Forestry practice While then a very considerable activity in scientific direction exists, the practical application of forestry principles is less developed than one would expect, especially in view of the stringent laws. So far, not much more than conservative lumbering is the rule. Generally speaking, the state and crowned forests are better managed than the private, many of which are being merely exploited, and in the northern department's large areas remain

still inaccessible. Some notable exceptions to the general mismanagement of private forests are furnished by some of those owned by the nobility, like those of Count Euroff with 150,000 acres under model management by a German forester, and Count Stroganov with over one million acres under first-class organization with a staff of over 230 persons. A regular forest organization was first attempted in the forests attached to iron furnace properties in 1840. By this time, some 100 million acres have come under regulatory. management, half of the area being government forests. The method of regulation employed is that of area division and sometimes area allotment,

according to Cota. In some regions, a division by rides into compartments, ranging from 60 to 4,000 acres each, according to intensity of exploitation, has been affected. It is estimated that at the present rate of progress, it would take 300 years to complete the work of organization. The selection method is still largely employed, a felling budget by number of trees and volume being determined in the incompletely organized areas, while a clearing system with artificial reforestation is used in most cases where a complete yield calculation has been made.

The rotations employed are from 60 to 100 years for timber forest, 30 to 60 years for compass. In the pinaries, the strip system in echelons is mostly in vogue, the strips being made 108 feet wide, leaving four seed trees per acre, and on the last strip, which is left standing for five years, the number is increased to eight, which are left as overholders. This method, according to some, seems to secure satisfactory reproduction. To get rid of undesirable species, especially aspen and birch, these are girdled. In spruce forest, 50 to 60% of the trees are left in the fellings, when, after three to four years, the natural regeneration requires often repair,

which is done, if at all, by bunch planting. After eight to ten years, the balance of the old growth is removed. Well, for a long time, natural regeneration was alone relied upon. Now at least, artificial assistance is, more and more frequently practiced. Yet, although over 2 million acres were under clearing system, not more than 5% of the revenue or $100,000, was in 1898 allowed for planting, as against 7.5% in Prussia. The total budget of expenses then remaining below $3 million. But 10 years later, over half a million dollars was employed by the government in planting. The planting fund

contributed by the lumberman furnishing the means. The forest administration of the province of Poland, where the state owns over 1.5 million acres, was for some time independent, but about 1875 was reorganized and placed under the Central Bureau at St. Petersburg. Although the forests of Poland are the most lucrative to the government, and with good market and high prices for wood, which are now rapidly increasing, would allow intensive management. The stinginess of the administration, the low moral tone of the personnel, and long-established bad practice have retarded the introduction of better methods. The private

forests of Poland comprise over 4.5 million acres and are mostly not much better treated than the state forest. In the absence of any restrictive policy, they have diminished by 25% in the last 20 years. Considerable efforts have been made towards reforestation. the steps in southern Russia, first as in our own prairies and plains by private endeavor, but lately with more and more direct assistance of the State Forest Administration. This planting was begun by German colonists at the end of the 18th century, but without encouraging results, although over 25,000 acres had been planted by the middle of the 19th century. Since 1843, the government has had two experimental forces.

forest reserves in the steps of the governments of Eccataranoslav and Turide, on which some 10,000 acres have been planted. The originator of this work being von Graf, a German forester, whose plantations made with 8,000 plants to the acre, are still the best. Later, the number of plants was reduced to one-half, and the results have not been satisfactory. Altogether, planting on large areas on soils unfit for the purpose and, by wrong methods has produced poor results. At present, the policy is not to create large bodies of forest, but to plant small strips of 20 to 80 yards square in regular distribution, which are to serve

as windbreaks, and the result has been satisfactory, especially in the government of Samara. There are now annually 2,000 acres added to these plantations. The reclamation of shifting sands and sand dunes has also received considerable attention, and to some extent the revoisement of mountain slopes in the Crimea and Caucasus. Of the former, some 10 million acres are in existence in European Russia, and in the province of Warnash alone, each year 100,000 acres are added. For 50 years, sporadical work in their recovery was done. Not until 1891 and 1892, when two droughty famine years had led to an investigation of agricultural conditions, was a systematic attempt proposed, and this was begun in 1897.

By 1902, some 80,000 acres had been fixed, and by 1904, 150,000 acres. In this work, the government contributes 36% of the cost, the benefited communities, the balance. In addition, 1500 square miles of swamps and western Russia were reclaimed by extensive canals and recovered with meadow and forest at a cost of $300,000, of which the Imperial Treasury paid one-third, the owners one-half, the local government, the balance. While rational forest management, as we have seen, is far from being generally established, the government tries at least to prevent waste and to pave the way for the way for the

from exploitation to regulated management. End of Section 13. Recording by Lawrence Trask, Mount Vernon, Ohio, Interface Audio.com. Section 14 of A Brief History of Forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org.

recording by Taylor Rourke A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard Furnow Section 14 Finland The Grand Duchy of Finland in the northeast of Russia is still in some respects independent of Russia

Finland, the land of a thousand lakes and of most extensive forests, is hardly less important as a wood producer than Russia itself. Its wood exports amounting at present to around 200 million cubic feet and over $25 million in value represent over 50% of its trade and its most important resource. Settled in the 7th century by an Aryan tribe, the Finns, congeners of the Magyars, who subdued the Aboriginal Laplanders, Finland became by conquest in the 12th century and remained for 500 years,

province of Sweden. In the wars between Sweden and Russia, parts of this province were conquered by Russia, and finally, in 1809, Sweden lost the whole. But the Finns succeeded in preserving national unity and partial independence under a constitution, adopted in 1772 and recognized by the Tsar. Finland stands very much in the same relation to Russia as does Hungary to Austria. The union being merely a personal one. The Tsar is the ruler or Grand Duke, but the administration is otherwise largely separate from that of the empire, under a governor general appointed by the Tsar, and a Senate of 18 members at Helsingfors, with a national parliament of the four estates, nobles, clergy, burghers, peasants, which convenes every five years. The Tsar having the

veto power over its legislation. The War Department of Russia, however, is in charge of military affairs, and other departments seem to be under more or less supervision of the Russian administration. Lately, repressive measures are threatening or have nearly accomplished the destruction of this autonomy. Of the 145,000 square miles of territory, nearly 50% is occupied by lakes and bogs, marshes, or tundra. Less than 9 million acres, 9.7%, is in farms, and 37.5 million acres, or 42%, is forestland, actual, or potential. The major part of this is located in the northern and eastern sections, where the population is scanty, agriculture little developed, and sand soils prevail. Beyond the 69th degree, forest growth ceases, and naturally near the forest limit, the scrubby growth

partakes of the character of all northern forests. Not more than 2.5 million acres, mostly in the southwestern sections, are actually under cultivation, the population being short of 2.5 million. The rigorous climate makes a large consumption of fuel wood necessary, and since houses are also mostly built of wood. The home consumption is over 32 cubic feet per capita. Over 10 million cubic feet of pine are consumed in making tar and a like amount for paper pulp. The total cut is in the neighborhood of 370 million cubic feet, four-fifth of which comes from private forests of the middle and southern area, and over one-third of it is being exported. The country generally is a tableland with occasional low hills.

The forest consists principally of pine, the latter, a variety of the scotch pine, or species, called rega pine, which excels in straightness of bowl and thrifty growth, and of spruce, 10% of the whole, mainly in the southeast. Aspen, alder, and birch,

especially the latter, are considered undesirable weeds, and fire is used to get rid of them, where coniferous afric. after growth is desired. Although Birch is also employed for fuel, bobbins, and furniture, and Aspen for matches. Basswood, maple, elm, ash, and some oak occur, and larch, Larix-Siberica, was introduced some 150 years ago. Long, severe winters, and hot dry summers produce slow growth. The pine in the north requiring 200 to 250 years. In the middle sections,

140 to 160 years to grow to merchantable size. Fires, used in clearing, have from time to time run over large areas and have nearly killed out the spruce except in the lowlands. But the pine being more resistant has increased its area, and in spite of the deterioration of the soil by fire reproduces well. Originally, the forest was communal property, but in 1524, Gustav Vasa declared all forest and water not specially occupied to belong to God, king, and the Swedish crown, although he allowed the usufruct to the people free of charge

or nearly so. These rights of user are still the bane of the forest administration. Being left without supervision, it mattered little who owned the land. The forest was ruthlessly exploited. Later, the rights of user thus originating were bought off by seeding lands to the peasants. Not until 1851 did an improvement in these conditions occur when a provisional administration of the state forests was provided in connection with the land survey. But a rational organization materialized only after an eminent German forester, V. Berg, director of the Forest School of Tarant had been imported, 1858, to effect a reconstruction. His advice was, however, only partially followed, and the organization was not perfected until 1869. Almost immediately, a powerful opposition

to the administration developed, because it could not at once show increased profits, and the personnel, which had been scanty enough, was still further reduced. The large districts into which the state property had been divided were still further enlarged, and to this day, improvement in these respects has been only partial. The state forest area, situated mainly in the north, is stated as between 35 and 45 million acres, variable because of clearing for farms and new settlements. But it contains about 15 million acres of bogs and moors and much other wasteland, which reduces the productive forest area to about 12 million acres.

35%, leaving 65% of the productive forest area to private ownership. This state forest was divided 1896 into 53 districts, the districts being aggregated into eight inspections and the whole service placed under a central office, with a forest director and five assistants under immediate control of the Senate. The Forest Guards numbered 750, their ranges averaging 50,000 acres, while the districts average 600,000 acres, and several contain as high as 2.5 million acres. The Forest Meister in charge may live sometimes 200 miles from the nearest town and 60 miles from the nearest road. His function is mainly to protect the property, to supervise the cutting in sales, and to teach the people the need

of conservative methods. In spite of this insufficient service, considerable reduction in forest fires and theft has been attained. Beyond restriction of waste by axe and fire and conservative lumbering of the state forest, positive measures for reproduction have hardly yet been introduced, both personnel and wood values being insufficient for more intensive management. At present, with a cut hardly exceeding 100 million cubic feet,

the revenue is still almost nominal, say $600,000, and hardly the annual growth is cut. Selection forest is, of course, the rule, but since no trees are marked and cut less than 10-inch diameter at 25 feet from the ground, at least the possibility for improved management will not be destroyed when, through the exhaustion of the private forest and increased wood prices, more intensive management has become practicable. When the market is good, a clearing system with 100 to 160-year rotation is practiced. On the clearings about 20 seed trees are left, and after six years the natural regeneration is repaired by planting.

This latter method is especially prescribed on the government farms. These form an interesting part of the state property, some 900 small farms with woodlots aggregating over 500,000 acres, mostly in the southern districts. These came into existence in the 17th and 18th centuries, being granted as feats, to officers of the Army as their only compensation. They reverted to the state and are rented for terms of 50 years, upon condition that the woods are to be managed according to rules laid down by the State Department, and special inspectors are provided to supervise this work.

This system, in vogue since 1863, at first met with opposition on the part of the renters on account of the impractical propositions of the department. At present, the department manages many of these woodlots directly, as well as those which the clergy have received in lieu of emoluments. Since 1883, a corps of forest surveyors has been occupied in making working plans based upon diameter accretion at the curiously selected height of 25 feet from the ground. A commission was also instituted some years ago to segregate forest and farm soils in the state domain, with a view of disposing of the latter preparatory to improved management of the remaining forest area. The state has also, in a small way, begun to purchase absolute forest soils in the southern provinces with a view to reforestation. The private forest areas, located in the more settled southern portions, are found mostly in small parcels and in peasants' hands,

although the nobility also owns some forest properties. But the size of single holdings rarely exceeds 1,000 acres. These areas are mostly exploited without regard to the future, furnishing still four-fifths of the large export, and according to competent judges, will soon be exhausted. Although attempts have been made from time to time to restrict the use of private forest, practically little has been accomplished,

and such restrictions as have been enacted are hardly enforced. A law enacted in 1886 forbids clearing along waters adapted to fishing and orders the leaving of seed trees or providing otherwise for regeneration if more than 12 acres are cut at one time. The method of utilizing the ground for combined forest and farm use, which is still frequently practiced, was forbidden on the light sandy soils of the pineries or was otherwise regulated. Forest fire laws are also on the statutes. Propositions for further restrictions made in 1891 were promptly rejected by the Parliament. Educational opportunities are offered in the Forest Institute at Evois, first established in 1862 as a result of Veeberg's visit and reorganized in 1874. It accepts new students only every second year for the two years' court. It has had a precarious existence being left sometimes without students and is naturally not of a high grade,

practical acquaintance with Woodswork being its main aim. Since 1876, a school for forest guards and private underforesters has been an existence where six students are annually accepted for a two years course. In addition, there are two instructors provided by the government, wandering teachers who are to work. advise private owners. Premiums are paid for the best managed wood lots on the government farms. The Finnish Forestry Association, which is in part of propagandist nature, was organized in 1877. It supplies, besides an annual report, other forestry literature, and employs an experienced planter to direct efforts at reforestation. A forestry journal, quarterly, is also published, and a professional literature is beginning to start into existence.

It may be of interest in this connection to cite a rough calculation made by Dr. Mayer of the available material in European Russia and Finland combined, which he places at 4,500 million cubic feet and of which he considers one-half available for export. It is impossible to prognosticate what position Russia and Finland together the largest wood producers in Europe will take in the future world commerce, and how rapidly better practices for which the machinery is already half started will become generally adopted. At present, especially in Russia proper, the general corruption of the bureaucracy is an almost insurmountable obstacle to improvement.

End of Section 14. Recording by Taylor Rourke. Section 15 of a brief history of forestry. is at Libravox recording, all LibraVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. A brief history of forestry by Bernard for now. The Scandinavian States. In the English language, the report on forestry in Sweden by General C.C. Andrews,

U.S. Minister at Stockholm, 1872, revised 1935 pages, gives a statement of present conditions with historical notes. A very good idea in detail of the wood trade of Sweden may be obtained from the wood industries of Sweden, published by Timber Trades Journal of London in 1896. La Swearre Son Pueblets-Ein Industry by G Sundberg, 1900, two volumes, contains several pertinent chapters. It is an official work, very complete, and was translated into English in 1904. The economic history of the Swedish forest by Gunnar Schott.

1905, 32 pages in Swedish, published by the Forestry Association, gives a brief account of conditions and data of the forestry movement. Norway, official publication for the Paris Exposition, 1900, contains a chapter on forestry by K.A. Fasholt. Pages 322 to 350, with a map of forest distribution. Skogs v. Senet's Historia fed Skog's directorin, First Dell, Historic 1909, is an official publication of the Norwegian Forest Administration, giving a full account of the development during the 50 years from 1857 to 1907, with notes of the earlier history. The Denmark, Etaid actual de Sa civilization et des own organizations social, by J. Carlson, H. Olerich,

and C. N. Stachre, 1910714 pages. Denmark, its history and topography, etc. by H. Weitenmayer, 1891. Bidrak Tilded Danske-Zeggerzegovsbrug's Historia by O. Lutkin, 1900 was not accessible to the writer. Extensive notes are found through the German, Austrian, and French forestry journals, especially an article in the Centrablat for Das Gazam to Faustphason, 1905, briefed in Forestry Quarterly, Volume 3, page 22, and another, briefed in the same quarterly, Volume 9, page 45, gives extensive. accounts of forest conditions in Sweden.

Under the name of Scandinavian states, we may comprise the countries of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, which were settled by the same group of German tribes, the so-called Norsemen. They originally spoke the same language, which only later became more or less differentiated. The settlement of the country by these tribes seems to have been accomplished in the main by the end of the 8th century, and the separation into the three several kingdoms in the 9th to 12th, 12 centuries, during which time they were sometimes united or at least under one ruler, sometimes at war with each other, and always torn by interior dissensions bordering on anarchy. In 1397 by the Kalmar Convention, a more permanent union into one kingdom was

affected between Sweden, Norway, and Denmark under Margaret, the Semiramis of the North. After another period of variable fortunes, Sweden, about 1523, became an independent constitutional monarchy under Gustav Vasa, and Norway remained joined at Denmark under Frederick I. Sweden then started on a career of conquest, being almost continuously at war with all her neighbors and especially with Russia and Poland, whereby, especially under Gustavus Adolphus and the adventurous Charles 7th, her territory was greatly enlarged. With the treaties of Stockholm in Nystadt, 1720 and 1721, she came into more peaceful waters,

but permanent peace and a settled policy was not attained until the election of Bernadotte, one of Napoleon's administrators to the kingship, and by the peace of Kiel in 1814, Sweden became a constitutional hereditary monarchy in the modern sense. At the same time, Norway was taken away from Denmark, in force to a union with Sweden, which persisted until 1907 when a peaceful separation took place by the action of the Norwegian people. The union has always been hateful to the Norwegians,

although only the king and the Department of Foreign Affairs in which Norway was represented by a delegation from its council were in common, all other matters of administration being separate as well as the parliaments, Storthing in Norway and Rikstock in Sweden. Denmark, powerful in the 11th century under Canute, who subjugated not only Norway but England, losing both these countries shortly after his death, was shorn by Sweden of much of its territory in the 17th century, and, in 1814, was separated from Norway. Originally an elective monarchy, largely dominated by the nobility, the crown in 1661 became hereditary and absolute, and Sweden did not become a constitutional monarchy until 1849.

Sweden This country is of greatest interest to the world at large in forestry matters Because it has been until lately the largest exporter of wood And has only just fully waked up to its need For a conservative forest management The law of 1903 promises to bring about very decided changes And to curtail the exports upon which other European nations so much rely

Sweden, with 172,876 square miles, occupies the eastern two-thirds of the Scandinavian Peninsula. It is not like Norway, a mountain country, but the greater part consists of low granitic hills. The mountain range, Kyrgyllin, which forms the boundary towards Norway, falls off in a long slope towards the Gulf of Botnia and the Baltic Sea, the coast being a broad level plain with a series of islands larger or smaller, girdling the outer coastline and forming an archipelago. The country is cut into numerous watersheds. The many rivers called elves, furnishing means of transportation, expanding frequently into lakes, sure, in the upper reaches and falling with cataracts into

the lower plain, giving rise to fine water powers. 8% of the total area is in lakes. Only 12% of the land area is in farms. The forest area with nearly 50 million acres occupies nearly 48%, leaving 40% waste land or otherwise occupied. Half of the population of over 5 million pursues agriculture, while iron manufacture and the lumber industry occupy one quarter. Of the three main divisions of the country,

the southern Agotelant, is richest in lowlands and agricultural soils, and as it has also a favorable maritime climate farming is the main industry. Here, a population of 50 to 60, and in parts up to 190 per square mile, is found. Beach and oak are here the principal trees with spruce occasionally intermixed. In the central part, Zvelant or Sweden proper, the forest region begins with pine, spruce, pure, or in mixture, covering the granite hills and plateau. Birch and other hardwoods, oak, beach, elm, basswood, and aspen being found in the river valleys. But the third division, Norland, is the forest region of commercial importance, the seat of the

extensive export trade. It is a vast, almost unbroken forest country, with hardly more than three people to the square mile in the northernmost part called Lapland, Laps and fins forming a not in considerable part of the population. Pine and spruce are the timber trees with white birch intermixed. Toward the northern boundary, the pine increases in more and more open stance as one goes northward into the drier climate. In open, stunted growth of birch and aspen forms the transition to the treeless tundra. A treeless alpine region occupies the northwestern frontier, fringed at lower elevations by a belt

of birch and natural kavis, a result of repeated fires. The northeastern part is a level coast plain, but the climate is too severe for agriculture and the forest growth also is short and of inferior quality. Large areas of swamp land are found in nearly all parts, recoverable for farm or forest use, and mismanaged and devastated forest areas are found all over the country. The forest, nearly 10 acres per capita, on account of its accessibility to the sea by means of the many rivers, plays an important role in the economy of Sweden, not only because it covers such a large area and favorable composition, 80% coniferous, but because it has long been a prominent source of income, especially after the abolition of the English import duties in 1866, and of the Swedish

export duties which had restricted trade in 1863, did a rapid increase in wood exports take place until in 1900 and amounted to over $54 million, of which $12 million for wooden wear, being the leading export article and representing over one half of all exports. In addition to this export, which may represent at least around 300 million cubic feet of wood. There are about 250 million cubic feet of pulp wood and 150 million feet used for charcoal, besides the domestic fuel consumption. The total draft on the forest may be estimated to come near to 1,200 million cubic feet, which is believed far in excess of the annual growth. Much of the nearly 50 million acres of forest area having been devastated or deteriorated by axe

and fire, and being located in a northern zone where the growth is slow, one inch in 12 to 15 years. According to others, the cut remains below the increment by about 25 percent, the latter being figured at 25 cubic feet per acre. In the state forest, to be sure, mostly located in the more northern tiers, the cut is kept between six and seven cubic feet effective, but here a waste of sometimes 40 percent is incurred in the exploitation due to the difficulties in transport. 1. Property conditions. It was Gustav Vasa, who in 1542, declared all uncultivated lands the property of the crown. Parts of them, however, were given to colonists, and these, as well as the resident population,

had the right to use the neighboring forest to supply their needs for wood and pasture. By the continued exercise of this right, the forest came to be considered common. proprietary rights remaining long in doubt. Finally, a division came about, some of the lands becoming the property of the parishes, others of smaller districts, the hundreds. Others again encumbered or unencumbered property of the state, and some remained in joint ownership of state

and private individuals under various complicated conditions. The state now owns somewhat over 16 million acres, of which, however, only 70% are really forest, and controls more or less for a million more, of which about 900,000 acres are ecclesiastical benefices and forests belonging to public institutions, and 2.7 million acres in state farms which are rented. Since 1875, the state has pursued a policy of purchase,

which has added over 500,000 acres at $7 per acre to the domain. Lately, this policy has found considerable opposition. In this way, by reforesting and by settlement of disputed titles, the state property and absolute possession of the government has grown by nearly 5% to 10 million acres. In Lapland, the entire forest area used to belong to the state. But in order to attract settlers, these were given forest property for their own use,

from 10 to 100 times the area which they had cleared. This forest area the settlers disposed of to wood merchants, lumbermen, until the law of 1873 intervened, restricting the settlers to the use of fruct alone, the government taking charge of the cutting of wood for sale and limiting the cut to a diameter of 8 inch at 16 feet from the base. This interference with what was supposed to be private rights seems to have been resented and has led to wasteful practices in the absence of a sufficient force of force of force of Forest Guards. Nevertheless, the law was extended to Vesterbotton in 1882. In other provinces, Vermland, Gestriclant, etc., the government vested in the owners or ironworks the right to supply

themselves with charcoal from state forests. But about the middle of the 19th century, when owing to railroad development in other parts, some of the ironworks became unremunerative and were abandoned. their owners continued to hold on to the forest privileges, and by and by exercise them by cutting and sawing lumber for sale, and even by selling the forest areas as if they were their properties. And in this way, these properties changed hands until suddenly the government began to challenge titles and commenced litigation about 1896.

Grants of certain log-cutting privileges on government lands were also made to sawmills in pastimes, usually by allowing Saul Millers to cut a certain number of logs annually at a very low price. In 1870, these grants, which were very lucrative, were modified by substituting the right of an increased cut for a stated number of years at a modified price, after which the grant was to cease. In 1900, there were still some 300,000 acres under such grants. No wonder that under these circumstances the value of the state forest property was, in 1898, assessed at only $1.60 per acre, the net income being $1,680,753, or about 12 cents per acre.

The expenditures for administration, supervision, and forest school amounting to $423,659, to which should be added in undetermined amount for the participation of the Domain Bureau the Agricultural Department and Provincial Governments, all taking part in the Forest Administration. Many of the towns and country districts, Herod, have received donations of forest areas from the Crown, which have been a considerable source of revenue to them. The parish of Orsa, for example, realized from its forest property some $2.5 million, and other similar results are recorded. These communal and institute forests of various description comprise some of the first. what, over 2.6 million acres, or 5.5%, and are placed under management of local committees

with the governor of the province as chairman. The management consists in selling stumpage of all trees over 13 inches in diameter 5 feet above ground to be cut by the purchaser under regulations. In the years from 1840 to 1850, the government sold to English wood merchants' considerable tracks of Timberland. And in the latter part of the 19th century, as the sawmill industry expanded, many mill firms acquired wood-cutting leases for 50-year terms for prices which were often realized from the forest in the first winter. At present, longer leases than for 20 years are prohibited by law. The diameter limit of 12 inches, 18 or 20 feet above ground, was usually the basis of the leases, and as the owners could then lease away other sizes, it might happen that two or two or two or

three persons besides the original owner would have property rights in the same forest. Of late years, many of the mill owners have endeavored to get rid of the resulting inconvenience by buying the fee simple of the land. This movement has resulted in the aggregation of large areas in single hands, or more often in the hands of large mill companies. By the acquisition of these properties, a certain amount of cultivated land is usually included, which is then left to the former owner at a nominal rent. provided that he pays the taxes on the whole,

thereby creating a class of renters in lieu of owners of farms. The area thus privately owned, mostly by sawmill companies, must be over 25 million acres. The total private forest area, which includes the bulk of the commercial forest, is about 30 million acres, 61.3%, unreclaimed wasteland swelling the figure to over 50 million. 2. Development of Forest Policy From the times of Olaf Tratalia, the first Christian king of Sweden about 1,000 AD,

who gained fame by the party took in exploiting the forests of Wormland, down to the 14th century, Sweden suffered from a superabundance of forest. Nevertheless, by the end of that century restriction of the willful destruction by fire was felt necessary, an ordinance with that object in view was promulgated. It is questionable whether this order had any effect in a country where the homestead law provided that a cellar might take up, quote, as much pasture and arable land as he could make use of twice as much forest and in addition on each side of this homestead as much as a lame man could go over on crutches without resting, end quote.

Not till 1638, do we again find an attempt at forest consternet? this time in the interest of supply of charcoal for the iron industry by the appointment of overseers of the public forests. The first general forest code, however, dates from 1647, which, among other useless prescriptions made the existing usage of planting two trees for every one cut obligatory. And this provision remained on the statutes until 1789. In spite of this and other restrictive law, exploitation by the liege lords and the communities continued until, in 1720, a director of

forests for the two southern districts, Halant and Bohus, was appointed. And, at least in this part of the country, the execution of the laws was placed under a special officer. This appointment may be considered the first germ of the later Forest Department. A policy of restrictions seems to have prevailed during the entire 18th century, although it is questioned. whether the restrictions were enforced, since there was no personnel to watch over their enforcement, and the governors, in whose hands the jurisdiction lay, had other interests, more engrossing. A law enacted in 1734 restricted the peasant forest owners in the sale of wood from their own properties, and in 1789 this restriction and other supervision was extended to those of the

nobility. It appears that soon after this, a considerable sentimental solicitude inside and outside the rickstock was aroused regarding an apprehended deterioration of climate, as well as scarcity of wood as a result of further forest destruction. In the light of present experience, a rather amusing anticipation. These geromied, however, after an unsatisfactory attempt at legislation in 1793, led in 1798 to the appointment of a commission which reported after five years of investigation. A new set of forest regulations was enacted as a result in 1805. In further prosecution of these attempts at regulating forest use, a commissioner, professor F. W. Ratloff, was sent to Germany in 1809 to study methods employed in that country.

Long before that time, about 1762, some of the Ironmasters, owning large forest areas, had imported a commission of German forest experts, among them. von Langen and Zantier, the same who had done similar work in Norway and Denmark, with a view of systematizing the forest use but apparently without result. After much discussion of Radloff's report and consultation with the provincial governors who suggested the propriety of different plans for different localities, new legislation was had in 1810, 1818, 1823, and new regulations for the Crown forests were issued in 1824.

Yet, at this very time, not only the partition of the communal forests, but also the sale of town forests, was ordered, and this policy of dismemberment lasted till 1866. Over one million acres, having been sold by that time, nor was any diminution in wasteful practices to be noted as a result of legislation, and it seems that, while on the one hand restrictive policies were discussed and enacted, On the other hand, unconservative methods were encouraged. Indeed, in 1846, the then-existing restrictions of the export trade were removed. Apparently, a reversion of restrictive policy had set in, an exploitation increased, in the belief of inexhaustible supplies. On the other hand, encouragement of reforestation was sought by giving bounties for planting wasteland, and for leaving a certain number of seed trees in the felling areas,

also by paying rewards for the best plantations, all without result. Meanwhile, a check to the wood trade had occurred through the imposition of exorbitant custom duties by Great Britain, and at the same time the government imposed an export duty to discourage export from Norland, and this was not abated until 1857. A further project of forest supervision was attempted through a report by a new commission appointed in 1828, which formulated rules for the control of public and private forests and recommended the establishment of a central bureau for the management of forest affairs, as well as the organization of a forest institute for the teaching of forestry.

The institute was established at Stockholm in 1828, but instead of organizing the bureau, the director of that institute was charged with the duties of such bureau. Again for years, committee reports followed each other, but led to no satisfactory. solution of the problems. In 1836, however, a forestry corps, Skokstadten, was organized for the management of the state forests under the direction of the Forest Institute, and as a result of persistent propaganda, a central bureau of forest administration, Skokste Rilsson, was created in

1859 with Jorkman at the head, charged with the supervision of all the state, royal, communal, and other public forests, and the control of private forest use. The law in 1859, however, did not settle upon any new policy of control over private forest properties. Again and again, forest committees were appointed to propose proper methods of such control, but not until 1903 was a general law enacted, which was to go. go into effect in January 1st, 1905. Previous to this, locally applicable laws were enacted. In 1866, a law was passed which referred only to a particular class of private lands,

namely those forests of Norland which the state was to dispose of for ground rent, or which had been disposed of and on which the conditions of settlement had not been fulfilled. In 1869, a law applicable only on the island of Gotland provided a dimension limit, and that in case of neglect of regeneration on private fellings, the owner may not cut any more wood for sale until the neglect had been remedied. Exactly in the same manner as the homestead and other colonization laws in the United States have been abused to get hold of public timber lands, so in Sweden large areas of government land had been taken up for settlement

but actually were exploited. It was to remedy this evil that in 1860, an examination of the public lands was ordered with a view of withdrawing portions from settlement and of making forest reservations. The Royal Ordinance of 1866 resulted, which was to regulate the cutting on settled lands, and in such new settlements as were thereafter allowed. Here, private owners at first were allowed to cut only for their own use, and the new law prescribed the amount of yearly cut, and required the marking of timber designed for sale by the government officers. This compulsory marking, or Lapland law, with the dimension limit was in

1873 extended to all private forests in Norbotten, and in 1888 to Vesterboton. This law limits the diameter to which fellings are to be made eight inches at 15 feet from base, and if the cutting of smaller trees is deemed desirable for the benefit of the forest, these are to be designated by forest officials. The law for Gotland was renewed in 1894, adding a reforestation clause, the governor being authorized to prohibit shipping of timber under eight-inch diameter, and that not until new growth was established, or at least no new fellings may be made until this condition is fulfilled. The same law applies to sand dune plantations in other southern districts. Altogether, one quarter of the private forest property was in this manner subjected to

restrictions until the present conservation law came into existence. This law of 1903, which became operative in 1905, was the result of a most painstaking, extended canvas by the legislative committee, appointed in 1896, which reported in 1899, and of a further canvas by the director of domains who reported in 1901. A large amount of testimony from private forest owners sawmill men, provincial and local government officials, etc., was accumulated, and it may be reasonably expected that this new legislation will be more effective than most of the preceding seems to have been.

The law requires, in general terms, the application of forestry principles in the management of private woodlands. For this purpose, a forest protection committee, one for each province is constituted which has surveillance over all private forests, an institution similar to that existing and Russia. The committee or forest conservation board consists of three persons who are appointed for three years, one by the government, one by the county council, one by the managing committee of the county agricultural society. In addition, where the community's desire, elected forest conservation

commissioners may be instituted to make sure of the enforcement of the law. The board secures the services of an expert advisor from the State Forest Service, paid by the government, but leaves to the board discretion as to the interpretation of the law which is for the most part expressed in general terms, to secure conservative management. Hence, different boards have worked in different ways, but gradually all are coming to similar methods and all apply persuasive means rather than force. The law requires regeneration, but has not prescribed detail methods as to how regrowth is to be obtained, leaving these to be determined by the board in consultation with the owners.

If no agreement can be arrived at, or if the measures stipulated or not taken by the owner, the board may enforce its rulings by court proceedings, in which injunctions to prevent further lumbering, confiscation of logs or of lumber or money fines may be adjudged. The time of contracts for logging rights is reduced from 20 to 5 years, short courses of instruction to forest owners and the issuing of popularly written technical publications, Volkskifter, is one of the efficient methods of securing the result which seems to have been attained in the few years since the law is in operation,

namely, in arousing such interest that opposition has become very small. In export duty, four to eight cents per 100 cubic feet of timber, 8 to 14 cents per ton of dry wood pulp is levied for the purpose of carrying out the law the export duty amounting to over $160,000, and a more general export duty is under contemplation. The management of communal forests is to be placed under the state forest administration, the corporations paying 1.6 cents per acre, but this feature does not seem entirely settled. Protective forests under special regulations are established at the Alpine Front tier and on the drift sand plains which are planted up.

3. Forest Administration and Forestry practice. The Central Forestry Bureau, as it exists now, was organized in 1883 as the Domain Bureau and the Department of Agriculture with, at present, a forester as general director, and under it a forestry corps, Schochstadten, reorganized in 1890, which has charge of the public forests and also of the forest control in the private forest where such control exists outside of the conservation boards. For the purpose of this administration, the country is divided into ten districts, each under an inspector, or offer Yegmestara. The districts are divided into ranges, revere, now 90, each under a chief of range or Yegmestara, with assistance and guards

Kronojaera. The nomenclature of the officers suggesting the hunt rather than the forest management. In addition, six forest engineers are employed on working plans, engineering works, and in giving advice and assistance to private owners who pay for such service. When it is stated that the ranges in the northern provinces average over 300,000 acres of public and 400,000 acres of private forest, in central Sweden, 150,000 acres of public and 145,000 acres of private forest, and in the southern province, nearly 55,000 acres of state and communal forest,

it will be understood that the control cannot be very strict. The net revenue from the state forest during the last 30 years has increased from $300,000 to $1,750,000. The management of even the state forests can only be very extensive. The state still sells mostly stumpage, rarely cutting on its own account. The lumbering is carried on very much as in the United States by logging contractors, and the river driving is done systematically by booming companies. Selection Forest is still the general practice, now often improved into group system,

although a clear-cutting system with planting has been practiced, but is supposed to be less desirable, probably because it entails a direct money outlay or else because it was not properly done. A seed tree management preferred by private owners for pilots, seems frequently not successful. Of the state forests, 90% are under selection system, and of private forest 60%. In the southern provinces where planting is more frequently resorted to, two to three-year-old pines and two to five-year-old spruces nursery-grown, 2,000 to the acre are generally used, or else sewing in seed spots, is resorted to,

which is more frequently practiced in the middle country. Some 10,000, acres were, for instance, planted by the Forest Administration in 1898, at a cost of $2 per acre, and the budget contains annually about $20,000 for such planting. That private endeavor in the direction of planting has also been active, is testified by a plantation of over 26,000 acres, now 35 years old, reported from Finnspong Estate. Complete working plans are rare, even for the state forests, a mere summary fell in the budget being determined for most areas, the trees to be cut being marked. Under instructions issued in 1896, working plans for the small proportion of state forest management

by clearing system are to be made. In these, an area allotment method is employed with rotations of 100 to 150 years. Forest fires are still very destructive, especially in northern Sweden, although an effective patrol system, greatly assisted in some provinces by watchtowers, has reduced the size of the areas burnt over. The coniferous composition and the dry summers in the northern part together with the methods of lumbering are responsible for the conflagrations. In this direction, too, the activities of the conservation boards have been highly useful. 4. Education and Literature

Among the propagandist literature, which had advanced the introduction of forestry ideas, in Sweden, it is proper to mention the writings of Israel Adolf of Strom, who, after extensive travels in Germany, established the first private forest school in 1823 and was instrumental in securing the establishment of the State Forest Institute in Stockholm, 1828. In regard to education, a most liberal policy prevails. At the institute, the tuition is free, and in addition, four students receive scholarships of $250 per year. Appointment to assistantships follows immediately after promotion, and in ten years the position of Yagmastata may be attained. The number of students is limited to 30. The director of this school is

also general advisor and forestry matters. Besides the director, six professors are employed. The course at this school is two years of 11 full months. There are now a higher and a lower course, the former requiring previous graduation from another preparatory forest school, either the one at Aumberg, founded 1886, or that at Clotten, 1900, where a one-year course, mainly in practical work, is given. For the lower service, there are not less than six schools in various parts of the country, each with one teacher and assistants, managed under a chief of range. In these, not only is tuition-free, but ten pupils receive also bored in lodging the course, forest lasting eight months. These schools prepare for state service as well as for managers of

private forests. A forest experiment station was organized in 1903, an independent institution in the domain bureau under the direct charge of a practitioner. Every third year, a commission is to determine what work is to be undertaken. The appropriation, which so far as hardly $5,000 per annum, will not permit much expansion. The first known, of its publication, Madelanen van Staten's Skogs for Soxenstalt, was issued in 1904, and work of a superior character has been accomplished since then. That a forest republic exists in Sweden is attested by a forest association with an organ, Skogsvats for Reningen's Titzkrift, which was founded in 1902.

This journal is really the continuation of an earlier magazine, Titzkrift for Skog's Huss-Holning, A quarterly begun in 1869 and running until 1903. A forestry association for Norton alone, which also issues a yearbook, was organized a few years ago. A periodical for Rangers, etc., is also in existence under the name of Skokshinen. In 1902 also, there was formed a lumberman's trust to regulate the output which the forest owners proposed to meet by an associated effort to raise stumpage charges. The attempt of the lumberman to restrict the cut in 1902 was, however, a failure, for the export of that year was 10% larger than the previous year.

It is expected that the new law will have the tendency of decreasing the cut and of inaugurating a new era in forestry matters generally. End of Section 15, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 16 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libra Box recording. All LibraVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. A brief history of forestry by Bernard for Now.

Section 16. Norway Originally divided up among a number of petty kings, Norway was brought under one rule by Harold in 863 and united to Denmark in the 11th century, becoming gradually a mere dependency. Its later political fortunes and changing relations with Denmark and Sweden have been referred to on page 286. The history of the forestry developments, however, has proceeded more or less independently of the other two countries. Norway, occupying with 125,4,445 square miles, over one-third of the Scandinavian Peninsula,

is for the most part a mountainous plateau with deep valleys and lakes. Its numerous fjords and waterways make accessible much of the interior mountain forest, yet a large part of the inland area still remains inaccessible and trackless. More than 75% of the country is wasteland and water, only 3% in farms, leaving for the forest area 21%, or little over 17 million acres. According to latest data, 1907, from this productive area at further 2 million acres must be deduble. as non-producing. The distribution of this forest area is most uneven. The bulk and the most valuable portions of it is found in the southeastern corner around Christiania, in eight counties,

in which the forest per cent exceeds 40 to 50, with conifer growth, pine and spruce, up to the 3,000 foot level. Again, in the three counties around Trondheim, a large and important forest area is located at the head of the fjords, but the entire western coast and the higher elevations are devoid of valuable forest growth, and the northern third of the country, north of the Arctic Circle, is mostly heath and moors, with only 7% wooded, mainly birch growth of little commercial value. The commercially important forest area is, therefore, locally confined. It is estimated that one half of the territory has to import its lumber, one quarter has sufficient home consumption,

and the excess which permits exportation is confined to the last quarter. This export, mostly in logs and staves, which amounts to nearly $20 million, 40% of the total export, half of it woodpult, is estimated to represent only one-fifth or one-sixth of the total cut, which is stated as about 350 million cubic feet, or at the rate of 23 cubic feet on the productive area, while the annual growth is estimated at less than this amount, namely at the rate of nearly 21 cubic feet in the southern districts, and in the northern not over 12 cubic feet. Scotch pine is the principal timber and occurs beyond the Arctic Circle, the northernmost forest in the world,

where its rotation becomes 150 to 200 years, with Norway spruce more or less localized, these two species forming 75% of the forest growth. Oak, ash, basewood and elm occurring sporadically, and white birch being ubiquitous. Forest property develops on the same lines as in Sweden and in other European countries, hence we find state, communal and private property. When in the 9th century, upon Harold's accession,

the commons were declared the property of the king, the rights of user both to wood and grazing, were retained by the Merca, and the so-called state commons, Stats and Niningia, remain to date encumbered by these rights, similar to conditions in Sweden. From the end of the 17th to the middle of the 19th century,

it was policy of the kings to dispose of these commons whenever their exchequer was low, and the best of these lands became, purchase property of the districts, Big Dalmenian. Provinces, cities, and village corporations, or else became private property on which the rights of use are continued, Pratelmeningia. At present, the state owns largely in the northern districts somewhat over 4.8 million acres, 28.5%, but of this hardly 2 million acres are productive, and of these productive acres,

half a million consists of incumbent commons from which the state receives hardly any income. The District Commons, or communal and other public institute forests, comprise around 7,800,000 acres, 46%. But here again, only 580,000 acres are productive. The balance then, or a full one quarter, is in private hands. Export trade in wood had been very early carried on, and had been considered developed in the 13th and 14th century. By the middle of the 17th century, the coast forest of oak had been cut out by Dutch and English woodmer, who had obtained logging privileges under special treaties of 1217 and 1308, and by haciatic cities, especially Hamburg, entering this market in the middle of the 16th century.

There are records which would make it appear that at least some of the now-denued coast was forested in olden times. The development of the iron industry increased the drain on these supplies, which forest fires, insects and excessive grazing prevented from recuperating. As early as the middle of the 16th century, we find attempts to arrest the rest of the rest of the devastation by regulating the export trade and supervising the sawmills, forbidding especially the erection of sawmills intent to work for export only. In the 17th century, various commissions were appointed by Christian IV to make forest recognisances and elaborate rules for proper forest use. In 1683, Christian V issued a forest ordinance

increasing the number of forest spectres institutes instituted by his predecessor, and giving in detail the rules governing forest use, many of which proved impractical. In 1725, the commission, the so-called Forest and Sawmill Commission, was appointed to organise a forest service. It functioned until 1739, when the first General Force Stamped was established, and the first attempt at real forest management was made. This came into existence through the efforts of two famous German foresters, J.G. von Langen and von Zanthia, who, with six assistants, were called in from the Harps Mountains, as also afterwards to Denmark and Sweden, during the years 1736, to 1740 to make a forest survey and organiser management. Descriptions and instructions were elaborated in German,

and the service was largely manned by German wood foresters, Holtzforstern. The strictness of the development which had been organised after von Langan's departure in 1739 made it, however, unpopular, and in 1746 it was abolished, von Zanthia returning to his country, the sole survivor, the other assistance having succumbed to scurvy. The administration was again placed in the hands of a command, mission, which continued till 1760. Only the forest connected with mines remained under the

administration and instituted, and those belonging to the copperworks of Aurora's continued under its forest inspectors until 2001. In that year, 1760, another short-lived attempt to organise the forest administration was made, but the new organisation did not bear any better and was superseded in 1771. Then followed an interim regimen, during which the general government and district officers were in charge. The old orders, under which forest use had been regulated, remained mostly in force until, in 1795, all the reasonable and the unreasonable obstructions to export were removed.

The formal privileges, under which English lumbermen held large areas for long terms and devastated them without regard to the impractical regulations, were, however, not ended until 1860. The wood industries were then relieved entirely from restrictions, and forest destruction progressed even more rapidly with the increasing facilities of transport. This final cessation of the destructive policy was the outcome of a campaign which started once more

with a Forest Commission instituted in 1849 to take stock and make new propositions. This commission reported in 1850 and pointed out not only the necessity of terminating the sawmill privileges, which was done in 1854, giving time to 1860, but also very wisely accentuated the need of technically educated forest if anything for forest recuperation was to be done.

To meet this latter want, young men were sent to Germany at government expense to study forestry. Some 10 or 12 men were educated in this way during the next decade, and thereby the basis for a technical forest management was laid. In 1857, the first two professional foresters, midgell and Bath, were placed in charge of affairs under the Interior Department, and when, in 1859, a new commission was charged with organising a forest service, these two men were members. Gradually, an organisation took shape under the direction of these two forest masters.

And finally, in 1863, the modern forest department and forest policy was established by law, placing the state domain and other public forests under an effective management, making provision for the extinction of the ruinous rights of user, and also for reducing the mismanagement of private forests. The Forest Service, as now constituted after a reorganisation in 1906, is in the Department of Agriculture under a director, Scov Director and four Forstmeister, or inspectors with some executive officers under various names, and 360 ranges, Scogsville turners, including the ranges employed in the public forests outside the state domain. The ranges are so large, sometimes several million acres, and many of them so accessible that only the most extensive management is possible, the officials being poorly paid and poorly educated. The management is, of course, not of a high order.

Besides a forest engineer, who is a public lecturer, the officers of the Forest Department are under the obligation of advising private forest owners in their management, under contract somewhat similar to the present practice of the US Forestry Bureau, the owners agreeing to follow the advice. Since 1860, the state has begun to purchase forest lands for reforestation in the forestless districts, and where, for protective reasons, it is desirable. In late years, regular appropriations of $15,000 to $20,000 were annually made for this purpose, besides extraordinary grants. In this way, the cutover lands neglected by their owners are cheaply acquired by the state. Besides its own planting, the state assists private owners by advice and money grants and plantments.

in reforesting their wastelands. The communal forests are under government supervision. They are usually worked under plans and under supervision of foresters with a view to supply the needs of the community. Only when the area is more than sufficient may they obtain the right to cut for sale outside of their parish. On the other hand, all felings may be prohibited by the government, if this is found desirable. At regards to private property, there seems to be little or no supervision, although the law of 1863 had declared culture plans

and Kultovank, i.e. the duty of reforesting, but it had not defined that duty, and the law remained a dead letter. In 1874, a special commission was charged to consider the forest policy, which the public welfare required. The commission reported in 1879 with propositions, which was submitted to the officials of the department and the district. A new proposition was worked out and submitted in 1882, but it was pigeonholed until 1891, when the forest administration brought in not a general law, but one merely forbidding the extra, export from Nordland, Tromso and Finnmarkham, the Finley Forest Northern Provinces. Finally, in 1893, legislation was had enabling municipalities to protect themselves against

destruction of forests needed for their protective function. This gives to them the right to formulate rules which are to prevent devastation, as, for instance, a diameter limit for felling or reforestation of clearings. But the costs of such restriction must be borne by the municipalities, as well as half the cost of inspection, the other half being paid by the state. The procedure to determine the protective qualities of forests and the financial difficulty have left the law unused. In 1878, however, a committee of private owners formed itself to fix the sand dunes, which, with the state's subventions, started work the following year. Many of the state forests are so burdened with the rights of user, which were granted to help in

developing the country, that the financial restrictions of the forest administration and the conditions of the state property are most unsatisfactory, and the application of silviculture greatly set and scribe. The silver cultural system applied as most generally the rough selection forest or an approach to group system, relying upon voluntary reproduction entirely. Management is much hampered by rights of user to certain dimensions, and in the more distant districts by the difficulty of disposing of any but the best sizes. An orderly organisation is still almost unknown. The stumpage is sold and removed by the buyer and the axe is still mainly used. Higher forest schools, there are none, but three schools for the lower grades had existed for

some time, the first having been established in 1875 at Kongsburg. One of them was abandoned in 1889. Forestry is also taught at two farm schools. Until recently, the higher class foresters had to get their education in Germany or in the Swedish Forest Institute at Stockholm. But in 1879, a chair of forestry was instituted in the Agricultural College at Christiania. In 1881, the first Forestry Association was formed, which by 1898 had over 500 members and then was reorganised with a special view to elevate private forestry practice. It has now, 1907, 1,500 members and employs a forest are paid by the state to give professional advice and works with state aid.

It has set out over 50 million trees besides sowing £8,000 of seed. It publishes a journal, Tzskriff for Skogsbruk, and a yearbook. There is also another journal, Forslia Tickstrut, and a professional society of foresters. Altogether, forestry is not yet

on a high level in this country, but the subject is now being brought even into the primary schools, and the efforts to improve conditions are widespread. End of Section 16. developed on small areas, and of the efforts of reforestation of sand dunes, moors and heaths. Greatly curtails an area when, as a result of the war of 1864, Prussia detached the provinces of Schleiswig and Holstein, Denmark now has an area of 15,360 square miles, with 2.5 million

people, or 163 to the square mile. It is largely a farming country, 80% being productive, only 6.3% of it, or less than 600,000 acres being under forest, and this also mostly on soil capable of farm use, hence an import of over $7 million worth of wood material is required. In addition, there are about 75,000 acres of heaths and other wastes in process of reforestation. Especially on the island of Hueland, on which the capital Copenhagen is situated, the forest area is now increasing by planting. The balance, or nearly 20% of the land area, consists of heaths, moors, peat bog, and sands. Half of the forest area is located on the islands, and as these represent about one-third

of the total area, they are twice as densely forested as the peninsula of Eutland. This latter along the north and west coast for 200 miles represents a large sandbank with extensive sand dunes, shifting sands, heaths, and moors, a desolate, almost uninhabited country of sterile downs, called Cleetton, the recovery of which has been in progress for a hundred years. or according to some, this once bore a coniferous forest, more likely it was never forested. While original beach was and is still the predominant timber, 60%, with considerable additions of oak, 7% and other hardwoods, a conifer forest of spruce and pine covering more than 20% of the forest area has been established by planting. This planting has been mainly done on the dunes and sand wastes,

and in the reclamation of the extensive heaths and moors or peat bogs, especially in the the northern Limfjord district, which occupy one-sixth of the unproductive area. As was natural, the forest stocking on good farmland had to yield early to plough and pasture. Attempts at conservative use of the forest area date back to 1557, when Christian III issued a forest ordinance directing his vassals, or liege lords, to permit the peasants to secure their domestic wood requirements at a cheap rate, but not to permit cutting for sale or export, and reserving to himself all returns from such sales. There were also regulations for the pasture, especially as to goats and for the use of the mast,

which then formed more than one quarter of the income from the royal forests. In the 18th century, the needs of forest management was recognised, and in 1762 the two eminent German foresters, von Langen and von Zanthia, see page 88, were invited to visit Denmark and Norway, see above, with a view of organising such management. In 1760, eight young Danes were sent to von Langen in Wernegerruder, to study his methods for three years, and these with the two German foresters returned in 1762,

and under the direction of von Langen, organized the Sealand forest areas, and started the first plantations of conifers, which are now the pride of Danish foresters. In 1781, the state forests were altogether placed under an organized administration. By the beginning of the 19th century, the reduction of forest areas had progressed to such an extent that, In 1805, a law was enacted providing that the then-existing forest area containing be

maintained as such forever, or at least that any new clearing and equivalent area be planted to forest. This law was perhaps the result of a journey in 1802 to Germany, made by two leading officials of the Forest Department, German influence through Cota and Hartig being at this time visible everywhere. Other restrictions in the disposal of peasants, farms or woodlands, and in the manner of farming the large estates, otherwise than by renting to farmers, were also enacted in order to secure stability of the peasant class. It was at this time that the accumulative taxing of landed estates now under heated discussion in Great Britain was used effectively to break up the aggregation of landed property and changed the country from one of baronial estates

to small farmers' holdings. In this reform movement, the name of Count Reventlo, chief of the State Forest Department, appears as the leading spirit. The forest area, which until 1820 was on the decrease, had since that time increased steadily, and is especially now increasing through reforestation of wastelands. At present, most intensive forest management is practiced in the state forest, as well as in the communal and private forest areas, which latter has stated are largely in farmers' wood lots, since the law forbids the union of small farms into larger estates.

There is little communal property, and large private estates are also rare. The state owns about 24% of the forest area, or 142,000 acres, of which one third is non-productive or otherwise occupied, and one-third consists of coniferous plantations. Excepting in the beech forest, most of the timber is of the younger age classes, below 60 to 80 years, and it is anticipated that the cut will have to be reduced, and the import of wood and woodenware increased. Artificial reproduction is the most general silvericultural practice, except in the beach forest. which is reproduced naturally after preparation of the soil and sewing acorns for admixture at the same time,

spending altogether $12 to $15 per acre in this preparation. Since 1880, thinnings have been based on the idea of favouring final harvest trees somewhat after the French fashion. They have begun in the 20th to 30th year and are repeated every three years, aided by pruning. Then, in each subsequent decade, the return occurs in as many years as the decade has tens. Especially in the direction of thinnings, the German practice and even theory is outdone, the thinnings being made severer and recurring more frequently. More than a hundred years ago, the state began the reclamation work of the Dunes and Heath's, but it progressed more actively only since the 60s of last century as a result of legislation had in 1857.

In 1867, a special June department was instituted, and through the effort of a state engineer, Captain Dalgas, an association was formed, for the reclamation of heaths and moors. A small subvention of $600 started the work of the association in its useful campaign under the advice of Starts Planter, State Forest Planter, Jensen Tushk. The state's subvention now amounts to about $40,000 annually, and the success of the association has been such that it has been almost a fad for large landowners and others to buy up these wastelands, and have them planted through the agents of the Heath Association.

The planting is mainly of spruce in plough furrows at a cost of $10 to $12 per acre, 60 to 80-year-old stands of earlier plantings testifying to the possible results. In the last 40 years, nearly 200,000 acres of heath have been planted, of which over one half are to the credit of the association. For the education of the higher-grade foresters, a department of forestry, now with two professors, was instituted in the Royal Veterinary and Agricultural Houses, High School at Copenhagen in 1869, with a course of five years, including one and a half years of practical work. This education is given free of charge. The Heath Association educates its

own officers, including in their subjects, the management of Meadows and Peat Bogs. A forestry association composed one half of forest owners with its organ Titschrift for School Vason, in existence since 1888, and a valuable book literature, in which the problems of the Heath are especially fully in authoritatively treated, places Denmark in the foremost rank in the forestry world in these particulars. Among the prominent contributors are to be mentioned besides Reventlow and Dalgass, P. E. Mueller, well known by his discussions of the problems of more soils. From 1876 to 1891, he issued a magazine in which Opperman contributed a history of Danish forestry. The latter author also, in cooperation with Houch, published in 1900 a handbook of forestry.

of section 17, section 18 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Librevox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. A brief history of forestry by Bernard for Now. Section 18, the Mediterranean Peninsula's, Turkish and Slavish Territories. The Mediterranean Peninsula geographically and to some extent climatically, the three peninsulas of the Mediterranean Sea, the Iberian, Italian and the Balkan, are situated alike.

Their people, if not in race, are in temper and characteristics and in their political economy, more or less alike. They represent the oldest civilization in Europe, and in their long history have been frequently in collision with each other. Their forests, through centuries of abuse, are wherever accessible in portals, forest condition. Long-continued political disturbances, which have prevented peaceful development and poverty, have been the greatest hindrances to economic reforms, like the recuperation of forests, which require sacrifices. Ancient rights of user, and the necessity of politicians to respect them,

are also responsible for the fact that, while praiseworthy attempts in legislation have been made, execution has been usually lagging behind. The accessibility to see, permitting readily importation, the temperate climate, the simple life, and abstemiousness of the people, and the lack of industrial development, have made the deficiency of wood material less felt than it would otherwise be, but the detrimental influence of forest destruction is being repeatedly experienced in floods and droughts. There is probably no more potent cause of forest devastation in all this section of the world than the pasturing of the woods, especially with sheep and goats. While Italy is now a united country, and only two peoples,

Spain and Portugal occupy the Iberian Peninsula. The Balkan Peninsula is occupied by eight separate peoples, if we include all the country south of the Danube River and east of the Carpathian Mountains. Turkish and Slavish Territories The Turks, for centuries, warred with had under Vassalage, or otherwise controlled and misruled all the Slavish states, as well as Macedonia and Greece, a territory of around 170,000 square miles and 16 million people,

until by the Congress of Berlin, 1878, ending the Russo-Turkish War, these states were recognized as independent kingdoms, namely Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, Rumelia and Romania, while Bosnia-Haskovina was placed under Austrian administration. See pages 155 and 166. With the exception of Romania, these people are still in the lowest stages of civilization. The country is undeveloped, the forest still serves largely for the mast and pasturage, probably less than 24% of the country being forest covered, mostly with deciduous trees, oak, beech and walnut, etc. Romania alone has systematically taken advantage of her freedom from Turkish rule in developing a modern civilization and can also boast the beginning of a forestry system. Rumelia, comprising Macedonia, Albania and Thrace, The Turkish possessions in Europe, with 67,000 square miles and 5 million people,

contain large areas of untouched forest, not less than 5 million acres in Macedonia alone, with valuable oak and walnut, which have remained unused owing to their inaccessibility and the undesirability of developing them under Turkish rule. Where accessible, the forest is maltreated or destroyed. Bulgaria, to which, in 1885, East Romilia was attached, represents now 38,000 square miles and over 4 million people, independent under a German prince as king since 1879. The forest area of 7.5 million acres, 30% of the land area,

mostly deciduous, oak, beach, walnut, etc., and largely confined to the mountains, is one half in communal ownership, one sixth in private hands, mostly small woodlots, and one third state property. But ownership rights are still much in doubt, and until 1869 the state forests were freely open to the use of all, when some sort of regulation of the cut according to the needs of different communities was attempted.

Since within 10 years such rights of user establish ownership, endless litigation has resulted, until in 1883 a law was enacted ordering the stoppage of rights of user, substituting money payment, 10% of value, and another restricting the diameter to which the most valuable export timber, walnut, may be cut. changes in detail were made in 1897, but political exigencies, absence of an adequate organisation and other undeveloped conditions, have largely prevented enforcement of these laws, and rough exploitation continues in spite of the nominal state control. Owing to inaccessibility of many of the agricultural districts to the wooded mountains, a large import was necessary, but lately export almost equals the import, and indeed the export of walnut has increased 14-fold in a few years. The Forest Administration is vested in a bureau under the Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, with a chief, an Inspector General, and two assistant chiefs.

When it is stated that in 1905, the entire budget for forestry was $150,000, the inefficiency of the service is apparent. Serbia, a kingdom with 19,000 square miles and 2 million people, has over 42%, 5 million acres, according to others, only 32%, still in untouched forest, with valuable oak and walnut, the forest being mainly used for hog-raising. Over 36% is state forest, over 43% communal and institutional forest, leaving about 20% in private hands. But, just as in Bulgaria, property conditions are still somewhat unsettled. Like Bulgaria also on account of the uneven distribution of forest area, lack of transportation and systematic development,

a large part of the population are more cheaply supplied by importation, which amounts to near $1 million. Curiously enough, by the law of 1891, only the wood cut from state and church forests could be exported free of duty. This export duty was abolished in 2004, and the first attempt was made by the Minister of Agriculture to bring order into the Forest Administration by importing German foresters. The law of 1891, with various subsequent additions and changes, placed private forest property located on exposed mountain slopes or on shifting sands or on bog soils

under government surveillance and relieved plantations made into direction of the government of taxes for ten years. Romania, with 50,000 square miles and nearly six million people, under the capable administration of a Hohenzollon prince, King Charles, was in Roman times as Dastia Felix, one of the most prosperous provinces,

half of it hilly and mountainous, the other half in the rich alluvial valley of the Danube, now largely deforested. The hill and mountain country was until the end of the 18th century, still well wooded. A rapid depletion then took place by the demands of the Turkish markets, until now not quite 17%, according to others 18 or 20%, of the area is forested, and multifarious rights of user, which made commons of the woods, have naturally led to widespread devastation in the accessible parts. In 1847, the National Assembly attempted regulation of the cut and of the rights of user,

but with little effect. In 1894, the total area had decreased to less than 5 million acres, according to others 6.7 million acres, of which two-fifths is in private hands, two-fifths state property and royal forest, formerly until 1863 in the hands of the monks, the small balance belonging to communities and institutes. In the higher mountains, fir and spruce, with some pine and larch, form the forest. But broadly forest, especially oak and beach, is the prevailing type occupying the middle altitudes and the hill country. The private forest of small owners is being rapidly depleted, only the state forest and that of large proprietors being in good condition. In 1863, when the cloister property was secularised and taken over by the state, the rights of user in this property were suspended,

and sales at auction to contractors were inaugurated, under condition that a certain number of seed trees per acre be left. there was little enforcement of this rule. The first comprehensive law, organising the state property and inaugurating a protective policy, was enacted in 1881. This law recognised state, royal and communal property as of public concern, and also placed such private property under supervision

as was situated on steep slopes, near watercourses and near the boundaries of strategic importance. These areas, coming under the protective policy, comprise 84% of the whole forest area. They were not to be cleared except by special permit and not to be exploited except in specially approved working plans. In 1885, three French foresters were called in to organise a state forest department and to inaugurate the making of working plans.

The personnel, 25 inspectors and 89 district officers, being insufficient and wood prices low, the income from state property being not over $400,000, the progress of the work was slow. Although, in 1894, the income had doubled, the administrative forces had not been enlarged to any great extent, 137 foresters of various grades, and by that term only 150,000 acres had been brought under working plans. By 1900, about 200,000 acres of state property, or 14% and 500,000 acres of private forest,

or 22%, were organised in some fashion. lack of means of transportation, however, prevents a really well-regulated management. Altogether, only 65% of the state property is accessible, so that it can be worked, and the working plans consist mainly in leaving a number of seed trees. In 1889, a forestry association, Progressal Silvick, was formed, which with its organ, provista Padrello, pushes the propaganda. In 1890, an energetic minister of domains, Karp, sought strenuously to bring improvement into the situation. A budget of $500,000 for foresters' dwellings was secured to bring

the forest managers into closer contact with their charges. A planting fund of $100,000, later increased to $140,000 per annum, was voted, and reforestation and reclamation of sand dunes was begun. A forest improvement fund was inaugurated in 1892 by setting aside 2% of the gross forest yield. but in the political struggles Carp's party was displaced and depression in agricultural prosperity causing financial distress. An era of increased

exploitation followed, so that the export of forest products, largely Coupridge, mainly to Greece, Italy and France, which had been declining to less than half, rose again to about $4 million annually. The financial embarrassment of the state led even to a proposition

to sell state forests, but before contracts for this purpose were consummated, relief came and the danger was averted. The state cuts about 22,000 acres annually, yielding about a million dollars, the administration costing, in 1903, $240,000, leaving a net yield of 30 cents per acre. In 1898, the Forest Department, in the direction of domains under the Ministry of Agriculture, consisted of a forest director with 156 foresters academically educated, mostly in France, since 1892 in the Agricultural Institute at Bucharest, and over 2,500 underforesters and guards.

Of some 30,000 acres of sand dunes, one half belonging to the state, about 18,000 acres have been recovered by planting black locust, and some 9,000 acres of plains country have been reforested, for which 330 acres of nurseries furnish the material. In spite of all these efforts, excessive pasturing, although forbidden in the state forest and fires, continue to devastate the property. Private forestry is, of course, much less developed, yet some large properties, Princess Schoenberg, with 20,000 acres, are under efficient German forest management. Here, money is spent on developing means of transportation, and a better revenue is secured than in state forests.

End of Section 18. Section 19 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Librevox recording. All Librevox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librivox.org. A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for Now, Section 19, Greece. The history of the country has been so unfortunate and political conditions so unsettles that only lately efforts at improvement in economic conditions could hope to receive attention. For centuries after Greece had become a Roman province, 146 BC, it changed rulers, Romans, Byzantines, Franks, Venetians following each other,

until, between 1460 and 1473, it came under the Turkish yoke. As a result of an insurrection started in 1821, freedom, but no settled order as yet, was attained in 1829, through the assistance of Great Britain, France and Russia, and the elected kings, Otho, of Barbaria, Alfred of England, and George of Denmark, successfully tried to secure social order and efficient constitutional government. By the time this new era had arrived, there was probably little valuable forest worthy of the name left, except in the inaccessible mountain districts. 1. Forest conditions

Although certain districts, like Attica, were already practically denuded in Plato's time, there is little doubt that originally the whole of Greece, with small exceptions, was a continuous forest. The destruction of the forest, protected by thousands of gods and nymphs in holy groves, proceeded slowly under the regime of the ancient Greeks, until the fanaticism of the Christian religion led to a war against these pagan strongholds, and the holy groves were reduced by axe and fire. Turkish mineral for centuries, over-taxation, reckless cutting, extensive herding of goats and sheep, and fires,

have produced the forest area until now it occupies only 12 or 14% of the land area, 25,000 square miles. In 1854, a survey developed about 2 million acres of woodlands, probably an excessive figure, for the now 2.5 million people, while 67% of the surface is a useless waste, and only 20% under cultivation, so that the general aspect of the country is desolate. The many islands are entirely deforested, and so are the seashores, where in olden times, dense, shady poplars stood, now only infertile sand and dreary rock waste remain. The forest in northern and middle Greece is confined to the two rugged mountain ranges,

with numerous spurs which run parallel north and south with Mount Olympus, nearly 9,000 feet, and Mount Pindus, 6,000 feet, the highest elevations. The large fertile plains of Thessaly and Boeot are forestless. So is the large Arcadian plateau of the Peloponosis, and the other smaller, hot but fertile plains and plateaus. The most valuable conifer forest is found on the higher ranges between the two 5,500-foot level, below the snow-clad mountain tops where especially two species of fur, abys apis epis eugenie amelae, a species remarkable for its sprouting habit, with other

firs and several species of juniperus and suppressus, form sometimes extensive forests. Other common trees are chestnut, sycamore, several species of oak and poplar, and on the coast, pinas halopensis. The furs occupy about 35% of the forest. The firs occupy about 35% of the forest forest area, oaks and deciduous forest 45%. Among the forest products which are exported, we find Gauls, Vermilion and Sumac prominent. It is believed that Greece and ancient times was more fertile than it is now, and that the deterioration is due to deforestation. Undoubtedly, soil conditions favoured such deterioration for, with the exception of the Pindus range, which is composed of metamorphic rock, a poor dry limestone is characteristic of the country, except where

fertile, alluvial and diluvial deposits cover it in valleys along the coast. The climate is, however, so favourable that even the poor soil would readily reclothe itself if left alone. The winters are short, hardly three months, and with hardly any snow or ice except on the high mountains, making the vegetative period nine months, and with temperature ranges from 20 to 106 degrees Fahrenheit, rainfall average 400 millimetres, the summers, to be sure, rainless and dry, but the other seasons humid, somewhat less than in Middle Europe. Rapid growth is the result of these conditions. But the continued pasturing of goats and sheep, some six million, prevents any natural reforestation. Increased taxation on this industry has had no effect,

and the practice of permitting the people to gather dry wood for fuel is an incentive for making dry wood by setting fires, which also served to improve the pasture. Perhaps nowhere are forest fires more frequent in spite of heavy penalties. The tabaneful influence on the water condition and river flow has been the result is historically demonstrated by Chloros. In the mountains, some fine and quite extensive bodies of fur still exist, lack of transportation having preserved them. Elsewhere, the rights of user and the herding of goats are so well established that reforms

appear, indeed difficult. Firewood, three loads for each person, supposed to be taken from the dead or otherwise useless trees and a small dimension material is free to all. For the right to cut workwood, the government charges a tax of 25 to 30% of the value of the material, the price for this being annually determined. On the material cut in private forests, the government also levies a tax from 12 to 18% of its value. This pernicious system of promiscuous cutting leads to the most wasteful use imaginable. Not only high stumps, but large amounts of good material are left in the woods so that it is estimated that hardly 50% of what is cut is really utilised.

The cut, as far as the tax gives a clue to it, amounts to around 2.7 million cubic feet workwood, but with the firewood included, it was estimated that near 90 million cubic feet are cut annually. Importation to the amount of $1.5 million, mostly from Austria and Romania, make up the deficit and work material, especially for the box factories which manufacture the packages for the large export of currents, some 2 million boxes. The tax during the decade, from 1862 to 1871, produced an annual income of $600,000, a little less in 1895. The forest has been from olden times, and is now almost entirely state property,

some 80 or 90 percent. And in nearly all the remaining private communal and cloister property, the state has a partial ownership or supervision. The wasteland of probably 3 million acres extent, also belongs to the state, the whole state property covering over 30% of the land area. 2. Development of forest policies A first definite attempt to regulate matters was made by Otho, who, being a German, took a personal interest in this forest property, and instituted for each province forest inspectors, to Charsis, under one chief inspector,

with forest guards to prevent devastation by fire and theft. The mistake was made of employing in these positions super-eastern. annuated Bavarian army officers, who were merely a burden on the treasury. No management or even regular fellings were attempted. The population could, as before, supply its need upon permits, always granted, from the governor of the province, one of the forest guards being supposed to vise these, and to see that the wood was properly employed, not, however, to supervise the cutting. In 1877, further legislation was had, instituting in the Ministry of Finance a forest inspector, technically trained, with two assistant inspectors also technically trained, to superintend the outside work.

A forest survey was begun in 1879, but interrupted in 1888 for lack of funds and personnel. The same law placed the duty of guarding the state property in the hands of the general police or gendarmery, 50 officers and some 340 guards, and during the fire danger, June to October, 110 more, being detailed for this service under direction of the Minister of War. initial permit system, however, was continued. Dr. Chloros, who obtained his education in Germany, became finally forest director and was responsible for securing further legislation in 1888, the object of which was, as a first step towards improvement, to survey and delimit and round off the state property. It provided that enclaves and all absolute forest soil was to be expropriated.

If no amicable agreement with the owner could be reached, the price was to be determined by their net yield, which had been obtained from the property during the last five years, capitalised at 5%. No attempts, however, at an efficient organisation of change of the destructive permit system were made. By general law, the state has the right to surveillance of private property, although the extent of this right is not fully defined. The government may take for its own use by paying for it upwards of one-sixth of the annual cut. It collects a tax of 12 to 18% for all woodwork cut, it forbids the pasturing of woods that have been burned within 10 years, and obliges all owners of over 1,200 acres to employ forest guards.

This and other interference with property rights naturally acts as deterrent to private forest management. A notable exception is the small private royal forest property near Athens, which, since 1872 under a Danish forester, appears to have been managed under forestry principles. A thorough reorganisation of the Forest Service was affected, in 1893, when 20 district foresters were employed. The number of forest inspectors was increased of four, and a regular division of forestry was instituted in the finance department. The general police, or gendarmerie, were continued as forest guards. Until a native personnel could be educated by sending young men to Germany, foreigners were to be employed for the making

of working plans. Yet, in 1896, the then-director of the forest department, a lawyer, still complains of the absence of a proper organisation and of any personnel with forestry knowledge. Apparently no progress had been made. In that year, however, the gendarmerie was to be replaced by forest guards, 52 superior and 298 subaltern, who were to be appointed from graduates of a special secondary school, which had been instituted by Tina some two years before. This replacement could, of course, not be affected at once, since hardly more than 25 men could be graduated annually. hence even this improvement in the lower-class police would not be completed for six or eight years. No steps had been taken to educate officers for the higher grades, and in this direction, propositions merely were discussed.

In 1890, a change in the permit system was made, but hardly for the better, justices of the peace being empowered under certain conditions to issue such permits. Nor do we find in 1901 anything more than expressions of good wishes and desire for further legislation, besides some attempts at popular education through the formation of tree-planting associations under the patronage of the Crown Princess. In 1905, no change in conditions are reported. Forest fires still continue as a common occurrence. While the government makes efforts to improve conditions, the indifference, stupidity, cupidity, and malevolence of the people and the long-established abuses prevent rapid progress at reform.

End of Section 19 Section 20 of A Brief History of Forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for now. Section 20. Italy

The efforts to secure improvement in the treatment of forest resources have been more active and strenuous in Italy than in Greece. They were induced especially by the urgent needs of protecting watersheds, the rivers throughout Italy having been turned into torrent by deforestation. But, owing to the weakness of the government and to poverty, the actual execution of the very good laws has lagged behind. Indeed, while ample legislation has been enacted, the people, overburdened with debt and needing the small income that can be derived from pasturing or renting the pasture in the woods, make it difficult to carry on any reform, and the enforcement of the laws has again and again led to serious.

trouble. Forestry is a sore point in the national economy of Italy, as it involves sacrifice of money in time. Italy, therefore, is still in the transition period from forestrypene to forest culture. Densely populated, 33 million on 110,600 square miles, with fully one-fifth of its area unproductive, or at least unused, and one quarter of this almost or quite beyond redemption, no country offers better opportunities for studying the evil effects of deforestation on soil and water flow. As a result of the combination of geology, slates and limestones, topography, steep slopes, climate and forest devastation or destruction, mainly by pasturage of goats, two million, the Italian rivers are invariably flooded in March and mostly dry in summer.

The melting of the snow coinciding with the heavy spring rains turns them into raging torrents, Fiumare, silting over the fertile lands in the valleys and occasional landslides in the mountain country, where extensive tracts are nearly bare of vegetation. Especially the rivers are umbelona, which in 1897 again caused damage in excess of $1 million, are dreaded. 1. Forest conditions Situated similarly to Greece as regards accessibility and climate, and similarly torn by wars and political strife, and in unstable conditions for centuries, Italy has a very much.

proportion to population, if not to area, reduced her forest resources even more than Greece. Less than one-third of an acre per capita remains, with a total of somewhat over 12 million acres or about 17% of the land area, and this includes much useless brushland, over 2 million acres. Apparently, if the uncertain statistics may be relied upon, a reduction of several million acres has taken place since 1870. Some 15 million acres of wasteland and swamps, offer ample opportunity for increasing this forest area without infringing on the 42 million acres of usefully employed agricultural soil. Of the forest area, 25% is to be found in the Alps,

about 50% on the Appanines, the one mountain range which forms the backbone of Italy. Less than one quarter is distributed over the plains, and the small balance is found on the islands, especially Sicily, which is a hill and mountain country, once magnificently wooded, now largely denuded, 4% wooded. And on Sardinia, which, with nearly 45% under forest, is the best wooded part of Italy, although the condition of the forest is here no better than elsewhere. With the exception of the slopes of the Alps, 2.5 million acres of spruce, fir, beach, larch,

and the tops of the upennines and remote plateaus, 4.5 million acres, and of a few special places on which now and then even magnificent remains of virgin forest may be found, lack of transportation having preserved them, most of the area is occupied by miserable brush forest, coppice, or else open forest with scattered trees among a shrub undergrowth of thorns, hazel, and chestnut, called Machia, i.e. Chaparral, so that most Italians have never seen a real forest. Nevertheless, Italy is by no means as treeless as this condition of forest would imply, for trees, poplar, ash, elm, are dotting the plains and slopes, planted for vine supports and boundaries, unshapely through pollarding and lopping the branches for firewood.

Olive and chestnut groves on the hills, of the former 2 million acres, of the latter over 400,000 acres planted for the fruit, and 8.5 million acres in vineyards, add to the wooded appearance of the country and to the wood supply. The annual product of firewood from these planted trees is estimated at 6 million cords. On the sand dunes and near the seashore, especially in the marshes, the maritime, the Aleppo pine, and the umbrella-shaped Pinus Pinea and picturesque cypresses are sometimes found in small groves, while the Calcareous hills in this region up to 1,200 feet are studded with olives, cork, and evergreen oak. Ocia growing is here also quite extensively practiced. In the mountains, above the 2,700 foot level, conifer forest composed of pinae's sylvesteris, and Laricio and ABA's Pentonata has been reduced to less than 7% of the whole. Mixed conifer and deciduous forest represents 4%, the bulk being a deciduous forest of oak, several species,

and beach with chestnut. 48% of the forest area is in Coppice, sedio. And of the 52% of high forest, the bulk is managed under selection system, a skeleta. A small part under clearing system, at Alto Fusto, although management can hardly be said to exist except in small groves. That supply of workwood is insufficient for the needs of the population and is decreasing is attested by the fact that the importations more than doubled in the decade from 1892 to 1903

to near $14 million, 80% of which was saw material, in addition to $2 million of wood manufacturers, while nearly $5 million worth was exported in the last named year, mostly cork, casks, thin boxboards, olive wood manufacturers, and charcoal. No better picture of the forest conditions can be had than by a statement of the home production, which in 1886, last official data, was placed at 48 million cubic feet of workwood,

valued at $3.4 million, $223 million cubic feet firewood, valued at $4.1 million, 106 million cubic feet charcoal, worth $3.6 million, and buy products to the large amount of $6.4 million, dollars, altogether a little less than $17.6 million. Firewood and charcoal, which represent over 80% of the product, are of course furnished by coppice, and in addition by the pallarded material, almost the only fuel to be had. The ownership of the forest area is for the greater part private, 53%, and communal, over 43%, the state

owning a little over 400,000 acres, less than 4%. The state property being so small, supervision of communal and private forest has become the policy. The state forest is of two classes, the alienable, under the Department of Finance, the larger part, about 375,000 acres, and the inalienable, so declared by law of 1871, which was then about 115,000 acres, and was placed under a forest administration in the Department of Agriculture. But of this, about 20% is not forest. and even in 1896, some of this small area was sold so that now only 40,000 acres remain. This area is to serve for demonstration of model management and to supply government needs.

Beach and oak, with fir, pine and larch, mostly in timber forests, characterized this property, which is managed mostly in selection system. Curiously enough, in 1888, the difficulty of disposing advantageously of the old timber is complained of, due to the lack of means of transportation. The personnel of the administration consists of a central bureau with one inspector general, three inspectors and a council. For each province, and in some cases for two or more provinces together, an inspector with several sub-inspectors and a number of guards, or brigadiery,

are charged with the management of the state property and the enforcement of the forest laws. 2. Development of Forest Policy For centuries since the fall of the Roman Empire, 4766, AD, until the end of the 18th century, Italy had been the victim of war and strife with neighbours, or within its borders, being divided into numberless Commonwealths, almost each city being independent. Hence, no economic improvements could take place until, under the influence of the French revolution, the regeneration period began.

Not, however, until the seven or eight states which the Congress of Vienna, 1815, had established, were moulded into one united Italy under Victor Emmanuel during the... years 1859 to 1870, could an effective reconstruction be inaugurated. It is true that some of the republics in earlier times paid attention to their forest property. Notably, in Venice, old forest ordinances day back to 697, and in 1453, a regular forest administration was instituted, especially to take care of the large forest area in Istria and Dalmatia, which fell into the hands of the Venetians about 1420. A tolerably conservative management continued here until the beginning of the 18th century,

when, in consequence of political complications, supervision became lax, and devastation began which continued through the century, leaving to the new century and finally to the Austrians the legacy of the caste. See page 173. Florence, too, managed to prevent the deforestation of the summit of her mountains until the beginning of the 18th century, and in other republics, kingdoms, and Ducci, similar efforts at forest administrations existed. Yet Genoa, which in Strabo's time was the principal timber market of Italy, had by 1860 nearly all its mountain slopes denuded.

Before the general legislation for all Italy was enacted, there were at least a dozen laws and operations in the various provinces. In Lombardy, the law of 1811, in Naples, the law of 1862, in Rome of 1827, in Umbria of 1805, in Bologna of 1820. in Tuscany of 1829, in Piedmont of 1833, in Sardinia of 1851, etc. If these had been heeded, much better conditions would have been inherited by the New Kingdom. With the arrival of a national spirit, many schemes for the promotion of forestry and of forest policy were discussed.

The academies of Florence, Milan, Modena, Palermo, and Pissaro offered premiums for reforesting of mountains, and called for popular treatises on silver culture. A forestry journal came into being furthering the propaganda. In 1860, a very well-written account of present conditions of forestry and production of sulfur in Sicily. A collection of reports was published in Sharo. In 1860, also, an investigation of forest conditions in each province was ordered by royal decree, and propositions for their improvement were called for, which led to legislative proposals introduced in 1862, and legislation enacted in 1863.

The law of 1863 still treated each province independently. Forest inspectors for each province and for Naples and Inspector General, with district foresters and a large number of forest guards were appointed. Another law, applicable only to certain parts of the kingdom, was enacted in 1874, intended to check the progress of deforestation and prevent turning waste woodlands into pasture. These absolute forest soils were to be reforested within five years.

The law remains a dead letter, yet it is still enforced in part with the modifications enacted in 1886. The final unification of the country, as far as legislative unity is concerned, was completed in 1877, and in that year the first general forest law for all Italy was also enacted. This law, which is mainly in view the protective influence of forest cover as a factor in the public welfare, leaving all private property not falling under the character of protective forest entirely free, established provincial forest commissions, conservation boards, unpaid, who were to enact rules and regulations best adapted to their localities.

The board of commissioners consisted of the prefect of the province, ex officio, president, an inspector of forests, the technical officer who administers the government property, an engineer appointed by the governor, and three members chosen by the provincial council. In addition, each communal council was to send one member to take part in the deliberations of the board, as far as his particular commune was interested. By this law, the country is divided into two sections vertically, namely the territory above the limit of chestnut and that below this limit, the latter representing the farming country,

the territory above being unfit for agricultural use. To the former, the restrictions of the law apply as a rule, to Rene Sogerti of Vincolo Forrestale, Ban Forest, to the latter as exception, namely whether removal of forest or brush cover might cause landslides or affect stream flow or health conditions unfavourably. The chestnut limit naturally varies in different parts, but generally speaking lies between 1,800 and 2,000 feet elevation. The determination of these areas was to be made by the provincial forest committees, and it is significant to note that in the state forest administration

did not have the majority. The territory under restriction was, in 1887, after various revisions, established as comprising 7.5 million acres of forest and 2.5 million acres of brush and waste, nearly 71% of the forest area being thus placed under restriction, leaving 2.5 million acres of forest and over 2 million of brush and waste outside the working of the law. These latter areas are left entirely without restrictions, except as general police regulations apply. The execution of the law and regulations is left to the State Forest Department, with an organisation of Forest Guards, some 3,000 in 1883, appointed by the prefect of the province, with the advice of the Forestry Commission, but acting under the State Forest Administration.

Their pay was to come to the extent of two-thirds from the communes, the other third from the provincial treasurer. In the forests placed under the law, clearing and agricultural use is forbidden. Fellings and cultures must be made under direction of the committee. No compensation is made for this. limitation in use, except where hygienic influence was the basis for placing the forest under ban. If the regulations of the commissions had been observed to their full extent, all would have been well in time, but it is evident from subsequent legislative efforts that the execution of the laws was not what could be desired. Political exigencies required leniency in the application of

the law. An interesting report on the results of the first quinquium shows that during that time 170,000 acres were cleared, over 40,000 without permission, and by 1900 it was estimated deforestation had taken place on about 5 million acres. Rangling over the classification of the land's underband has continued until the present, and local authorities have continued to favour private as against public interest, to withdraw lands from the operation and to wink at disregard of the law. Moreover, rights of user to dead wood, pasturage, goats are by law excluded, and and other privileges continue to prevent improvement, although several laws to affect their extinction had been passed.

The devastating floods of 1882 led to much agitation, and upon a report of a special commission in 1886, the law of 1874, which had obligated the communities to reforest their wastelands within five years or else to sell, was revived, extending the term of obligatory reforestation in the endangered sections to 10 years. By that time, out of 800,000 acres originally declared as requiring reforestation, not more than 40,000 acres had been planted, but the acreage involved had also been gradually scaled down by the forest committees to 240,000 acres. The report, on the other hand, found that the area needing reboisement was at least 500,000 acres, requiring an expenditure of $12 million. The law of 1877 did not contemplate enforced reforestation of ban forests.

It sought to accomplish this by empowering either the Department of Agriculture or the provinces or the communities or special associations to expropriate for the purpose of reforestation. Results were nil. A revision and broadening of the law led to the General Reboisement Act of 1888, which has in view the correction of torrents, fixing of mountain slopes and sand dunes, one of the best laws of its kind in existence anywhere. The principal features of the law are obligatory reboisement of mountains and sand dune according to plans and under direction of the Department of Agriculture, the areas to be designated by the department with approval or disapproval of the forest

committees, contribution to the extent of two-fifths, finally raised to two-thirds, of the expense by the government, expropriation where owners do not consent or fail to carry out the work as planned, right to reclaim property by payment of costs and interest or else sale by government, right of the department to regulate and restrict pasture but compensation to be paid to restricted owners, encouragement of cooperative planters associations. The area to be reforested was estimated at somewhat over 500,000 acres and the expense at over $7 million. The execution of the law was not any stricter than before. In 1900, the Secretary of Agriculture of Refugees,

reports that the laws do not yet receive effective application. The difficulty of determining what is and what is not necessary to reforest, what is and what is not absolute forest soil, made ostensibly the greatest trouble and occasion delay. But financial incapacity and political influences bidding for popularity are probably the main cause of the inefficiency. Meanwhile, the Forest Department tried to promote reforestation by giving premiums from its scanty appropriation and distributing from its 130 acres of nurseries during the years from 1867 to 1899, some 46 million plants and over 500 pounds of seed, and furnishing advice free of charge. In 1897, again a commission was instituted to formulate new legislation.

This commission reported in 1902, declaring that all accessible forests were more or less devastated, accentuating the needs of water management and proposing a more rigorous definition of forest, a strict supervision of communal forests, and the management of private properties under working plans by accredited foresters, or else under direct control of the forest department, the foresters to be paid by the state, which is to recover from the owners. It was found that in the past 35 years of the 125,000 acres needing reforestation urgently, only 58,300 acres had been planted at an expense of $1,340,000. In 1910, conditions seem not to have much improved, for again a vigorous attempt at reorganisation

and improvement on the law of 1877 was made by the Minister of Agriculture, so far without result. It is to be noted that Italy is perhaps the only country where forest influence on health conditions was legally recognised by the laws of 1877 and 1888. The belief that deforestation of the Maramne, the marshy lowlands between Pisa and Naples, had produced the malarial fever, which is rampant here, led the trappist monks of the cloister at Trey Fontaine to make plantations of eucalyptus, beginning in 1870,

the state assisting by cessations of land for the purpose. A commission appointed to investigate the results in 1881 threw doubt on the effectiveness of the plantation, finding the observed change in health conditions due to the improvement of drainage, and lately the mosquito has been recognised as the main agency in propagating the field. fever. The new propositions, however, did not any more recognise this claimed influence as a reason

for public intervention. Incidentally, it may be stated that to two Italians is due the credit of having found the true cause of salubriousness of forest air, namely in the absence of pathogenic bacteria. 3. Education and Literature The first forest school was organised by Ballestri, who had studied in Germany at the Agricultural School near Turin, about the first forest school. about 1848, transferred to the Technical Institute in Chirin in 1851. This school continued until 1869, and from 1863 on, had been recognised by the state, assuring its graduates' employments in state service.

In 1869, the state established a forest school of its own, Institute Forestale, at Valembrosa, near Florence, with a three-year's course, since 1886, four years, and in 1900 with 11 professors and 40 students. In spite of the state's subvention of $8,500, it appears that some peculiar economies are necessary, for owing to the absence of stoves, the school is closed from November 1st to March 1st. In spite of the existence of this school, the state service is recruited also from men who have not passed through this school. The legislative propositions brought forward in 1910 also provide for transfer of this school to Florence, leaving only the experiment station in Valembrosa, and also for raising the standard of instruction.

At the same time, however, there was that the old institution ordered a rush course to be finished in 15 months, since it appeared that not enough foresters were in existence to carry out the proposed reorganisation. In 1905, the School of Silver Culture for Forest Garz was instituted in Situjkale, the course being nine months. Besides the technical school at Valembrosa, agricultural schools have chairs of forestry, or alboriculture, as, for instance, the Royal School at Portici. As an educational feature, the introduction of Arbaudet in 1902, La Festa de Alberi, should also be mentioned. The existence of a forest school naturally produces a literature. While a considerable number of popular booklets attempts the education of the people who are the owners of the forest,

there is no absence of professional works. Among these should be mentioned di Berengue's Selvicultura, a very great, complete work, which also contains a brief history of forestry in the Orient, Greece, and Italy. G. Colise Semone's Manuel d'art forestale, 1864, and the earlier Ciencer Salvana by Dondi, 1829, are encyclopedias of inferior quality. In 1859, R. Mathie, a private forester, began to publish the Revista Forrestale del Regno d'Ataire, an annual review for the purpose of popularizing forestry in Italy, afterwards changed into a monthly, which continued for some time under

subventions from the government. A number of propagandist forestry associations were formed at various times, publishing leaflets or journals, one of these LALP, a monthly in 1902. In 1910, the two leading societies combined into a federation, Bromontobos-ed-ente-Affini, merging also the Revista Forrestale Italiana with LALP, which serves both. propagandist and professional needs. End of Section 20. Section 21 of A Brief History of Forestry. This is a Libravox recording.

All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard for Now. Section 21. Spain Poor Spain is the expression which comes to the lips of everybody who contemplates the economic conditions of this once so powerful nation, almost the ruler of the world. Once, under the beneficent dominion of the Saracens, a paradise where, as a Roman author puts it,

neilotiosum, nihil sterile, in Hispania. It has become almost a desert through neglect, indolence, ignorance, false pride, lack of communal spirit, despotism of church, and misrule by corrupt bureaucracy. With the exception of a narrow belt along the sea, shore, the whole of the Iberian Peninsula is a vast high mesa, plateau or tableland, 1,500 to 3,000 feet above sea level, traversed by lofty mountain chains or Ceres, 5 or 6 in number, running parallel to each other, mainly in a westerly and southwestly direction. These divide the plateau into as many plains, treeless and for the most part arid,

exposed to cold blasts in winter and burning up in summer. They are frequently subjected to severe droughts, which sometimes have lasted for months, bringing desolation to country and people. The rivers, as they usually do in such countries similar to our arid plains, form canyons and arroyos, and being uncertain in their water stages, none of them are navigable, although hundreds of miles long, but useful for irrigation on which agriculture relies. The great mineral wealth has made Spain the California of the Carthaginians and Romans,

and it is still its most valuable resource. Spain awakened to civilization through the visits of Phoenicians and Carthaginians, followed by the Romans. During the first centuries of the Christian era, there occurred one of the several periods of extreme prosperity, when a supposed population of 40 million exploited the country. After the dark days of the Gothic domination, a second period of prosperity was attained for the portion

which came under the sway of the industrious and intelligent Moors, or Saracens, 711 to 1,000 AD, who made the desert bloom, and whose irrigation works are still the mainstay of agriculture at present. Centuries of warfare and carnage to re-establish Christian kingdoms still left the country rich, when, in 1479, the several kingdoms were united into one under Ferdinand and Isabella, and the moors were finally driven out altogether, 1492. This kingdom persisted in the same form to the present time, with only a short period as a republic, 1873. Spain was among the first countries to have a constitution. After the conquest of the Moors, and with the discovery of America, again a period of prosperity set in for the then 20 million people,

but through oppression by state and church, Inquisition, which also led to the expulsion of the Jews and large emigration to America. The prosperity of the country was destroyed, the population reduced to 10 million in 1800, and the conditions of character and government created which are the cause of its present desolation. Since the beginning of the century, the population has increased to near 18 million, but financial bankruptcy keeps the government inefficient and unable to accomplish reforms, even if the people would let it have its way. 1. Forest conditions. It has been a matter of speculation whether Spain was or was not once heavily wooded. See page 11. In Roman times, only the province of La Manca is reported as being

unforested, and in the 13th and 14th centuries, extensive forest zones are still recorded. The character of the country at present and the climate, both resembling so much our own arid plains, make it questionable to what extent the forest descended from the mountain ranges, which were undoubtedly well-wooded. At present, the forest is mainly confined to the higher mountains. The best is to be found in the Pyrenees, and their continuation, the Cantambrian Mountains. The area of actual forest, Bosquez, is not known with precision, since in the official figures mere potential forest, i.e. brush and wasteland, is included, Montes. And the area varies, i.e. diminishes through new clearings, of which the statistics do not keep a count. Moreover,

the statistics refer only to the public forests, leaving out the state and private forest areas, if any. In 1859, this area was reported as over 25 million acres, or 20% of the land area, 196,000 square miles. In 1885, the acreage had been reduced to about 17.5 million acres, and in 1900, about 16 million acres, or 13% of the land area remained as public forest, and the total was estimated at somewhat over 20 million acres. The following peculiar classification, published in 1860s, gives, in round figures, at once an insight into the meaning of Montes and the probable condition of the public forest area. State reserves, 865,000 acres.

Sailable state property, 4,550,000 acres. Public Institute forest, 20,000 acres. Communal forest, 9,860,000 acres. Open Commons for wood and pasture? 1,880,000 acres. Common pasture for draft animals. 425,000 acres. Total, 17,600,000 acres. An estimate of the actual forest, timber and coppice, does not exceed 12 million acres for a population of 18 million or 0.7 acres per capita. The latest official figures claim as state property around 600,000 acres and municipal insolpire. institutional property 11.5 million acres, these constituting the public forests. According to official

classification, these public forests are to the extent of 5.3 million acres high forest, 3 million coppice, the balanced brushwoods. In spite of this evident lack of wood material, except for firewood or charcoal, the importations in 1903 did not exceed $13.5 million, accentuating the absence of industrial development. The official statement of imports reports $6.5 million more than the above figure, but this includes horses and cattle enumerated as forest products, products of the Montes. These also figure in the exportations of $15 million, which to the extent of one half

consists of cork, some $5 million from 630,000 acres, and tan bark, while chestnuts, Philberts and Esparto furnish the balance. In 1908, the imports of lumber and staves alone amounted to $7,382,000. In 1882, all the public forests produced from wood sales only $900,000, but the value of the products taken by rights of user was estimated nearly twice that amount. In 1910, the average income of the Forest Service was reported as having average for the decade in the neighbourhood of $2 million, and the expense approximately $1 million, a net yield of about 30 cents per acre on the area involved, resulting the total cost being 5.7 million cubic feet annually. The forest flora and its distribution is very similar to that of Italy, and is

described fully in two volumes prepared by a special commission appointed for this purpose. 2. Development of Forest Policy Spain is noted for its comprehensive legislation without execution. It is also known that official reports are rarely trustworthy, so that what appears on paper, is by no means always found in reality, hence all statements must be accepted with reservations. The forest laws of Spain are somewhat similar to those of Italy, yet show less appreciation of the needs of technical forest culture.

The value of forest resources and need of economy in their use was indeed recognised early. Recommendations for their conservative use are recorded from the 13th century on. An ordinance of Pedro I in 1351 imposed heavy fines upon forest destroyers, Ferdinand V, in 1496, expressed alarm at the progressing devastation, and, in 1518, we find the system of forest guards established, and even ordinances ordering reforestation of wastelands, which were again and again repeated during the century. In 1567 and 1882, notes of alarm at the continuing destruction proved that these ordinances had no effect. The same complaints and fears are expressed by the rulers during the 17th and 18th centuries, without any effect. action. In 1748, Ferdinand the 6th placed all forests under government supervision, but in 1812,

the Cortes of Cadiz, under the influence of the spirit of the French Revolution, rescinded these orders and abolished all restrictions. An awakening to the absolute necessity of action seems not to have arrived until about 1833, when a law was enacted and an ordinance issued at great length defining the means of Montes, and instituting in the Corps of Civil Engineering, is a forest inspection. At the same time, a special school was to be established in Madrid. This last proposition does not seem to have materialised for, in 1840, we find that several young men were sent to the forest school at Durant, Germany. No doubt under the influence of these men on their return, backed by the Sociedad Economica of Madrid, a commission to formulate a forest law was

instituted in 1846, and in the same year, carrying out ordinances of 1835 and 1843, a forest school was established at Via Vickiosa di Odon. Later, 1869, transferred to the Escudel, near Madrid. This school, under semi-military organization, first with a three-year, later a four-year course, and continually improved and enlarged in its curriculum, one director and 13 professors in 1900, he used the pride of the Spanish foresters to all appearances deservedly so. It was organised after German models by Bernando de Tore Royas as first director. The creation of a forest department, however, Cuerpo de Montes, had to wait until 1853. This department, under the Minister of Public Works, now under the Minister of Agriculture,

is a close corporation made up of the graduates of the school as Ingeneros de Montes, acceptance into which is based upon graduation and four years service in the forest department as assistance besides the performance of some meritorious work. The school stands in close relation to the department service. The first work of the new administration was a general forest survey to ascertain conditions and especially to determine which of the public forests, under the laws of 1855 and 1859, it was desirable to retain. The investigation showed that there was more forest, defined as in the above-guerite,

classification than had been supposed, but that it was an even worse condition than had been known. The public forests, i.e. those owned by the state, the communities and public institutions, were divided into three classes according to the species by which formed, which was the easiest way of determining their location as regards altitude and their public value, namely the coniferous forest and deciduous oak and chestnut forests, which were declared inalienable. The forests of ash, alder, willow, etc., naturally located in the lower levels, therefore without interest to the state, which were declared saleable, and an intermediate third class composed of cork oak and evergreen oak, whose status as to property of sale was left in doubt.

In 1862, a revision of this classification left out this doubtful class, adding it and the forest areas of the first class, which were not at least 250 acres in extent to the saleable property. The first class, which was to be reserved, was found to comprise nearly 17 million acres, of which 1.2 million was owned by the state, whilst the saleable property was found to be about half that area. Ever since, a constant wrangle and commotion has been kept up regarding the classification and repeated attempts, sometimes successful, have been made by one faction, usually led by the Minister of Finance, to reduce the public forest area, desamotidoro, opposed by another faction under the lead of the forest administration,

which was formed again and again to reclassify. In 1883, the alienable public forest area was by decree placed under the Minister of Finance, the inalienable part remaining under the Minister of Public Works, Fomento, very much the same as it was in the United States until recently. The public debt and immediate financial needs of the corporations gave the incentive for desiring the disposal of forest property, and to satisfy this demand it was ordered in 1878 that all receipts from the state property and 20% of the receipts from communal forests were to be applied towards the extinguishment of the debt. The ups and downs in this struggle to keep the public forests intact were accentuated on the one hand by the pressing needs of taking care of the debt, on the other hand by drought and flood.

Thus, in 1874, the sale in annual installments of over 4.5 million acres in the hands of the Minister of Finance was ordered, but the floods of the same year were so disastrous, causing $7 million damage, 760 deaths, 28,000 homeless, being followed by successive droughts that a reversal of sentiment was experienced, which led to the enactment of a reboisement law in 177. This law, having in view better management of communal properties, ordered with all sorts of unnecessary technical details the immediate reforestation of all wastelands in the public forests, creating for that purpose a core of 400 cultivators.

Capitacas de cultivos. To furnish the funds for this work, the communities were to contribute 10% of the value of the forest products they sold or were entitled to. But funds were not forthcoming, and by 1895, under this law, only 21,000 acres had been reforested, three-fourths by sewing. The financial results of the management of the public forests, although the Forest Department probably did the best it could under the circumstances, had indeed not been reassuring.

In 1861, a deficit of $26,000 was recorded. In 1870, $600,000 worth of material was sold, $1.3 million worth given away, and $700,000 worth destroyed. altogether, by fire and theft, it was estimated that 15% of the production was lost. In 1885, this loss was estimated at 25% when the net income had attained to 15 cents per acre, or on the 17.5 million acres to less than $3 million. When it is considered that the governors of provinces and their appointees, beside the village authorities, had also a hand in the administration,

it is no wonder that the Forest Department was pretty nearly helpless. While under the law of 1863, the department was specially ordered to regulate the management of communal forests and to gauge the cut to the increment, the political elements in the administration, which appointed the forest guards, made the regulations mostly nugatory. At last, in 1900, a new era seems to have arrived. A thorough reorganisation was made, which lends hope for a better future. The technical administration was divorced from the political influence and placed under the newly created Minister of Agriculture. The machinery of the Cuerpo de Montes was remodeled.

This consists now of one chief inspector-general, four division chiefs, ten inspector-generals for field inspection, 50 chief engineers of district managers, 185 assistants, and 342 foresters and guards, the latter now appointed by the departments instead of the governors, and not all, as formerly, chosen from veteran soldiers. The better financial showing referred to above was the result. In 1910, a special reboisement service, the Civio-Hydrological Protestant,

was also placed on a new footing, the country being divided into ten districts for this purpose, and an engineer placed in charge of each. But from a statement that, in 1910, of some 300,000 acres planned to be recovered, only 31,000 had been completed. It may be inferred that financial difficulties still retard the work. Private forests, which had been without any interference, were, in 1908, placed under government control so far as located within a defined protective zone, Thona Protector de Socratica.

Such must be managed under plans provided by the Forest Service, and in case of refusal on the part of owners, expropriation proceedings are provided, but the money for taking advantage of this provision would probably not be in the Treasury. Indeed, according to Professor Miguel Del Campo at the Escorial Forest School, results so far on nil. Since 1896, popular education is attempted through Arbor days, various associations fostering the idea. In 1904, La Fiesta del Arbor was made a national holiday, and premiums are distributed for plantations made on that day. The Revista de Montes, a semi-official monthly journal, began its publication in 1877 and serves the purpose of propaganda, as well as the professional needs.

A considerable book literature is also developed. of Section 21. Section 22 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librivox.org. A brief history of forestry by Bernard Ferenau. Section 22, the Mediterranean Peninsula, Portugal.

The small kingdom which occupies the west coast of the Iberian Peninsula, with 34,000 square miles and 6 million people is in many respects similar to Spain, except that a larger portion is fertile, being situated in the littoral region. The climate less excessive and the people somewhat more enterprising. Not much more than one half of the country, however, is utilized, nearly 15,000 square miles being waste. Three sections or zones are recognized, the northern bounding on Spain, which is mainly mountainous, but also contains extensive sand dunes, is the best wooded.

The central, which is hilly and less well wooded, contains in Extremadura and Beira, one of the most desolate regions of Europe, and at the same time the best managed forest. The southern, the richest in farmlands, with semi-tropic climate and flora, the zone of evergreen broadleaf flora. About 10% of the land area, or 4 million acres, are under forest, although two million more are wooded with olive, fig, almond plantations, or open woodlands in brushwood. Of the actual forest area, the state owns only 82,000 acres, 30,000 of which reforested areas or sand dunes in process of recovery. The composition is nearly one-half of pine, pinus maratima and pinea,

one-fifth cork oak with pastures, little over one-fifth, other greenwood oaks with pastures, and the balance chestnut and deciduous oaks. The fact of the extensive private ownership and the reference to the pastures and the enumeration of forest areas suffice to give an idea of the condition of most of them. The oak forest is also, to a large extent, still used for hog-raising. Besides the native forest areas, there are in existence a number of parks and plantations of exotics. The climate of Portugal in parts resembling that of California and permitting a wide range of introductions, even tropical. There is perhaps no more such a good opportunity of seeing the most varied forest, flora,

and fine development as the forest parks of Montserrat, of Busaco, and in the various botanical gardens. Extensive eucalyptus and Acacia plantations, some 15, acres of highly economical value near Abrantes or the enterprise of a private landowner, W.C. Tate. The deficiency of wood supplies is covered by an importation of about $1.5 million against which there is an export of a little over half a million, mainly Cooperage stock. The best-developed forest industry is the growing of cork, giving rise to an export of around $5 million, a considerable naval store production is also developed. The first attempt to add a real management of the state's property dates from 1868. A regular organization, however, did not take place until 1872 when, under

the Director General of Commerce and Industries, a forest administrator with a technical staff of three division chiefs, corresponding to the three sections of country and six forest masters were installed. At present, the staff of the inspector consists of eight technically educated assistance, each in charge of some branch of service. Under these, there are a number of field agents or supervisors, some 14 and 1903, with less education and underforesters and guards. The only really well-managed forest, the pride of the Portuguese foresters, is the forest of Leera in Extremadoura, a planted pinerie of a business. about 25,000 acres, on which over 50 men of various grades are employed, with naval-store

distilleries and pregonating works and sawmills. Its management and natural seed tree system dates from 1892. Besides attending to the management of the state forests, the committee composed of the administrator and some of the technical staff were to examine the country and decide what parts needed reforestation. As a result of a very full report, in 1882, a reboisement law was enacted under which some of the sand dunes were fixed. In 1903, a more thorough organization of this work took place, which with liberal appropriations promises more rapid progress. The law recognizes two ways of placing private property under a forestry regime, namely obligatory and facultative or voluntary. Territory in the mountains and on sand dunes

may, if deemed by the Superior Agricultural Council, as requiring it from the point of view of public utility, be placed under the regime by royal decree, or else private owners may ask to have their properties so placed, either merely secure a police protection, obligating themselves to keep the property wooded, or working under a working plan or reforestation plan provided by the Forest Service. In either case, the owner is obliged to pay the guards, and at the of about two cents per acre for the working plans. Planting material is furnished free or at cost price, an exemption from taxes for 20 years is granted for reforested lands.

Expropriation of waste lands declared as of public interest is provided if owners object to enforced reforestation. Some 275,000 acres have so far been placed under the forestry regime. There are provisions for forestry, education in the School of Agriculture at Lisbon, or the education for the higher positions in the Forest Service may be secured at German or French forest schools, and some have secured it at Valambroza. End of Section 22.

Section 23 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. A brief history of forestry by Bernard, first. now. Great Britain and her colonies. Historical inquiries concerning forests and forest laws by Percival Lewis 1811 gives a full account of the practices in the old band forests. English forests and forest trees 1853 anonymous gives an interesting account of the old forests and their history.

Our forests in woodlands by John Nisbet, 1900, has a chapter on the historical development of forest laws. William Schlich, Manual of Forestry, Volume 1, 3rd edition, 1906, brings in convenient form an amount of conditions in various parts of the British Empire. Schwaback, Forslicious Zestander in England. Seychrift for Fust and Yachtwesan, 1903, is an account of forest conditions from the pen of a practical observer. B. Ribendrop, Forestry in India, 1900, also various reports of the forestry. forest departments of the various British colonies.

It is a remarkable fact that the nation which can boast of the most extensive forest department in one of her colonies has at home not yet been able to come to an intelligent conception even, not to speak of application, of proper forest policy or forest economy. One of the English authorities on the subject writes still in 1900, With so much land of poor quality lying uncultivated in many parts of the British Isles, the apathy shown toward forestry in Britain is one of the things that it is impossible to understand. If we should venture to seek for an explanation, we would find it in geographical and physical conditions, but still more in personal and political characteristics historically developed,

such as also in the United States, make progress of forestry slower than it would otherwise be. Due to her insular position, with which in part the development of her naval supremacy is connected, England can readily supply her needs by importations. Situated within the influence of the Gulf Stream, the climate is much milder than her northern location would indicate, and is in no respect excessive. The topography is most gentle, except in Scotland and Wales, and the river flow even all the year. Hence, the absence of forest cover has not been felt in its physical influences. Britons, Picts, Scots, Scandinavians, Anglo-Saxons, and Normans

are the elements which have amalgamated to make the English people. Through endless warfare and political struggle, the three countries, England, Scotland, and Ireland, had by the year 1600 come under one ruler, although final legislative union with Scotland did not take place until 1707, and with Ireland not until 1800. Theoretically, forming a constitutional monarchy, practically, an aristocracy with republican tendencies, the history of the islands has been a struggle.

First to establish race supremacy, then to secure the ascendancy of the nobility and landholders over the king and the commoners, in which the former have been more successful than the barons in other parts of Europe. Politically, the Englishman is an individualist, jealous of his private interests and unwilling to submit to government interference for the public welfare. Hence, state forestry, which is finally the only solution of the forestry problem,

appears objectionable. Commercial and industrial enterprise rather than economic development appeals to him. The practical issue of the day, rather than demands of a future, and systematic preparation for the same occupy his mind. He lacks, as Mr. Roseberry points out, scientific method, and hence is wasteful. Moreover, he is conservative and self-satisfied beyond the citizens of any other nation. Hence, if all the wisdom of the world point new ways, he will still cling to his accustomed

once. In the matter of having commissions appointed to investigate and report, and leaving things to continue in unsatisfactory condition, he reminds one of Spanish deletoriness. This would appear to us the reasons for the difficulty which the would-be reformers experience in bringing about economic reforms. 1. Forest conditions. Caesars and Strabo's descriptions agree that Great Britain was a densely wooded country.

The forest area seems to have been reduced much less through long-continued use than through destruction by fire and pasture, and by subsequent formation of moors, so that it is now, accepting that of Portugal, the smallest of any European nation in proportion to total area, and accepting that of Holland in proportion to population. Of the 121,380 square miles which Great Britain and Ireland represent, less than 4% or 3 million acres, 880,000 in Scotland, 303,000 in Ireland, are forested, one-fourteenth of an acre per capita.

But there are nearly 33% of wastelands, namely over 12 million acres of heaths, moors, and other waste lands capable of forest growth, and another 12 million acres, partly or doubtfully so, while the agricultural land and crops and pasture comprises about 48 million acres. The waste areas reforested, it is believed, could meet the consumption now supplied by importations.

Notably in Scotland, extensive heaths and moors of many hundred square miles in the northern highlands and the Grampian Mountains, well-wooded in olden times, the woods having been eradicated supposedly for strategic reasons, are now without farms or forests, and are mainly used for shooting preserves. In the last 30 years, the land under tillage has continuously decreased and now represents less than 25% of the whole land area grasslands occupying 38%. The agricultural land, as well as the mountain and heathlands, are to the largest extent owned by large proprietors.

In 1876, 11,000 persons owned 72% of the total area of the British Islands. With the exception of 67,000 acres of Crownlands, the entire forest area is owned privately, and that mostly by large, landed proprietors, there being no communal ownership, except that the municipality of London owns a forest area, Epping Forest, devoted to pleasure, and the Water Board of Liverpool has begun to plant some of its, catchman basins. Practically, the entire wood supply is imported and the rate of importation is rapidly increasing. While in 1864, it was 3.4 million tons, in 1892, 7.8 million tons worth 92 million dollars,

in 1890, 10 million tons and 125 million dollars. In 1902, it had grown to 138 million dollars, and in 1906 to 141 million, 7,000.1 million. 700 million cubic feet, in which 7.4 million of wood manufacturers, against which an export of 19 million mainly wood manufacturers must be offset. This makes England the largest wood importer in the world. Germany coming next, and the amount paid to other countries exceeds the value of her pig iron output. Nearly 90% of the import is coniferous material from Sweden, Russia, and Canada. The home product, mostly oak ties, mine props, etc., satisfies about one-sixth of the consumption. In addition to timber and lumber, over $10 million of wood pulp and $60 million of by-products are imported.

The total wood consumption per capita is between 12 and 14 cubic feet, half of what it was 50 years ago. Pine is the only native conifer of timber value, and oak is the most important native deciduous tree found mostly in copper. or in old, overmature, straggling pasture woods. Compact, larger forest areas are entirely absent, but there are many small plantations and parks. For, while Englishmen have not been foresters, they have been active tree planters, and the mild climate has permitted the introduction of many exotics,

especially American conifers. Most of these plantings have been for park and game purposes. The most noted forest plantations are found in Scotland, among them the large plantations of the Duke of Atoll begun in 1728 of at one time over 10,000 acres. The ducal woodlands now covering over 20,000 acres, the pinery of 25,000 acres belonging to the Countess of Sealfield, the best managed forest property, partly in natural regeneration, and others. But these plantations, too, are mostly widely spaced and trimmed, hence not producing timber of much value, so that timber of British production is usually ruled out by architects.

2. Development of forest policies. The Saxons and Normans were primarily hunters, and this propensity to the chase has impressed itself upon their forest treatment into modern times. The Teutonic Saxons undoubtedly brought with them the feudal and communal institutions of the Germans, under which territory for the King's special pleasure in the chase was set aside. as forest. And this exclusive right in privilege was on other territory extended to the vassals, while the commoners were excluded from the exercise of hunting privileges on these grounds. The Normans not only increased the lands under ban, but they increased also in a despotic manner

the penalties and punishments for infraction of the forest laws, and enforced them more stringently than was done on the continent. The feudal system was developed to its utmost. Besides forest, in which the king alone had exclusive rights, and in which a code of special laws administered under special courts was applied, there were set aside chases, hunting reserves without the pale of the forest laws, parks, smaller enclosed hunting grounds, and warrens, privileged by royal grant or prescription as preserves for small game.

Whole villages were wiped out, or lived almost in bondage to satisfy this taste for sport. In the forests of which in Elizabeth's time not less than 75 distinct ones were enumerated, withdrawing an immense area from free use, both vert and venison, wood in game, belonged to the king, a host of officers, stewards, verterers, foresters, regarders, agisters, woodwards, exercised police duties, and oppressed and ground the people by extortions, while special courts. Wood moat, swain moat, Court of justice seat enforced these savage and cruel laws.

The first of these laws was supposed to date from Canute the Great in 1016, but was eventually found to be a forgery perpetrated by William I in order to lend historical color to his assertion of forest rights. A partial reduction of forests and a modification of the cruelty and unreasonableness of the laws was obtained by the Charter de Foresta in 1225, which formulated the laws into a code, and again by the Forest Ordinance of 1306. But not until 1483, under Edward IV, were the people living within forests permitted to cut and sell timber, and to fence in for seven years portions of the reserve territory.

The last territory was aforested, in other words, withdrawn for purposes of the chase, under Henry VIII, but he had to secure the consent of the freeholders. The long Parliament in 1641 stopped at least the extension of forests and modified the application of the laws to a more reasonable degree. The forest laws are still on the statutes, but have fallen into desistuit. The last Forest Court of Justice seat was held under Charles I. The forests themselves have also almost entirely vanished, some being abolished as late as Queen Victoria's time by Act of Parliament. but the last action under the forest laws was had in 1862 when the Duke of Etol tried to establish his right as forester for the crown. A full account of the forest laws is contained in Manwood's volume, title page of which is here reproduced.

A treatise of the laws of the forest, wherein is declared not only those laws as they are now in force, but also the original and beginning of forests. and what a forest is in his own proper nature, and wherein the same doth differ from a chase, a park, or a warren, with all such things as are incident or belonging therein too, with their swirl proper terms of art. Also, a treatise of the Puehallae, declaring what Puehle is, how the same fast began, what a Puehle man may do,

how he may hunt and use his own Puele, how far he may pursue and follow after his chase, together with the limits and bounds as well of the forest as the Puyallé. Collected as well out of the common laws and statutes of this land, as also out of sundry learned ancient authors, and out of the Assisi's of Pickering in Lancaster by Ian Manwood, whereunto are added the statutes of the forest, a treatise of the swirl officers of verdurers, garters and foresters, and courts of attachments, swanimote and justice seat of the forest, and certain principal cases, judgments and entries of the Assisi's of Pickering and Lancaster, never heretofore printed for the public. London printed for the Society of Stationers Anodominum 1615, cum Prioleggio.

In Scotland, the same usages and laws existed, only very much less rigorously enforced, until in 1681 the extension of forests was discontinued by parliamentary act. It will be understood that the term forest did not only distantly refer to woodland, and that no economic policy had anything to do with the laws. Only, incidentally, was forest growth protected and preserved for the sake of the chase, the same medieval policy which still largely animates the forest policy of the state of New York. The woods outside the forest, which had mainly served for the raising of hogs and for domestic needs,

experienced at various times unusual reduction by fire. General Monk, among others, laid waste large areas on the Scottish borderland in Cromwell's time. The first serious inroads by extensive fellings occurred under Edward III in the first half of the 14th century to enrich the treasury for the French wars. Again, Henry VIII in the 16th century when he seized the church properties for his own use,

turned them into cash. A hundred years later, James, the 4th,000, First reduced the forest area, especially in Ireland, by his colonization schemes. Yet both Henry V and James I are on record as encouraging forest planting for utility. Charles I, James' successor, always in need of cash, alienated many of the crown forests and turned them into cash, besides extorting money through the forest courts. During the revolution, beginning in 1642 and during Cromwell's reign, a licentious devastation of the confiscated or mortgage nobleman's woods took place.

Finally, under Charles II, the needs for the Royal Navy forced attention to the reduction of wood supplies, and as a result of the agitation to encourage the growth of timber, a member of the newly formed Royal Society was deputed to prepare an essay, which published in 1662 has become the classic work of English forest literature, namely John Evelyn's Silva, or a discourse of forest trees, which has experienced 11 editions. It should, however, be mentioned that an earlier writer, whom Evelyn often quotes, tougher,

before the reign of Elizabeth in 1526, published his 500 points of husbandry, a versification in which tree planting received attention. Ever since that time, periodically and spasmodically, the question of forestry has been agitated, without much serious result. from 1775 to 1781, the Society of Arts in London offered gold medals in prizes for tree planting, and in the beginning of the 19th century a revival of arborecultural interest was experienced,

perhaps as a result of an interesting report by the celebrated Admiral Nelson on the mismanagement of the Forest of Dean, concern for naval timber giving the incentive, in which he recommended the planting of oak for investment. At that time, a surveyor general with an insufficient force was in charge of the Crown for us. In 1809, the management was placed under a board of three commissioners, one of whom being a member of the parliament was to be changed with the administration. Under this management, the graft became so rampant that in 1848, a committee of the House of Commons was appointed, whose report revealed the most astonishing rottenness, placing a stigma on government management such as we still on cover in the United States from time to time. A reorganization took place in 1851.

At that time, the Royal Forests and Parks reduced an extent to about 200,000 acres, showed a deficiency of $125,000, mostly, to be sure, occasioned by the parks. There was then still a tribute of some 600 bucks to be delivered to various personages, as was the ancient usage. At present, there are some 115,000-eastern-eastern-a-eastern. acres classed as royal forest, but only 67,000 acres are really forest, consisting of more or less mismanaged woods under the administration, not forest management, of the commissioners of woods and forests with deputy surveyors in charge of the ranges. Although there are a few notable

exceptions in the management, it is to be noted that the same stupid ignorance which introduced the clause into the constitution of the state of New York was enacted into law in 1877 by the English Parliament, forbidding in the new forest all cutting and planting. In 1900, there existed just one planting plan made by the professional forester, namely for a portion of the Forest of Dean, while now only two other state properties, or two or three private estates, are managed under working plans. In 1887, a committee appointed to inquire into the administration of this property expressed itself most dissatisfied, but a committee of parliament. in 1890, whitewashed the administration and reported that the management was satisfactory.

These committees, as well as an earlier one in 1885, were also able to recommend measures for the advancement of forestry. They laid in their recommendations the main stress upon education, but no action followed. And it can be said that the government has never done anything for the advancement of forestry in the home country, whatever it may have done for the dependencies. A departmental committee again reported in 1902 with all sorts of recommendations which have remained unheeded. The interests of forestry as far as the government is concerned are at present committed to the Board of Agriculture, an unwieldly body created in 1889, from which this departmental committee was appointed. There is now, however, a strong movement on foot, led by

foresters returned from India, to commit the government to some action with reference to the wastelands and towards providing for educational means. Another committee, appointed in 1908 to inquire into prospects of aforestation in Ireland, reported in favor of acquiring 300,000 acres of wood and 700,000 acres of unplanted land, dwelling especially on the benefit to be secured by providing employment and a check upon immigration of the rural population. Instead of acting upon this proposition, the government redirected the Royal Commission on Coast erosion, which had issued its first report in 1907, to suspend its inquiry into the inroads of the sea

and apply themselves to the inquiry as to whether in connection with unclaimed lands or otherwise it is desirable to make an experiment in aforestation as a means of increasing employment during periods of depression and how and by whom such experiment should be conducted. In 1909, the Royal Commission on Aforestation and Coast erosion reported at length, proposing the reforestation by a special commission of 9 million acres of wasteland at a rate of 75,000 or 150,000 acres a year to be acquired by purchase, an elaborate plan which so far has remained without result.

The government, although various committees have recommended it, has remained also callous in respect to educational policy. Except that in 1904, the commissioners of Woods and Forest instituted a school, one instructing. and the Forest of Dean for the education of woodsmen and foremen. As illustrative of the government's peculiar attitude to forest policy in general, we may note a curious anachronism, namely the act of 1894, which relieves railway companies from liability for damage from locomotive fires if they can prove that they have exercised all care, although traction engines cannot offer this excuse. The first attempt to secure educational facilities dates to 1884 when a chair of forestry was established in the Royal Engineering College at Cooper's Hill, an institution designed to prepare for service in India purely.

Through private subscriptions and other chair of forestry was instituted in 1887 at the University of Edinburgh and several agricultural colleges, noticeably that of Syrinchester, as well as the universities of Cambridge and Oxford, had made provisions for teaching the subject in a way, but outside of Cooper's Hill, no adequate education in forestry was obtainable in Great Britain until 1905. In 1905, the Forest Department in Cooper's Hill was transferred to Oxford, the three years course, one year to be spent in the forests of Germany or other countries, being as before designed mainly for aspirants to the Indian Forest Service. Now, besides Oxford, some nine other institutions offer courses in forestry, the reason for this educational development being difficult to imagine.

The name of Sir William Schlich, a German forester, and for some time the head of the Indian Forest Department now in charge of this school, is most prominently connected with the reform movement. Altogether, forest management and silvicultural practice are still nearly unknown in England, and until within a few years the useful idea of working plans had not yet penetrated the minds of owners of estates. This apathy is no doubt in part due to the fact that the government is in the hands of the nobility who prefer to keep their shooting ranges and do not see even a financial advantage from turning them into forest

as long as they can derive a rent of from 10 to 40 cents per acre for shooting privileges. Private endeavor has been active through the two arborecultural societies, the Royal Scotch founded in 1854 and the Royal English beginning its labors in 1880s. The transactions of these societies in annual or occasional volumes represented the current magazine literature on forestry since the monthly Journal of Forestry and Estates Management, which began its career in London in 1777, transferred to Edinburgh in 1884, ceased to exist in 1885. At present, a very well-conducted quarterly Journal of Forestry started in 1907 by the Royal English Arboricultural Society, replacing its transaction.

and that of the Irish Forestry Association, also the Journal of the Board of Agriculture, occasionally supply the needs of the continuously improving chances for development on forestry lines. Until within a short time, the English professional book literature has been extremely meager, although a considerable propagandist or agricultural and general magazine literature exists. Schlish, Manual of Forestry, first in three volumes published from 1889 to 1895, now in its second to fourth edition, enlarged to five volumes is the most comprehensive publication. Another author deserving mention is John Nisbitt known for his

Studies in Forestry, 1894, who also engrafted continental silvicultural notions into later editions of James Brown's The Forester, an encyclopedic work of merit. Several German and French works have been translated into English, notably K.g.e. The Forst Benutzen, R. Hess, Der Forstchuts, and here first, Waldschutz.

John Crumbie Brown's 16 volumes on forests and forestry in various countries may be mentioned among the propagandist literature. The Arboricultural Societies mentioned also make a brave effort to advance professional development of forestry in their publications. End of Section 23, recording by John Van Stan, Savannah, Georgia. Section 24 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Librivox recording. All Librivox recordings are in the public domain.

For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Shishong Jekmola. A brief history of forestry by Bernhard Ferneau, Great Britain and her colonies, India. While so neglected of her forest interests at home, Great Britain has developed in her possessions in the East Indies a far-seeing policy, and, under the lead of German influence, has established they're one of the largest, if not most efficient, for its departments in the world. Contrary to a frequently expressed idea, that the conditions and problems of India are

comparable to the conditions and problems of the United States, so that the example of Great Britain in India, rather than that of any European country might serve us in the United States, the writer thinks that the very opposite is true. Not only are the natural conditions for the most part different, India being mainly tropical with an entirely different flora and different conditions of growth, but industrial, cultural, social and political conditions are also entirely different, all of which entails difference in methods of procedure. There are, to be sure, a few points of similarity. The last size of country under one government and that in the hands of an English-speaking race. The fact that the

fires coverage airs with us, but from different reasons, is still the greatest problem. That there are arid regions and deserts, not over 10%, and irrigation problems and flood dangers to deal with. And finally, the long delay in establishing a definite forest policy. Although this policy was inaugurated over 40 years ago, India has not yet, and well by the nature, of things not soon pass out of the first stage of development which we may confidently expect to pass through much more rapidly due to the conditions in which we resemble Europe more closely. The greater part of India, namely 62% of the 1,773,000 square miles is under British administration and is peopled by a subject race of nearly to 40 million, without a voice in their government,

which is carried on by a small handful of the conquerors. About 100,000 Englishmen are living in India, while the balance, around 700,000 square miles with 53 million people, is divided among a large number of more or less independent native states, very different in their civilization from ours. Industrily, the difference will appear from the statement that about 70% of the population is engaged in agricultural pursuits, Hence, there is no active wood market as with us, except for domestic purposes, and as the

woods, like those of the most tropical forest, are mainly cabinet words. Even the export trade is insignificant, amounting to hardly $3 million, while minor forest products, lack, kutch, and Gambia, Myrobellin, and Kouchoch, etc., represent about $12 million. Climatically, as is to be expected. On such a large territory, great variation exists, which is increased by differences in altitude from the sea level to the tops of the Himalayas. The climate is, of course, largely tropical, with a rainfall which varies from the heaviest known of 600 inches to almost none at all. Nevertheless, in spite of these differences from our condition, much may be learned from Indian experience in the matter of organization, both to follow and to avoid, and the fact that this can be

without the need of a foreign language will be attractive to most Americans. The British, like other nations, gained a foothold in India for trading purposes during the 17th century. This they extended during the 18th century, especially after they had attained the ascendancy by Clive's subjection in 1757, of the great Mughal, one of the most powerful native princess. By conquest and amicable arrangement, the territory of British influence was gradually increased, through the Agency of the East India Company until in 1858, the British government in India was formally established by royal proclamation and in 1877 it was declared an empire. As stated, Native Prince is still control under British influence and restrictions over one third

of the country, or a territory of nearly 700,000 square miles divided into 13 feudatory states. The total area under direct British control and government is 1,087,000 square miles, of which 25%, which is 280,000 square miles, is probably forested and waste, some 232,000 square miles or nearly 150 million acres of which are so far declared government property. The British territory is divided into three presidencies, Madras, Bombay and Bengal, and nine provinces, each with a separate government under a governor or commissioner, with a council, and all subject to control by the resident, Governor-General or Weiseroy, and his council, and he in turn is responsible to the Secretary of State at home. There is, however, little centralisation of government function, the provincial governments being, to a large degree, at least semi-autonomous, like the states in the United States, and considerable variation

exists in the conduct of affairs. The difficult, in introducing something like a uniform forest policy were, indeed, not small, and much credit is due to the wisdom and tact of the three German foresters, who in succession filled the difficult position of head of the Imperial Forest Department and organized the service, Brandes, Schlich, and Ribbentrop. 1. Forest conditions In the tropics, rainfall conditions more than any other factor, determine forest conditions. The rains of India depend on extraordinary sea winds or monsoons, and the distribution is regulated

by the topography of land and relative position of any district with regard to the mountains and the vapor-laden air currents. The successive rainfall characterizes the coastline along the Arabian Sea to about latitude 20 degrees north, and still more along the coast of Lower Burma, and to a lesser extent also the delta of the Ganges and the southern slopes of the Himalayas. A moderately humid climate, if caugged by annual rainfall, prevails over the Plateau, occupying the larger part of the peninsula and the lower Genghis Valley, while a rainfall of less than 15 inches occur over the arid regions of the lower Indus. The rainfall so unevenly distributed territorially is, moreover,

as unevenly distributed through the year. In most districts, the principal rains are experienced in summer the rainy seasons being followed by a long dry season but on the eastern coast the summer rains are slight and the principal rainy season is delayed into October and November while in northern India and the Himalias also winter rains occur irregular and of short duration even where a relatively large rainfall prevails the climate is dry on account of the high temperature hence some 30 million acres of the cultivated acreage, which comprises 225 million acres in all, depend on irrigation over half of this irrigated area lying in the tropical zone. Roughly speaking, at least four climatic zones with

many subtypes may be recognized. The truly tropic, intensely hot and wet, over 75-inch rainfall, prevailing on the plains and tablelands of the lower half of the peninsula, the hot and dry, below 15 inch rainfall, climate of the northwestern Indus Plain and Plateau, the moderately warm and dry to humid, 30 to 75 inch rainfall, climate of the Gangus Plain and Central Plateau, and the temperate to alpine humid climate of the Himalya Mountain, with snow and ice in winter, and moderate heat in summer. In keeping with this great diversity of climate, both as to temperature and humidity, there is a great variation in the character and the development of the forest cover. At least six types can be recognized, namely the evergreen forest, found along the west coast,

in Burma, Undaman Islands, and the sub-Himalia zone, which is composed of broad-leaved species with a dense undergrowth of small trees and tangled lianas, vines. But few shrubs as is characteristic of most tropical forest, the deciduous forest, mainly in the interior of central India, with sal, teak, and iron-word as characteristic trees. The arid regioned forest found in the Punjab, in Raipotana and in Sindh, of varying composition from the open shrub forests of the latter province composed of Achaikyas, Tamarisk and Mesquite, to the denser more diversified dry, low tree forest of the former, the alpine coniferous forest of the Himalayas and of the mountains of Afghanistan, Baluchistan, and Burma,

composed of pine, deodor, juniper, with oak, walnut, boxwood, approaching our own forest types. In addition, there may be segregated the coast forest of small extent, composed of trees which, like the mangrove, will bear salt water, the overflow forest along rivers and river forests in the desert regions of which latter large areas exist. The natural differences in the forest cover are emphasized by the action of man, who, for many centuries has waged war against the forest, clearing it permanently or temporarily, for agriculture purposes, or else merely burning it over to improve grazing facilities, or for purposes of the chase. Statistics, except of government properties, are somewhat doubtful.

Apparently, the forested area of the whole of India comprises somewhat over 40% of the land area. The government forests, settled and unsettled, represent at present about 24% of the area, under British rule, 149 million acres, not over 20%, being under cultivation, leaving about 56% either natural desert, waste, or grazing lands. The great forests of India are in Burma, extensive woodcloth, the foothills of the Himalayas, and are scattered in smaller bodies throughout the more humid portions of the countries, while the dry northwestern territories are practically treeless wastes. Large areas of densely settled districts are so completely void of forests that millions of people regularly burn cow dung as fuel,

while equally large districts are still impenetrable, while woods wear, for want of market, it hardly pays to cut even the best of timbers. The great mass of forests in India are stocked with hardwoods, which in these tropical countries are largely evergreen, or nearly so, although the large areas of dry forest are deciduous by seasons, Only a small portion of the forest area is covered by conifers, both pine and cedar. These pine forests being generally restricted to higher altitudes in the Himalayas. The hardwoods, most of which in India truly deserve this name, belong to a great variety of plant families.

Some of the most important being leguminose, verbanese, diphtherocarpae, combretaceae, rubyaceae, ebinaceae, euphorbia se, Martase and others, and a relatively small portion represented by cupolaferi and other families familiar to us. The most important valuable species are teak, sal and diodar. In the greater part of India, the hardwood forest consists not of a few species as with us, but is made up like most tropical forest of a great variety of trees, unlike in their habit, their growth and their product. and, if a hardwoods offered on this account considerable difficulties to profitable exploitation, the case is far more complicated in India, several thousand species entering into the composition.

In addition to the large variety of timber trees, there is a multitude of shrubs, twining, and climbing plants, and, in many forest districts, also a growth of giant grasses, bamboos, attaining a height of 30 to 120 feet, which is ready to take possession of clearings. These bamboos, valuable as they are in many ways, prevent often for years the growth of any seedling trees and thus form a serious obstacle to the regeneration of the valuable timber. The growth of timber is generally quite rapid, although to attain commercial size, Teak requires usually a rotation of 150 years. But in spite of their rapid growth and the large areas now in forests capable of reforestation,

India is not likely, at least within reasonable time, to raise more timber, than it needs. In most parts of India, the use of ordinary soft words such as pine seems very restricted. For only durable words, those resisting both fungi and insects, of which the white ants are especially destructive, can be employed in the more permanent structures and are therefore acceptable in all Indian markets. At present, teak is the most important hard word timber, while the Diodar, a true cedar, is the most extensively used conifer. Teak occurs in all moist regions of except the Himalayas, grows usually mixed with other kinds, single or in clums, its girdled two or three years before felling, is generally locked in a primitive way, commonly hewn in the

woods and shipped usually floated as timber, round or hewn and rarely sawn in size. In 1905 to 1906, the cut in the state forest area was 240 million cubic feet timber, 25 percent, and fuel, of which 20% was given to grantees or those holding rights of user free of charge, and less than 2% was exported. In addition, over 200 million bamboos and nearly $2 million worth of byproducts such as Lack, Couch, Couch, Cambier, Miter Balance were secured. 2. Property Conditions Prior to the British occupation, the native rulers or Rajas laid claim to a certain proportion of the produce from all cultivators of the soil. They also reserved absolute right

to the forests and to all unseated or wastelands, although usually the people were allowed to supply their needs from these. The English government, by right of conquest, fell higher to these rights as well as to the properties, but without care in asserting its rights, the unimpeded use of unguarded forest property led to the assertion of rights of user by the people, and search who are also sometimes granted by the government. Joint village, communities in some parts, that is, settlements which occupy contiguous areas, claimed and occupied large areas of forest and waste as commons, and in general, the original property rights of the government became uncertain. The necessity of bringing order into this question led to various so-called settlements

by which the rights were defined, properties delimited and payment in kind changed into cash payments. After attempts to regulate these matters by local rulers, the first General Indian Forest Act, passed in 1865, modified by the Forest Act of 1878, laid down the basis upon which the rights of forest property were to be settled. These acts divide the forests into three classes, namely those in which the right of the state is absolute, those in which the state has property rights, but which are burdened with prescriptive or granted rights of user and those which are private property, but on which the state reserves the right to cut certain kinds of tree for government use, teak, sandalwood, and in some parts, Diodar, these being considered royal

trees. The Forest Act being throughout applicable only at the choice and under the construction of the provincial governments, modified acts applicable to different parts of the empire and different in details were passed from time to time and many different local rules were issued by the provincial governments, but all agree in fixing one definite policy, namely declaration or demarcation of government forests, after inquiry into all existing rights, and division of the declared government forests into three classes, reserves, or permanent state forests, protected forests and unclassed, the latter two still open to change in ownership, and adjustment

in rights of user, etc. The absolute and relative areas of government property, therefore, are continuously changing. In 1900, the reserve forests comprised 81,400 square miles or 8.6% of the total territory controlled by the British government, the protected forest 8800 square miles and the demarcated but unclassified area, 117,000 square miles. These figures had, in 1904, changed to 91,567 for permanent reserves, 58 million acres, 9,865 for protected, and 131,269 for unclassed, showing the rapid change now taking place in the status of classification. The name of B.H. Baden Powell, at one time, conservator of the Punjab and acting inspector general of forests during 1872 to 1874, is closely connected with placing this forest legislation on a sound basis. The object of this legislation was mainly to settle the question of ownership and rights.

Hence, reserved forests are not necessarily set aside for forest purposes like the forest reservations in the United States, although ultimately this will probably be their condition. Rights of uses were under this legislation regulated or commuted. In some parts, even on the reserved forest areas, there are still retained rights to cut tonguas, i.e. to make partial clearings for temporary agricultural use under the restriction of not destroying teak trees over 18 inches in diameter, and with the right of the cultivators to supply their domestic needs under obligation to cut out fire traces, burning the brush, and, instituting similar protective measures. The title to the forest property having been secured, its permanent demarcation and a survey of the same were the next steps, the first having gradually been nearly accomplished, the latter being still far in areas. The area of private and communal forests is not precisely known,

but, including wasteland and lands of uncertain conditions, there are at least 500,000 square miles so owned, including those of feudatory rulers within the provinces. Of these, some 500 square miles or more of forest are leased to the government and under its control, and in some cases forest administrators are instituted by the Rajas themselves. In the Act of 1878, there was a clause calling for protection of private forest property against trespass and encroachment, but this remained a dead letter. By later legislation, the government is entitled to exercise control over private forests and lands if it appears necessary for the public wheel or if the treatment which such forests have received from their owners affect the public welfare or safety injuriously. But in such cases, the owner can require the government to expropriate the land in question.

The Forest Act also provided that the government may assign to village communities from the reserve forest area, so-called village forests and make rules for their protection, use and management. How far this policy has been applied does not appear. There are still areas the ownership of which is not settled, and rights which are still in doubt, the work of the so-called forest settlements still going on several thousand square miles being annually changed in status and several thousand dollars annually spent to quiet rights of user. 3. Development of Forest Policy Through the long history of India that preceded the arrival of the Mohammedans in the 10th to 12th centuries,

it appears that the forest area was only slowly encroached upon by the Hindu civilization. Even when the invaders, no mass by habit, drove many of the native race into the jungle to ache out a precarious existence owing to the remarkable recuperative powers of a tropical nature, the impression made was not permanent. Although much forest growth was then destroyed, cleared or mutilated, changes took place only slowly. It has been claimed that in consequence of the destruction which was incident to the nomadic life of the Mohammedans and the shifting agriculture of the aborigines, climatic changes were produced, but the proof of this assertion has remained questionable. When in the 18th century the British entered India in rivalry with the French and other European nations,

It was, of course, only for purposes of exploitation, and for a long time after the British had attained the ascendancy and had subjected most of the territory now ruled by them, not much concern was had about the forests. They furnished but small values, excepting in one particular, namely supplies of teak for naval purposes. In the beginning of the 19th century, the government became concerned regarding these supplies, which under the rough exploitation, threatened to become exhausted. The first step towards securing some conservative management dates back to 1806 when Captain Watson was sent to India as conservator of forests to look after the interests of the East India Company in this direction. His inability to compromise with those who had secured timber privileges led to his removal and an abandonment of the office in 1823. Ineffective, sporadic efforts at administration by the provincial government

then followed. In 1839 to 1840, the government of the Bombay Presidency stopped the cutting of teak trees on government property. In 1834, M. Connolly, collector of Malabar in the Madras Presidency, began to plant teak on a large scale at Nilembur. In 1847, Dr. Gibson was appointed conservator of forests in Bombay, from 1848 to 1856, lieutenant, now general C.S.I. James Michael conducted the government timber operations in the anomaly forests, Madras, and made the first recorded attempts to protect Indian forests from injury by annual jungle fires. In 1856, Dr. Hugh Clegghorn was appointed conservator of forests in Madras. He checked the destructive practices of temporary cultivation in the government forests of that presidency,

a measure which at first was strongly opposed by the people, But his well-known desire to promote native interests inspired the rulers of the country with confidence, and finally, his measures were successful. Various attempts at some kind of regulation of the exploitation by lumbermen were also made by the general government after various examinations and reports, and in 1847, even a small and ineffective forest department was organized. The annexation of the province of Pagu in the Lower Burma in 1852 introduced a new complication and proved the turning point in forestry matters. In this province, the right

to cut teak had been reserved by the native princes and hence became a right of the crown, but private lumbermen began to cut this timber, and after an investigation and report, it was decided to take definite steps to regulate the use of these valuable teak forests at least. Lord Dalhousie, the then-governor-general, upon the basis of the report of the superintendent of forests at Pegu, Dr. McLeeland, in 1855, laid down in statements like manner an outline of a permanent forest policy for the government and introduced the first professional advisor. In 1856, a German forester from Hesse, Dietrich Brandes, afterward, Sir, was installed as superintendent of forests for Pegu with white powers under contract for 10 years, at a liberal

salary and pension after retirement. The only possible check that could at first be applied was to force the lumberman to make contracts, limit the diameter to which the exploitation was to be allowed, and mark the trees to be filled. This was done, naturally not without a large amount of friction. The result of this experiment in Forest Conservancy, as the English are pleased to call it, was so satisfactory that, in 1862 it was decided to organize a forest department for all India, Brandeis was interested with the organization, and in 1864, he was appointed head of the new department under the Secretary of Public Works with the title of Inspector General, acting as advisor of the various provincial governments. The Forest of India during the next 20 years, during which Brandes held office, were, province by province, brought under the resume of the Imperial Forest Department, although the provincial governments retained full and independent administrative powers. The first problem was to settle ownership conditions, which was done in the manner described before by the Act of 1865 and by later acts.

The discontent which was created by this act came very near wrecking the whole enterprise, and much difference of opinion between the local and general governments existed, the government of Madras going so far as to declare the impossibility of establishing state property in view of the acknowledged rights of the villages over waste lands. The general policy, however, finally prevailed, and an increasingly harmonious cooperation of the provincial governments has allowed the development of an efficient forest service. Various provincial legislation was considered, passed and repeated until in 1878, the Indian Forest Act 7 settled the policy at least for the majority of the provinces, Madras and Burma and some minor districts still declining to extend its provisions to their forests. The Burma government enacted, however, similar legislation in 1881 and Tamadras government in 1982, and much later, the other outstanding governments followed, 1886 to 1891, so that, while the detail of application varies not inconsiderably, the general policy regarding forest property of the state is the same throughout the empire. Whatever of uniformity exists had to be secured mainly by persuasive means. The forest acts, as stated on a previous paper,

contains certain provisions regarding formation of village forests and control of private forest property, but no interference with private forest property has been attempted, although in some parts this is more important and larger than the state holdings. Most of the owners merely exploit their property, but some of the larger, more enlightened, native princes have established forest administrations, imitating the example of the imperial government. Those of Mysur and Kashmir and Hyderabad have placed this administration under an imperial forest officer for log for this purpose and derived handsome revenues. The Kashmir forests of about 2,500 square miles yielding around $180,000, those of Mysur near 2,000 square miles over $330,000. This largely derived from sales of sandalwood,

those of the Nizam of Hyderabad, with 5,200 square miles in reserves and 4,400 in protective forests, deriving a revenue of $75,000, seven times the vote it was 10 years before. 4. Forest Organization and Administration The condition of affairs in the Forest Department can briefly be summarized as follows for the year 1909. Total area under government control, 241,000. 7774 square miles, namely, it reserved 94,561, protected, 8,835, unclassed, 138,378. Officials, in 1905, higher grades, 312, lower grades, 1663, guards, 8,5133. The controlling staff was in 1909 increased by 34, a number in all other grades increased.

Rounded off expenditure. $4,500,000 revenues, $8,225,000. Net proceeds, $3,675,000, 45% of growth. Variation in the value of the rupee makes comparison with earlier years uncertain. In spite of the many difficulties, a poor market, no market at all for a large number of foods, wild, unsurveyed and practically unknown woodlands, requiring unusual and costly methods of organization and protection, the forestry department has succeeded without curtailing the timber output of India, in so regulating forest exploitation as to ensure not only a permanence in the output, but also to improve the woodlands by favouring the valuable species. It has prepared for an increase of output for the future and at the same time has yielded the government a steadily growing revenue, which bids fare to rank before long among the important sources of income. In 1865, the net revenue was only $360,000, it had about doubled by 1875, and more than tripled by 1885, and since then has more than quadrupled.

While in the period of 1870 to 1874, the expense, of the administration was still 70% of the gross income, it has gradually been reduced to near 45%, while the outrun in material has in the last five years increased by 35% over the preceding quenquinium. At first, the department and its operations as well as its finances were imperial. The local governments having no control over its officers or over the revenue derived, but in 1882, decentralization was affected. The local governments obtaining a direct interest in the revenues. As a result, the financial interest overruled the conservative policy and overcutting was the consequence. In 1884, the general government recognized the need

of a change. After some struggle, the imperial department was placed at least in charge of preparing the working plans and pressure for their execution if not direct enforcement can be brought through appeal to the general government by the inspector general, which, however, has never been necessary to use. The organization of the Forest Service passed through various stages and arrangement in the different provinces is even now not quite uniform. The Forest Service then is peculiarly organized as regards division of responsibilities and relationships between the Imperial and the provincial governments, the autonomy of the latter being giliously guarded. It is divided into the Imperial and the Provincial Service, the former consisting of the higher-grade officials entirely

recruited from England, the latter, the Executor Service, being in administrative functions independent of the former. An Inspector General, directly under the Secretary of Revenue in Agriculture, for some time under the Home Department, is the head of the service, and acts as professional advisor both of the Imperial and the provincial governments. But this head of the service is shorn of most of executive functions, all administrative matters being reserved to the provincial authorities. The Inspector General has charged only of the Forest School Administration, of Forest Surveys, and of the making of working plans which later, after approval by the provincial government, are in their execution inspected and critically supervised by him, but without power to enforce them

or to give direction directly to the conservators in charge, at least in Madras and Burma. He also watches over in reports on the progress of all forestry matters in the empire. Peculiarities and great variety are also found in other official relations and in the appointing power, the general and provincial governments exercising certain rights in this respect. The controlling staff, 57 officers in 1869, now about 300, under the Inspector General, consists of conservators, deputy conservators and assistant conservators. The Conservators, now some 20, so far as they are not directly acting as assistance in the Inspector General's office, are the heads of the provincial departments and conservatorships,

and, in that capacity, directly subordinate to the local government, which in Madras and Bombay also has their appointment. Each is in charge either of the entire forest business of the province, or of a circle forming part of a province and the administration unit in India. These are, therefore, the most influential and most responsible agents in introducing forestry practices. Conservatorships are divided into divisions, each in charge of a divisional forest officer, a member of either the imperial or the provincial controlling staff. But these have to acknowledge subordination to the chief civil officer,

the collector of the district in which they are located in order to harmonize the financial and forestral interests. About 80% of the controlling staff in the Imperial Service are appointed by the Secretary of State from graduates formerly from the Forest School at Cooper's Hill College, now Oxford, the remaining 20%, from Englishmen in the Provincial Service, the member of which have passed through the Dehradun Forest School and through the lower branches of the service. In addition to the superior staff, a subordinate staff of extra deputy conservators and extra assistant conservators form the provincial service, which is mainly recruited from the natives. The districts are divided into ranges, for which in executive service is organized of rangers, over 400 who are now selected from graduates of the forest school in Dehra Dhan. Deputy Rangers and foresters are lower grade, some 1,700 and guards having their separated. beats over 8,500 formed the protective service, mostly or all recruited from the better class of natives. 5. Forest treatment. With the irregular distribution of forests, the peculiarities of Indian government affairs and population, and the wild and difficult forest conditions themselves,

it is but natural that the work thus far has been chiefly one of organization, survey and protection. In the protection against unlawful felling or timber stealing and grazing, the government of India has shown itself fully equal to the occasion by a liberal policy of supplying villages in proximity of the forests with fuel, building materials, pasture, etc, at reduced prices or gratis. Over $1,500,000 worth is thus disposed of annually the incentive to timber stealing being thereby materially reduced. A reasonable and just permit system for grazing, where again the needs of the neighboring villages are most carefully considered, not only brings the government a yearly revenue of over $800,000, but enables the people to pasture about 14 million head of animals in the state forests without doing any material damage to tree growth. 31% of the total forest area is open to grazing. The work of preventing and fighting fires can, with the means available, not be carried on over the entire forest area, of which large tracks are not even crossed by a footpath, and in a land where the regular firing of the words has become the custom of centuries,

and where, in addition, intensely hot and dry weather, together with a most luxuriant growth of giant grasses, render these jungle fires practically unmanageable. Each year, however, additional territory is brought under protection. In 1902, nearly 37,000 square miles or nearly 40% of the area and reserve, but only 12% of the total government forest area, were under protection at a cost of $4 per square mile or less than 1% per acre, half of what it was 10 years before and over 2% of the gross revenue. Nearly 5,000 fires occurred, to be sure, which burnt over 3 million acres, that is to say, over 90% of the area the protection was effective. For nearly half the fires, the cause remains unknown.

Danger from fire has, however, become less in protected areas because of the changes in herbage and moisture conditions. Yet it costs still about 2% of the gross revenue to protect the area, and the figures just cited. shows that this expenditure is only partially effective. In 1909, the protected area has increased to 43,000 square miles, the cost to $5, the efficiency to 94%. The first successful attempt to deal with forest fires were made in 1864 by Major, later colonel G.F. Pearson, who was then conservator of forests in the central provinces,

and who devised a system of clearing fire lines or fire traces, surrounding the areas to be protected which were cut and burnt over early in the season, a system now in vogue in all India. In the jungle forests, the traces must be brought. The grass often taller than an elephant must be cut and burned before the grass on either side of the fire lane is dry enough to burn. This protection forms the most important duty of the forest officials, A trying one as it has to be carried on during the hot season.

A separate branch of the forest service carried on the work of surveying and mapping the forest area instead of the regular survey of India, with the result of cheapening the cost. Some 74,000 square miles had been mapped on the scale of 4 inch to the mile, the standard, some smaller areas on smaller scale at the rate of $25 per square mile. In 1908, however, this work was handed over to the survey. Silviculture. Silviculture practices are naturally but little developed. Protection against fire, grazing, overcutting has been the first requisite. The unregulated selection system with a diameter limit, which Brandes introduced, still prevails mostly, although beginnings of a compartment and group system in converting miscarried selection forest of Diodar, pine, and

cell have been made or rather of an improved selection method which seeks to secure reproduction in groups. Clear cutting with seed trees held over is practiced in the coniferous mountain forest. Copus and copis with standards, reserves of sprouts, is a natural condition over large areas, especially with teak and sal. Even improvements cuttings or sewing on barren hillsides with remarkable success are not absent. The attempts at securing reproduction, especially in the truly tropic forests, have often miscarried, inferior species filling the openings. Girdling of inferior species to favour the better classes has hardly had the desired result. In the deciduous forest, the same difficulty of undesirable after growth is experienced, deteriorating the composition, except in the case of the gregarious salt tree, surea robusta,

The treatment of which for reproduction has, after many failures, been well established. Other gregarious species can also be satisfactorily reproduced, the culled and burned-over forests, of which there are many, are rehabilitated in a manner by merely removing the old overmature and defective timber with competitive success. In some parts, the larger gregarious bamboos are a serious obstacle to reproduction. Here, the only chance for reproduction exists when they flower and die. Killing the bamboos by cutting the annual shoots proved a failure, but burning over the whole area and sewing seems to be followed by success.

In other parts, as in the large teak forests of Burma, as well as of other provinces, the useless kinds of trees are girdled, huge climbers are cut off, and a steady ward is which, against all species, to teak regeneration with satisfactory results. With teak, even planting on a larger scale is resorted to, especially by means of tonguas, that is, plantations, where the native is allowed to burn down a piece of words, use it for a few years as field, though it is never really cleared on condition of planting it with teak, being paid a certain sum for every hundred trees found in a thrifty condition at the time of giving up his land. Similarly, the department

has expanded large sums in attempting to establish forests in part of the arid region of Balochistan and on the whole during 1894 to 1895 about 150,000 dollars were expended on cultural operations, which up to that time involved about 76,000 acres of regular plantation and 36,000 acres Tonguegas, mostly teak, making a total of 112,000 acres, besides numerous large areas where the work consisted merely in aiding natural reproduction. But in 1909, the plantation seemed to have been reduced to 59,000 acres. Probably through failures, the Tongass, however, increased to 84,000 acres, and the budget for plantings and other cultural measures formed a little over 2% of the gross revenues. We see then that though the forests of India are now and will continue for some time

to be little more than wild woods with some production and a reasonable system of exploitation in place of a mere robbing or culling system, yet the work of actual improvement steadily increases in a mountain perfection. In disposing of its timber, the government of India employs various methods. In some of the forest districts, the people pay merely a small tax and get out of the woods, what, and as much as they need. In other cases, the logger pays for what he removes, the amount he fails being neither limited in quantity nor quality. The prevalent systems, however, are the permit system, when a permit is issued indicating the amount to be cut and the price to be paid for the same, and the contract system, when the work is more or less under the control

of government offices and the material remains government property until paid for. To a limited extent, the governments carry on their own timber exploitation. Working plants, only a relatively small part of the total forest area, each year, however, increasing, is as yet worked under plants. In 1885, only 109 square miles, in 1899, 20,000 square miles, and in 1903, nearly 30,000 square miles, about 13% of the total or 30% of the reserved area were operated under working plants, and each year about 4,000 square miles are added, so that now 1909, over half the reserved area, is under working plants. Only gradually was the character of these plants brought into practical form, and their execution, inspired at least, enforced the conservators having the right to devourable,

from the plans. A map prepared by the survey branch naturally forms the basis of the plan. The form of the plan is prescribed by the provincial regulations, and the preparation is also carried on by the provincial service under advice and supervision of the Imperial Department. The Strip Valuation Survey, which Brandes introduced, covering sometimes as much as 30% of the area, is employed in determining number of treason sizes growing stock and cut modelled after the European practice, except that little, perhaps too little, money is spent on their elaboration, especially on determining the proper amount of cut.

That, the cut is controlled at all, is the most important result. 6. Education and Literature In 1866, Sir Dietrich Brandes selected as assistants to young men who had been trained in the forest schools of Germany, interned his secretary. and at the same time arrangements were made for the training of young Englishmen in the forest schools of France and Germany. At the end of 1875, the professional education was entirely transferred to Nancy. The present force of conservators is composed largely of these men. For some reason, the training of men in Germany and France became unpopular,

and this objection finally led in 1884 to the establishment of a chair of a chair. of forestry at Cooper's Hill College for Engineering in England. At first, the course of study extended over 26 months, during 22 of which the candidates prosecuted their studies at the college, the remaining four months being spent under suitable supervision in selected British and continental forests. In 1905, this department was transferred to Oxford University and the course extended to three years, one year to be spent in continental forests. At present, this time may, however, be reduced to two years and the vacations in continental forests. This is a government affair, and probationers receive stipends from the government. Mr. Brandes, as early as 1869, saw also

the necessity of providing the means of giving the natives of India some sort of technical education in forestry. The first step in this direction was to place natives selected ones under one or two officers of the imperial service who were deemed fit to instruct them and, in this way, a few good men were turned out. Another experiment, after the German pattern, was made by apprenticing likely young men under some forester for a year or two and then sending them to an engineering school for theoretical instruction. This was also a failure. After, much hard work. The Indian Forest School at Dehradun was established in 1878. The forests between the Jumna and the Genghis River were set aside at training grounds, formed into

a special forest circle and placed under the control of the director of the school. These forests have been subjected to regular systems of management, based on European experience and excellent results have been obtained. The first course of systematic theoretical instruction was opened on the 1st of July, 1881. In 1884, the school was made an imperial institution by the government of India, and the Inspector General of Forests was charged with its supervision under a board of control, consisting of the Inspector General, the Director and the Three Conservators, with the Assistant Inspector General as Secretary. This board meets once a year at the Hedda, conducts the examination, and looks into all of the workings of the school very carefully.

There were two courses, one in which the teaching was given in English for ranges, the other in which the instruction was given in the vernacular for foresters. Courses extending over 24 months. In 1906, the school was raised to the rank of a college and the course in the vernacular abolished. The graduates may aspire to the rank of division officers. The training of low-grade officers is left to the provinces. The Bombay Presidency had for some time their own. for a school in connection with the engineering college at Puna, but this is now abandoned. Another school, however, is located at Tharawaddi, with a two-year course in Burmese and one

in Madras with a one-year course, so that the education of lower-grade officials is well attended to. Forest experiment and investigations have never been systematically instituted, being left to individual initiative, but lately, 1909, provision has been made in this direction in connection with the The Dehradun School by the establishment of an imperial research institute. Besides the monthly journal, the Indian forester which came into existence in 1875 through Schlicht's initiative and the annual reports of the various conservators and of the Inspector General, a small book literature has developed within the last 10 or 15 years. Descriptive volumes of notes are J.S. Gamble's Manual of Indian Timbers, New Edition

1902. Trees, shrubs and woody climbers of Bombay Presidency by W.A. Talbot, 1902. Ribbentrops forestry in British India, 1900, and the earlier publication of H.R. Morgan, Forestry in Southern India. Brandes's Indian forestry and distribution of forests in India of professional interests are E.E. Fernandez Manual of Indian Silviculture. Unfortunately, out of of print. The same authors, Forest Industries, DRC's Manual of Forest Working Plans, C.C. Rogers, Manual of Forest Engineering in India, and B.H. Baden Powell, Forest Law. The influence of the development of the Indian Forest Service on the Forest Policy of other British colonies and of the home country has been considerable and is growing.

Indian Forest Officers being detailed to assist in developing forest policies in these other parts of the British Empire. End of Section 24. Section 25 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org.

Recording by Lawrence Trask, Mount Vernon, Ohio, Interface Audio.com. A brief history of forestry by Brubrox. Bernard Furnauer, Section 25. Canada The largest single colony of Great Britain, and the most important as regards forest supplies, both as to quantity and character, Canada has been for a long time supplying the mother country with a large proportion of her imports.

Although in size larger than the United States, its land area being estimated at over 3,600,000 square miles, Canada has some of the United States. Canada has so far attained only one-fifteenth of the population of her neighbor, namely less than 7 million, although now rapidly growing. Much of her territory is still unknown, and will remain for a long time unavailable for civilization, owing to its inhospitable climate. Indeed, as yet not one-third of its territory may be considered opened up to civilization,

and not much more than 100,000 square miles can be said to be occupied, one half improved in farms and two-thirds of this in crops. Much of the northern country remains unorganized in the vast Northwest Territory, 2,656,000 square miles, between Hudson's Bay and the Rocky Mountains, as well as Labrador, are, for the most part, uninhabited, except by Indians and a few military and trading posts. The central interior region, dotted with lakes and intricate river systems, is a continuation of the forestless arid and subarid plains and prairies of the country west of the Mississippi River, toward the north changing by steps into lowlands, studded with open tree growth,

and barren tundra frozen all the year, a million square miles answering to this last description. The Pacific slope is a rough and lofty mountain country, the extension of the Rockies and Coast ranges, with a variable, in part humid and temperate, in part dry and rigorous climate, more or less heavily wooded, about 600,000 square miles, with the Fraser River in the south forming the most important drainage basin. The Atlantic portion, south of the plateau-like bare or scantily wooded Hudson Bay in Labrador country, with a climate somewhat similar to northeastern Germany, is formed by the slopes of the watersheds of the Great Lakes and their mighty outlet, the St. Lawrence River,

and its gulf, the slopes rising gradually northward to the low range of the height of the land, a plateau with low hills, not over 1,500 feet elevation, which cuts it off from the northern country and forms the limit of commercial forests. This region, the bulk of square miles, with 93,000 square miles in the maritime provinces, around 250 million acres, and in awe, represents, outside of British Columbia, the true forest region of Canada, and at the same time, the center of Canadian civilization. Although the Cabot brothers discovered Cape Breton and Labrador in 1497 and 1500, the first settlement of Canadian territory was not made until 1541 by French colonists, after the first Captain General of Canada, Jacques Cartier, the discoverer

and explorer of the St. Lawrence in 1534 had taken possession of the country for Francis I. But not much progress in colonizing was made until Champlain's arrival in the first years of the next century. Quebec was founded as early as 1608 and Montreal in 1611, but Ottawa dates its first beginnings not farther back than 1800. The northern country around Hudson's Bay was, under the name of Rupert's land after Prince Rupert, the head of the enterprise, undefined in limits, granted by Charles II in 1670 to the Hudson's Bay Company. A powerful fur-trading corporation, which had not only a commercial monopoly, but except for occasional interference by the French, held absolute governmental sway over the country through 200 years, its jurisdiction at one time

extending to the Pacific coast. Friction and warfare with the English resulted in the latter acquiring by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, Newfoundland, and settling their rights on Hudson's Bay. The final conquest of New France by the English ended French rule in 1763. But the French colonists remained peacefully, and their descendants formed today, at least in Quebec, the predominating influence. Indeed, in 1774, by the so-called Quebec Act, the first permanent system of self-government was established much on the lines of the French feudal system, and the French civil law was retained. At first, under English rule, the territory, then including the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, formed one colony.

But after the War of the Revolution in 1791, the territory remaining English was divided into two separately governed provinces, upper and lower, or west and east Canada. They were reunited in 1840, and continued so until 1867, when the so-called Union or British North America Act affected the present organization of the Dominion of Canada, a federal union, comprising only the provinces of Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. After various combinations and subdivisions, all of the British possessions in North America, except Newfoundland and its dependencies and Labritor, came into the Union. And in 1882, the Union was completed with the then seven provinces,

those mentioned with Prince Edward Island, Manitoba, and British Columbia, and all the organized and unorganized territory. In the same year, four territories, Aisanobia, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and Athabasca. In 1895, the territory of Ungava in Labrador, and in 1898, that of Yukon, were organized, with a view of their eventual elevation into provinces, the relations of the Federation being quite similar

to that of the states and territories in the United States. In 1905, the Western territories were organized into two provinces, Saskatchewan and Alberta. The government, although practically much like a republic and largely independent of the home country, is theoretically a limited monarchy, the king being represented by a governor-general, appointed by the king, and a privy council selected by the governor. The latter also appoints, now 81, senators for life, to form the upper house of the parliament or legislative body,

while the lower house of Commons is elected by the people. Besides this imperial government, each province has its own separate government with a lieutenant governor, appointed by the Governor General, and an elected legislature. This autonomy being somewhat similar to that of the states of the United States,

and the division of functions between federal and provincial governments being also similar. Although the home government retains the veto power, the supreme jurisdiction and various other powers, although apparently by the appointment of officials, its influence is guarded, practically the party management as exercised in Great Britain prevails, and independence from imperial influence and from home government is continually increasing. In regard to the crown lands, including forests, this division as well as this relationship becomes important. Each provincial government except those of the three middle provinces

administers the Crownlands within its boundaries in its own way, yet on similar lines, while the Dominion Government controls only the lands located outside of the provinces, together with those of the Middle Provinces and the so-called Railway Belt in British Columbia. These latter lands were mostly acquired by purchase from the Hudson's Bay Company, the company relinquishing its territorial rights in 1868, and the transfer being completed in 1870. upon payment of 300,000 pounds. 1. Forest Conditions

The forest area has at various times and by various authorities been roughly estimated as between 1 and a quarter of over 1 and 3 quarter million square miles, which would make the forest percent at least over 32. But this includes the open woodlands of the northern territory and of the prairies, which, while of great importance to the local settlers, are for the most part probably or surely not of commercial value. Commercially valuable forests, actually or prospectively, are found almost only in British Columbia and in the old provinces,

the two forest regions separated, just as in the United States, by a forestless region. Except that north of the prairie region, a continuous belt of open woodland extends to near the mouth of the McKenzie River. A careful examination of the sources of information has led the writer to the conclusion that less than 350,000 square miles, or around 200 million acres, would cover fully the commercially valuable forest land, although the wooded area of the provinces in which the commercial timber occurs,

is stated officially as around 450 million acres, two-fifths of which is to be found in British Columbia. Indeed, although we are accustomed to look upon Canada as a great forest country, It really possesses about 60% less commercial forest than the United States, and about one quarter of the mature timber of that country. It will be understood that all such statistics are merely rough estimates, the data being slim and eeked out by conjectures based on geographical conditions which predicate the character of the country. Most unreasonable speculations and calculations as to the amount of timber standing and value have, been made on impossible assumptions. As an instance, one statistician by mere mathematical figuring, namely deducting the known crop and pasture area from the total land area, would make the forest

area of Quebec alone over 209 million acres. This includes the country north of the height of land, of 163 million acres, which by another mathematical calculation is made to be able to furnish over 65 billion feet of lumber, besides over 600 million cords of pulpwood, and 370 million railroad ties. But under present conditions, owing to topography and character of the timber, it cannot be utilized, and its commercial value is altogether problematic. This calculation would leave as really or potentially available forest land south of the height of land, 46 million acres, in addition to over 5 million on farms. It is claimed that this forest area

may still produce some 100 billion feet of coniferous and 1.5 billion feet of hardwoods, or 2,500 feet to the acre. The chief of the Provincial Forest Service lately made the forest area of the province 131 million acres, including 2 million acres of wasteland. While by the change of standards

and by local needs, forest areas may become commercially valuable, which were not so considered before, and thereby the above figures may be eventually increased, from the standpoint of valuable lumber supply for the world trade. The above-named area may be assumed to set the limit for the present. A computation based on slender information has placed a country with open woodlands in the central region as exceeding 280,000 square miles. The Director of Forestry estimated that 150,000 square miles of this area

might contain nearly 200 billion feet, merchantable lumber. The southeastern territory south of the height of land was originally all densely wooded. From it, a farm area of around 25 million acres has been cut out, less than 7% of the land area included, especially the southwestern half of Ontario, between the Great Lakes, which contains the most fertile land, is densely settled, as also the shores of the St. Lawrence. A large part of the remaining forest area is cut over and called, especially for pine. The amount of white pine remaining, according to estimates made in 1895, would now be less

than 20 billion feet. Extensive areas have been turned into semi-barrens by repeated fires. The statistician of the Dominion in his report made in that year comes to the conclusion that the first quality pine has nearly disappeared, and that we are within measurable distance of time when the exception of spruce as to wood and of British Columbia as to provinces, Canada shall cease to be a wood exporting country. The composition in general is the same as that of the northern forest in the United States, hardwoods, birch, maple, and elm prevailing, with conifers mixed, the latter, especially spruce, becoming occasionally pure.

The nearly pure hardwood forest of the southern Ontario Peninsula has been almost entirely supplanted by farms, and here, even for domestic fuel, coal, imported from the United States, is largely substituted for wood. Although white pine, the most important staple, is found in all parts of this forest region, the best and largest supplies are now confined to the northern region north of Georgian Bay. Unopened spruce and furland still abound, especially in Quebec on the

Gospay Peninsula and northward. Spruce forms also the largest share in the composition of the New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland Forest, the pine in the first two provinces, having practically been cut out. Extensive, almost pure balsam fir forest, fit for popwood, still covers the plateau of Cape Breton, well, Prince Edward Island is to the extent 60% cleared for agricultural use. Much of this eastern forest area is not only called of its best timber, but burnt over, and thereby deteriorated in its composition, the inferior balsam fir appearing in largest number in the reproduction.

North of the height of land in Nungava and westward, spruce continues to timber line, but outside of narrow belts following the river valleys, only an open stand, branchy and stunted, hardly fit even for pulp, for the most part with birch and aspin intermixed. This open spruce forest, interspersed among muskegs, continues more or less to the northern tundra and across the continent to within a few miles of the mouth of the Mackenzie River and the Arctic Ocean, the white spruce being the most northern species. In the interior, northern pretext, prairie belt, groves of aspen, dense and well-developed, skirt the water courses, and form an important wood supply.

The forests of British Columbia partake of the character of the Pacific Forest of the United States, the coast range along the coast for about 200 miles, being stocked with conifers of magnificent development. Douglas fir, giant Arbavide, Hemlock, Bull Pine, and a few others. The Rocky Mountain Range also of coniferous growth, pine and large. but of inferior character. Large areas being covered with alpine fir, abis labiascarpa, and lodgepole pine, important as soil cover and for local use in the mining districts, but lacking in commercial value. If much of the forest area in the

settled provinces is burnt over and damaged by forest fire, much more extensive destruction is wrought in this northern forest by fires sweeping annually over millions of acres unchecked, many of them said to be started by lightning. About 50% of this country is said to be fire swept. Among the large notable forest fires, the great Miramichi fire in New Brunswick in 1825, destroyed more than 6,000 square miles in a few hours. In 1880, the loss by forest fires in the Ottawa Valley alone was still estimated at $5 million annually. In 1909, reports indicate over half a million acres burnt over in that year. The river systems of eastern Canada, with the mighty St. Lawrence,

permitting sea-going vessels to come up to Montreal, have been most potent factors in the development of the lumber industry and export trade, without the need of railroads. Yet, although, as a consequence, this trade was early developed to a relatively large figure, it has not grown at as a rapid rate as might have been expected, and today, with an export in excess of imports of less than $40 million, is considerably below that of the United States. The small export trade of earlier times,

having been stimulated by exempting Canadian timber from paying duties in the home country, or at least allowing it a preferential tariff, had, by 1820, grown to 15 million cubic feet, all squared timber, and sent to England. In 1830, it had crept up to only 20 million cubic feet, but by 1850, it amounted to over 50 million cubic feet, two-fifths of which was sawed material, the 2,632 mills being reported by the census, 1851, as having cut 776 million feet BM. By 1867, when the Dominion was formed, the total export of forest products had advanced in value to 18 million,

the next decade, with a climax year in 1873 of 26 million, saw an increase to $20 million in the average, the proportion of sawn material being nearly three times that of hewn wood, and the entire cut of Ontario going to the United States. At that time, it was computed that the waste of value in shipping square timber amounted for the province of Ontario alone still to over $350,000 annually. At present, sod lumber, deals, boards, planks, etc. form 70% of the total export. In the last 20 years, a steady increase in exports at an average rate of about 3% per annum is noted. The total in 1903 culminating at nearly 41 million, but in the following year, sinking to 36.7 million. In 1910, the total export amounted to 53 million, against which an import of nearly 16 million is to be offset, nearly double what it was three years before.

Adding wood manufacturers, the net export must be increased by some 36 million. The bulk of the export goes, of course, to the export goes, of course, to the same. the United States, but while exports of forest products thus increased absolutely, relatively to other exports, they have considerably declined, i.e. the lumber industry has not grown proportionately to other developments. For a while, in 1868, forest products formed 34% of the total export. In 1904, they represented only about half that figure. The same conclusion, namely that the lumber business has not increased rapidly in the last 25 years may be derived from the report of the decennial census. Well, for 1890, the total cut amounted to over 5 billion feet and its value to

nearly 80 million. In 1900, the cut, or at least the census report, fell below 4 billion and its value to 53 million. In 1909, the total lumber cut was reported as 3.8 billion feet and its value 62.8 million. A measure of the depletion of the great staple white pine is found in the statement that from 1865 to 1893, the average size of pieces decreased by one quarter to one-third, and that in 1863, over 23 million cubic feet were exported from Quebec, as against 1.5 million feet in 1904. Well, the price had more than quadrupled in that period. Spruce has here taken the place of pine,

and Ontario is now the main producer of pine. Yet in 1909, the white pine cut in amount almost equaled that of spruce, and in value exceeded it by 40%. Spruce, and especially pulpwood, forms an ever-increasing item in cut and export. Export of pulpwood, having increased seven-fold in the last decade to nearly two million, and of wood pulp to over four million. A notable economic improvement has taken place during the last 10 or 15 years in that the proportion of raw materials exported, especially logs and square timber, has decreased in favor of manufacturers. While originally the home country took the bulk of exports of forest products, the cut of Ontario has been always duty or no duty, sent almost entirely to the United States.

In the last six or eight years, the export to the United States has been doubled, amounting now to about half of the total export, and as the state's return of its own forest products, largely in the form of manufacturers, to the extent of about $6 million worth, a balance of trade for the Canadian forest product of $12 million is left. 2. Ownership. When the French took possession of the country, all the land belonged to the king, and could be held by others only under feudal tenure, i.e. as a gift under obligation of counter-service.

The whole country was placed as a thief under the rule of the hundred associates, a company which also exercised a trading and colonizing monopoly, but made no success and was dissolved in 1663. It was then that Richelieu introduced the system of signorial tenure, the land being divided into portions of from 100 to 500 square miles, usually with a small amount of riverfront, and given outright to younger nobleman, favorites of the court, and clerics, who were, however, obligated to sub-grant to colonists, thereby becoming so many immigration agents. These not only treated their colonists as tenants exacting rent and service, but exercised nearly absolute jurisdiction within their domains, the colonists becoming virtually serfs or retainers of the seigneurs. This condition

continued until 1854, when an adjustment of rights was formulated by the Signorotenurers Act, and the government aided the habitants to secure their freedom by indemnifying the seigneurs, or else by paying rent, which was done mostly. Under English rule, the granting of lands, without, however, the Signoreal rights, was continued. In 1784, such grants were made along the St. Lawrence and the Bay of Quinte to veterans of the Loyalist Army, some 20,000, in lots of 200 acres for privates, up to 5,000 acres for field officers. In 1791, every seventh section was ordered to be set aside as clergy reserves for the support of the Protestant Church, a measure which created much friction and formed, especially in the Roman Catholic province of Quebec, a chief grievance in starting the Pepinue Rebellion of 1837.

Some 3,300,000 acres were gradually withdrawn for this purpose, and as far as possible leased to secure an income. Some of these lands were sold after 1827, and finally, in 1853, a statute was passed to sell the remainder and turn over the proceeds to municipalities for educational purposes and local improvement. Extensive grants and sales were made to lumbermen and speculators. In this manner, by the granting of 13,000 acres to an American, Phileiman Wright, in 1800, the great lumber industry of Ottawa was started, and in 1836, another American syndicate secured about a million acres of grants. Out of the 50 million acres granted an aid of

railroad construction, some portion must also have been in timber. By all these methods, as well as by small grants and sales to settlers, a large area of uncertain extent has become private property. In Nova Scotia, nearly the entire government domain has passed by grant and sale into private hands, some six million acres, one half in small holdings. Of the lands remaining in the crown, at least two-thirds, is on barons. Similarly, in Prince Edward Island, the 800 square miles of woodland remaining are almost wholly owned privately. The 14,000 acres of state land being, like most of the private property, stripped of its value. In New Brunswick, over 1.6 million acres, mostly woodland,

containing over 10 billion feet, was granted to the railway company, and another million acres or so is in other private possession, a liberal disposal of lands having been continued until 1883, when about 7.1⁄4 million acres of timber and wasteland remained to the crown. In Quebec, some 6 million acres are estimated as privately owned, mostly in woodlots on farms. In Ontario, the private woodland area of commercial character may be over 5 million acres. Besides the large grants, which were and still are probably to the greatest extent in Timberlands, the farms in the various provinces, according to the census of 1901, have from 22 to 57% in woodlots,

or altogether probably in the neighborhood of 30 million acres. The total area privately owned may then be placed at not to exceed, say, 40 million acres, and the largest part of the forest area is still crown lands, the government of the different provinces and the Dominion government in the territory and in the middle provinces administering them and deriving the revenue therefrom. This condition has prevailed since 1837 when the home government gave up its claim to land and revenues. The provincial ownership extends over about 500,000 square miles. The Dominion Government owns an area of 20,000 square miles in the Railway Belt of British Columbia,

20 miles on each side of the railway for 500 miles, which contains good timber, and some 720,000 square miles of land in the Middle Provinces, which contains practically only timber suitable for local use. 3. Administration of Timberlands. In the development of ownership conditions, the realization of the valuable assets in timber growth had not been overlooked by the home government, care of supplies for naval construction giving, as in the United States, the first incentive to a conservative forest policy. Even under the early French rule, the grants of land were made under reservation of the oak timber fit for naval use, as is ever as ever as ever.

evidenced from a land grant made in 1683. This reservation led to considerable friction as it hampered the colonists in making their clearings on the best lands. Later, the reservation was extended to include other timber needed for military purposes, and when the British occupation began, these established rights of the Crown were not only continued, but reservations of larger areas for the timber were ordered, notably around and north of Lake Champlain.

In 1763, and again in 1775, the home government ordered reservations to be set aside in every township. But the great timber wealth seemed so inexhaustible that the governors paid little attention to the wise instructions of the home government for the creation of reservations, and whatever regulations regarding the cutting of timber were made, failed to be strictly enforced. In 1789, the policy of reserving to the crown all the timber as far as not granted, and giving licenses to cut, was inaugurated. But not until 1826 was even the revenue feature strongly enough realized to attempt systematically to secure the benefit of it, namely by allowing anyone to cut timber, such as was not required for the Navy,

who would pay a fixed rate for what was cut. A surveyor general of woods and forests being appointed to collect the timber dues with the aid of qualified colors, 1811. There was even an attempt made to prevent waste by doubling the rate of timber dues on all trees cut, which would not square more than eight inches. This restriction probably remained a dead letter for lack of supervision. Lumberman, however, found it cheaper to buy the land, making only part payment, and after cutting the best timber, forfeiting the land. Contractors who had the monopoly for cutting the timber for the Royal Navy

cut also for their own account. Corruption and graft pervaded the administration, which enriched its followers with the revenues obtained from the timber licenses and otherwise. The strong hand, which in the absence of a strong government, lumbermen were driven to use in order to protect themselves from piracy by their neighbors, or else to perpetrate such brought about many bloody conflicts.

The general maladministration of the so-called family compact, besides other grievances, caused the revolution of 1837, which, although readily put down, led to the Union of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada in 1841, and to reform of the abuses. It was then that after the new Governor General Lord Durham's admirable report on the situation, the home government turned over the administration, in part at least, and revenues of the crown lands to the several provincial governments. At that time in New Brunswick, where a thriving export trade had been early established, the dues on $2 million worth of production were involved,

and in Quebec and Ontario, the income amounted to between $200,000 and $300,000. But even then, the immediate revenue, and not any concern for its continuation animated the administration of the public or crown forests. The freehand sales for nominal sums were changed into licenses to cut, and in order to secure larger returns, these were by and by put up at auction for competitive bids, the premium or bonus being paid for the limits, i.e. a limited territory on which the holder or licensee. had the exclusive right to cut. in addition to the fixed dues or charges per unit for the timber actually cut. Later, to discourage the holding of timber limits for a rise of prices,

an annual cut of first 1,000, then 500 feet per square mile of holdings, was required. To still further accelerate the use of the licenses to cut, the Crown Timber Act of 1849 limited the license to one year and provided for an eventual limit in size of the grants. All these provisions forced to more rapid cutting and overproduction, and depression in the lumber market was the result, the supply in 1847 being 44 million feet to meet an export of 19 million. New rules were promulgated in 1851,

introducing a ground rent system, a set price being paid per square mile of limit, and doubling the ground rent for unused limits each year. Needless to say, the impractability of this geometric progression in ground rents became visible in a few years. The final present system in the disposal of timber limits, varying in detail, were gradually perfected in varying manner by the several provincial governments, but they agree in general principles, in that they grant limits for a certain time, some by the year, others by periods,

usually 21 years, during which certain conditions as to establishment of mills and amount of manufacturer without waste must be fulfilled, and a ground rent, a bonus, and timber dues for all timber cut, are to be paid by the limit holder, details and prices varying and being changed from time to time. A diameter limit below which trees are not to be cut also mostly prevails. Lately, sales by the thousand feet BM have been inaugurated in Ontario, and sale by the mile is to be abandoned. As a rule, licenses become negotiable and can be transferred upon paying a small fee per square mile. The governments reserving absolute rights to change conditions of this contract at any time,

the interest of the licensee is to cut as fast as he can, other unsatisfactory conditions leading in the same direction. A Department of Crown lands in the Dominion government and in each province, in Nova Scotia, the Attorney General acting his head, administers the lands. Scalers or colors attend to the measuring of the cut. The revenue derived by this system by all the provinces amounts now to around $4.5 million per year.

Ontario, leading with about 20,000 square miles now, under license, mostly Pine, producing in 1910 $1,835,000. The yearly average for the decade, ending 1910, was $1.3.3 million, and some $41 million, have altogether accrued since 1867. Quebec, with over 70,000 square miles under license, mostly in spruce, producing only about $700,000, nearly $30 million having accrued during the 43 years, or at the rate of $418 per square mile, two-thirds of which from dues. Since land settlement is, as in the United States, obtainable by homestead and other entries, a good many fraudulent applications under-guided. of settlement have curtailed the revenue. Until now, closer scrutiny of the fitness of land for settlement is made. The retention of the lands by the government is naturally a feature which would

permit and should have earlier induced conservative forestry methods, but the immediate revenue interest has had and still has a more potent influence than considerations of the future. 4. Development of Forest Policy The impetus to introduce conservative features seems to have largely come through the influence of the forestry movement in the United States. And although voices of prominent Canadians,

like that of James and William Little and Sir Henry Jolie de Lopinier, have been heard before in advocacy of a more far-seeing policy, the meeting of the American Forestry Congress at Montreal in 1882 may be set as the date of the inception of this movement in Canada.

The definite result of that meeting was the inauguration of forest fire legislation in the various provinces. In the province of Ontario, the Fire Act of 1878, which had until then remained a dead letter, was improved in 1885 by inaugurating a fire ranger system,

in which limit holders pay one-half the cost of the Rangers. The force of firefighters, 37 in the first year, was gradually increased until in 1910, nearly 1,000 were employed at a cost of $300,000. In that year, a change was made, the whole service, including inspection being charged against the limit holder. In New Brunswick, a fire law was passed in 1885, followed in 1897 by the introduction of the Ontario Ranger System. In 1883, Nova Scotia passed a forest fire law, which, like that of New Brunswick, remained ineffective for lack of machinery. This was not

provided until 1904, and since then has worked most satisfactorily. Recently, a forest survey of this province was made. Quebec also enacted fire legislation in 1883, but did not provide means to carry it into effect until 1889. Since at first, only $5,000 annually was allowed for its execution, and and by 1901 to 2, not more than $7,226, was expended for fire protection, over an area of 40 million acres. Its effectiveness may be doubted. But in 1905, a special forest protection branch, with a superintendent and a ranger system after the Ontario pattern, was organized,

and the service has become more effective. The need for more organized effort and advice led to the established, of Special Bureau's of Forestry. In Ontario, a clerk of forestry was established in the Department of Agriculture in 1883, and in 1895 he was replaced by a clerk in the Crownlands Department, later named Director of Forestry, Mr. Thomas Southworth. This office later was changed to a Bureau of Forestry and Colonization, and a technically educated man was appointed as provincial forester,

with a view of developing a forest management, at least in the reserves. This movement, however, soon collapsed for lack of appreciation. The office was transferred back to the Department of Agriculture, which does not control any timberlands. The forester resigned, and the Bureau was, finally, in 1907, restricted to the colonization work, the forestry part being deliberately abandoned. Meanwhile, the province of Quebec pursued a more enlightened course. To control the cut, a color's office was established in 1842, which, however, only checked the square timber, then the principal material. In 1873, after various feudal attempts to secure better supervision, a corps of forest rangers was created,

but as they worked without organization, the results were only partial, until in 1889 they were placed under seven chiefs or superintendent. In 1897, the number of superintendents were reduced to one, but having to work with incompetent men, political appointees, this improvement in headship did not produce much result. In 1907, a reorganization took place by introducing two professional foresters, educated at government's expense at American colleges of forestry, who upon their return were employed to supply the technical supervision of cutting unlicensed lands and otherwise to forward forestry reforms.

In 1910, the logical sequence occurred by placing the entire Forest Service, except the protection against fire, under one of these technical men as chief, with the other one as his assistant, and a corps of three civil engineers, 40 forest rangers and six scalers, besides 20 student assistants. The first organized provincial forest service in Canada, administered under the superintendent of woods and forests in the Department of Crownlands. In 1898, the Dominion government had also recognized the need of more technical administration

by instituting a forestry branch in the Department of the Interior under a superintendent with a view of developing improved methods. At first, manned without technical advisors who were indeed not in existence, gradually the professional element was in. introduced, and the scope of the branch enlarged, the irrigation interests of the country being added. Under the able guidance of the present director, whose task under the political conditions surrounding is not an easy one, this department may in a few years also become fully organized with technical men, of whom there are now 17 employed, besides student assistance. These various government agencies and other propaganda produced at least the important result of committing the governments to see the propriety of setting aside permanent forest reserves.

The first movement in this direction was made in 1893, and in 1895 the first Dominion reservations were made by executive order through the minister of the interior. These, to be sure, were located in the thinly timbered parts of the province of Manitoba, the Turtle Mountains, and Riding Mountain, mainly for the protection of water supply. Several other similar reserves were set aside by the minister, but to give more stability to these reservations, an act of parliament was passed in 1906, declaring their permanence and placing them, 3,380,000 acres, under the administration of the superintendent of forestry. There are, so far, some 26 Dominion forest reserves created, or in the act of creation compromising an area of over 25,000 square

miles. The forestry branch is making a brave beginning to survey and manage these reserves under forestry principles. Of the provinces, Ontario was the first to recognize the principle of reservations in 1893, when a partially cut over, partially licensed territory of over one million acres, was set aside as the Algonquin National Park in the Pissing District. But the first definite establishment of a Forest Reserve policy dates from the Forest Reserve Act, passed in 1898, which authorizes the executive, as in the United States, to withdraw lands for reserves. Some eight reserves and two parks have so far been established, and the reserved area amounts to around 20,000 square miles.

Of management on forestry lines on these reserves, there is far little to be heard except an effort to keep fires out. Quebec has followed this example of Ontario, first by setting aside the Laurentides Park in the Saguenay region, 1,634,000 acres, which, like Algonquin Park, was more in the nature of a game preserve. During 1906 and 7, however, under a law authorizing the lieutenant governor to set aside forest reserves, over 100 million acres were placed in reserve. Apparently, however, no administration of this preserve in the forestry sense is as yet attempted.

British Columbia, which, until lately, was only concerned, in disposing of the well-timbered crown lands, after having disposed of the best parts, has placed under reservation the balance, and a Forest Commission of Inquiry has been constituted to devise further measures in the interest of forestry. Its report, appearing in 1911, gives a very clear statement of conditions in the province and the promise of active organization of a better service. Of other attempts to foster forestry interest may be mentioned a law in Quebec, passed in 1882, providing a bonus of $12 per acre for tree planting, which seems to have remained without effect.

Another providing for a diameter limit of 12 inches on the stump for pine and 9 inches for other kinds. These dimensions are now varied, inaugurated in 1888, may have preserved some young growth on the limits, although since pulpwood is now the main product and supervision has been inefficient, not much may be expected from such laws. Indeed, the chief of the Forest Service reports that 60% of the regeneration is of the inferior balsam fur. In Ontario, a very competent commission was created in 1897, with a noted lumberman, Mr. Bertram, as president, to formulate methods of reform.

but the Able Report remained barren of results. The Dominion has been active in encouraging... The Dominion has been active in encouraging tree planting in the prairies. The agricultural experiment station at Ottawa not only set out object lessons by planting some 20 acres of sample plots, but for a number of years distributed plant material to settlers. This work was later taken over by the forestry branch and increased to a larger scale,

some 85 acres being in nursery, and the distribution having grown to 15 million seedlings in 1910. Ontario, under the direction of its Department of Agriculture, and in cooperation with the Agricultural College at Gulf, has lately embarked in two movements of amelioration, namely establishing a state nursery from which plant material at cost, with advice as to its use,

is given to farmers and purchasing and reforesting waste lands in the agricultural section. Tariff legislation is another means which is in the hands of the Dominion Government to be used for encouraging Forest Conservancy. It has, however, so far not been used directly for such purpose, fiscal and commercial policies being uppermost. But the provinces have in this respect help themselves by encouraging manufacture rather than export of raw. materials. Ontario leading in this matter by prohibiting export of unmanufactured logs from

Crownlands in 1898. Other provinces impose an export duty on pulp wood cut on Crownlands, as does also Ontario. At present writing, a reciprocity agreement with the United States is under contemplation, which would admit wood products from Canada free of duty, an arrangement which, whatever its commercial advantages bodes no good for conservative forest policy. Meanwhile, private limit holders here and there had begun to see the need of conservative methods, and by 1908, at least two large paper and pulp concerns had placed foresters in charge of their logging operations. 5. Education Until 1900, associated effort to advance forestry in Canada had relied on the international

American Forestry Association. In that year, largely through the officials of the Dominion Forestry Branch, Mr. E. Stewart, the Canadian Forestry Association was formed. This association has grown more and more vigorous, and having escaped the period of sentimentalism which in the United States retarded the movement so long, could at once accentuate the economic point of view and bring the lumberman into sympathy with their effort. In 1905, a quarterly magazine, the Canadian Forestry Journal was started by the Association,

making its work of instruction and propaganda more effective. The technical literature, as yet slightly developed, is found mainly in bulletins of the forestry branch. A most promising convention held in January, 1906, with the premiere of the Dominion, hiding, participated by prominent officials and businessmen, seemed to foreshadow the time when a real rational forest management, at least in some parts of the Dominion, would be inaugurated. But it can hardly be said that the expectations were realized, and another such convention was

held in 1911, which may perhaps be followed by better results. In 1909, following the precedent of the United States, a conservation commission was appointed for the Dominion under federal support, manned by the leading officials and prominent representative men from all provinces, and here the forestry interests may find at least educational advancement. The first two years of the existence of this Commission have, however, produced little advancement. While the Ontario government had directly discredited the forestry movement by abolishing its Bureau of Forestry, indirectly it laid the foundation for

for a sure future in 1907 by establishing in its provincial university at Toronto a faculty of forestry, with full equipment. A year later, the province of New Brunswick also established a chair of forestry in its university, while sometime earlier the Gulf Agricultural College had introduced the subject of farm forestry in its curricula. The latest development in educational direction is the Forest School organized in 1910 by the government of Quebec in connection with its forest service for the purpose of educating its own agents. End of Section 25. Recording by Lawrence Trask, Mount Vernon, Ohio, Interface Audio.com.

A brief... Section 26 of A Brief History of Forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All LibraVox recordings are in the public domain. information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Recording by Betty B. A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard Furnow. Great Britain and her colonies, Newfoundland and other British possessions and colonies. Newfoundland. Newfoundland, probably the first discovery of America by the Norsemen, remained a mere fishing station until modern times, and except for the open coast,

known as regards the wooded interior, which was supposed to be largely barren. It became a possession of Great Britain in 1713. Development did not begin until 1880 when the first railroad was built and has progressed more rapidly since the Newfoundland Railway, traversing the entire island, was opened in 1898. It was found that, while the shores and a considerable part of the west and south coast are barren or poorly timbered, and on the interior plateau, large moss barons exist, there are extensive timber areas of mixed growth, white and red pine, balsam and spruce with white birch. A lumber industry, which by 1904 had grown up to probably not less than 100 million feet, is rapidly extending over the whole island. And an extensive paper pulp industry is preparing

to establish itself on timber limits under a license system similar to that applied in other parts of Canada. Some 5,000 square miles are now under license. Forest fires have repeatedly devastated large areas, especially in 1904. The experience of that year led to the enactment of a forest fire law, but without any agency to make it effective. No forest policy exists except the commercial restriction of the licensed system. A forestry association has lately been formed. Other British possessions and colonies. Under the influence of the Indian Forest Service or stimulated by its success,

some of the other British colonial governments in Africa and Australia have attempted and sometimes succeeded in establishing a forest policy. Of East Indian territories, Ceylon, the nearest neighbor to India, with over 25,000 square miles, of which 42% wooded, mostly with second growth forest of small value, attempted long ago an organization with the aid of Indian foresters, but by 1900 had of over 10,000 square miles, only 431 in reserves, in addition to nearly 1,800 acres planted. One conservator and eight assistant conservators produce a net revenue of less than $30. There being an import of $250,000 necessary to eke out the wood requirements of the 3.5 million people.

The Straits settlement, an area of 1,526 square miles, had by 1900 a reserved state forest area of 138 square miles under an experienced Indian forest officer, Goodup Percha. Rubber and gums are here the most valuable products. The Federated Malay states, with 26,350 square miles and heavily wooded, after a report by the Indian Inspector General, have begun to reserve forest areas, some 100,000 acres having been set aside, which are administered by the conservator of the Strait Settlements Reserves. The government of the island of Cyprus also employs a forest officer and guards to look after its 700 square miles of forest. In Africa, during the last few years, small forest departments have been established by the governments of the

Sudan, East Africa, Nigeria, Transvaal, Orange River, and Natal, mostly for the purpose of planting on the treeless plains. The government of Mauritius had made attempts at conservancy for many years, but without notable success. The most successful attempt in Africa, so far is reported from Cape Colony, which as early as 1819, had a superintendent of lands and woods, and in 1876, a departing a department of forests and plantations, neither of which have left much of record. In 1881, a new forest department under a French forest officer was started, which has grown until now. It consists of one conservator, D.E. Hutchins, 22 assistant conservators, 84 European foresters, and a few native guards.

In 1888, the needed legislation was had for regulating the work, working of the nearly half million acres of forest area, which in 1902 was declared inalienable government property. Since the wood imports amount to over $2 million and a quarter dollars annually, the need of conservative use is appreciated, especially as climatic conditions are unfavorable to reproduction. Some 24,000 acres have been planted during 22 years at a cost of $1,500,000. The first plantations beginning to yield a substantial revenue, and it is believed that another 40,000 acres of such plantations would supply all the timber needed in the colony. Tree planting by private landowners and municipalities is encouraged by furnishing advice,

rottis, and plant material at low cost, and to municipalities in addition, government aid is extended to the extent of half the cost of plant. The seven Australian colonies are very variously situated regarding timber supplies, three of them, Queensland, Western, and South Australia being poorly wooded, the others more or less heavily forested, especially Tasmania with 65% and New Zealand with 31%. Generally speaking, the forest areas are confined to the coast in narrower and wider belts. the interior being forestless or with scrubby growth. This portion is large enough to reduce the total forest percent to less than 6.5.

The mountains and hill ranges facing the eastern, southern, and western coasts are especially heavily wooded with magnificent eucalyptus, jara, and kerry, while the kori pine is the most valuable tree in New Zealand. The one successful attempt at a forest policy was made by the almost forestless colony of South Australia, which in 1882 reserved its scanty forest area of 217,000 acres and started to plant. Now 13,000 acres planted, employing a conservator and six foresters. In the other colonies at various times, unsuccessful beginnings were made, and there exist in Queensland, New South Wales, and Victoria, so-called. forest branches or departments, but mostly without power or equipment, and no intelligent

conception of forest policy seems practically to exist. In Queensland, since 1897, the governor and council may reserve forest lands and regulate the cutting by diameter limit. One and a half million acres have been reserved, but no staff or administration exists. In New South Wales, 6 million acres were withdrawn from settlement, but it is mostly used for pasture, and withdrawal may be revoked at any time. No effective system of control exists. In Victoria, 5.5 million acres have been declared reserves under Act of 1890, nearly half the forest area. There exists a forest department of one conservator, two inspectors, and 25 foresters, but no plan of management. Four state nurseries of doubtful value seems the whole result.

The other colonies still merely exploit their forest resources under loosely managed licensed systems without even an inefficient attempt at intelligent treatment. End of Section 26. Section 27 of A Brief History of Forestry. This is a Librivox recording. All Librivox recordings are in the public domain. information or to volunteer please visit Librivox.org, recording by Hawaii in March 2020. A Brief History of Forestry by Bernhard Ferno.

Section 27. Japan The modernization of this remarkable island empire of Nippon, the native name, which began in 1868, included the organization of a forest department after German, models. Curiously enough, there are other noteworthy points of similarity to be found in the historic development of forestry in Germany and Japan. The empire comprises four larger islands, Kyushu, Shikoku, Hondo or Honshu, and Hokkaido or Yezo, and a host of smaller ones, stretching in a chain of nearly 3,000 miles north and south along the Asiatic shore, the width of land being nowhere over 200 miles.

It comprises an area of nearly 150,000 square miles, with a population approximating 50 million, largely engaged in fisheries and other sea industries. The islands are a volcanic origin, part of the girdle of fire, which reaches from the Alaska Peninsula through the Philippines to the Antilles, with many active craters, subject to frequent disastrous earthquakes and tidal waves.

Mountainers, with numerous ranges of high hills and with lofty central ridges, with numerous short rivers, apt to turn into treacherous torrents, while hurricanes and water spouts, typhoons and equinoctial gales sweep the surrounding seas frequently. The soil is nowhere particularly fertile, but the patient and painstaking labor of the Japanese has brought every available foot of it, little more than 10% is arable, into producing condition,

wherever the climate compensates for the infertility, especially in the most densely populated part, the southern half of Hondo. Extending through 30 degrees of latitude, the climate naturally varies from the tropical one of Formosa, through all variations of the temperate to the alpine one of the high mountains, and the nearly Arctic one of the Curial Islands. The Japan current skirting the eastern coast

and the mountain ranges, with elevations generally not exceeding 6,000 feet, occasionally up to over 13,000 feet, which cut off the dry continental west winds, also produce great climatic variations between east and west coast. In general, however, the climate of the whole empire is characterized

by a high percentage of red, humidity and ample rainfall, especially during the hot season, producing luxury and growth. 1. Forest conditions and ownership. Due to these great variations in climate, four climatic regions being differentiated, the forest flora of Japan almost rivals in variety that of the United States, with over 200,000 deciduous and more than 30 coniferous species of size, besides a large number of half-trees. Although not more than some 50 or 60 are of silvicultural importance, and not more than 10 or 12 species form the basis

of forest management and of the lumber trade, which requires some 2 billion cubic feet annually and supports an export of over $6 million. The value of the total cut was, in 1907, Peele of placed at over $17 million, of which $6 million was to the credit of the State Treasury. In the tropical districts, bamboos form the main staple. In the subtropical region, the most densely populated and hence also almost forestless, the broadleaf evergreens, especially several species of oak, furnished desirable fuel wood, and two species of pine are most valued for timber. 1. The red pine, p. Denzy flora, extending its realm rapidly over waste areas,

camphor tree and boxwood furnish ornamental wood. The region of temperate forest furnishes, out of over 60 species, some 14 conifers and 19 broadleaf trees of value, the former mainly of the Seda tribe, with Chamaetiparis Optusa and Cryptomaria Japonica, the most widely used, while of the broadleaf species, which occupy more than 50% of the forest area, Zelkova Keaki of the Elm tribe, a chestnut, a beach, several oaks, a walnut, and an ash count among the most useful. Spruce, fir, and white birch are the trees of the northern

forest. Mixed forests form 45%, broadleaf 25%, broadleaf 25%, conifer 21%, and 9% is rated as blank or thinly stocked. The forest area, which over the whole, covers, with the addition of the newly acquired island of Sahalin, 67% of the land area, or around 75 million acres. One, one quarter acres per capita, is quite unevenly distributed according to topography and population, being mostly confined to the mountain ranges and hills

which form the backbone of the country and to the northern provinces, which contain still large, untouched areas. Hokkaido, which was opened up to colonization only 35 years ago, now with a population of only 20 to the square mile, has 63% of forest, 15 acres per capita. The northern part of Hondo has a somewhat greater area percent, mostly on the high steep mountains, but only 1.2 acres per capita.

On the southern portion, the low ranges of hills and valleys, the forest area has been reduced to 53%, but shows only 3 quarter acre per capita, and Okinawa, with 26%, and less than 1 third acre per capita, shows the lowest. Of this forest area, however, almost one-half, is, is hara, brush forest, charperal, or dwarfed tree growth, the result of mismanagement, excessive cutting and fires, and in the southern districts, impenetrable thickets of dwarf bamboo would crowd out tree and even shrub growth wherever such mismanagement gives it entrance. These extensive harras are cut every two or five years for the brush, which is used to cover

and furnish manure for rice fields. Fire, which, until lately, ran over 5 or 6 million acres annually and ruthless cutting, have in the past and are still deteriorating the forest area. Grassy prairie and barrens due to natural conditions are not absent and are due to excessive drainage through loose, coarse-grained rock soil. They are found not extensively at the foot of volcanoes and on highest elevations. The differentiation of land areas is not quite certain. In 1894, there was still 30.5% of grassy prairie reported,

but some of this, no doubt, was forested, probably one-half. The bulk of the forest area is owned by the state and the imperial household. Communal forests are estimated to aggregate, in 1904, somewhat over 4 million acres, 7.5%. in 1910 reported as 11%, and private property some 18 million, 26%. In 1910, 22%, leaving 30 million for the state and for imperial or crown forest, 66%,

the latter comprising some 5.5 million acres. These figures are liable to variation due to sales of the latter class and to adjustments of the somewhat obscure property. rights. The ownership by the state and the conservative use of the mountain forest is necessitated by the protective value of the forest cover, the cultivation of the extensive rice fields being dependent upon irrigation. 2. Development of forest policy. The history of Japan dates back to 660 BC when the empire was founded on the island of Kyushu by the warrior king Jimu

He established a kind of feudal government, with the dynos, knights or barons, holding their thieves from the mikado, who was considered the sole owner of the soil, or at least all exercise of ownership rights emanated from him. Private property seems then not to have existed at all, the people having merely rights of user. Colonization of the islands brought under the mikado's dominion progressed rapidly, and with it not only arable portions, but even mountains were denuded. With the beginning of the Christian era, the need of better protection against floods seems to have been recognized, and in 270 AD we find the first forest official appointed, a son of the royal house,

who with assistance was to regulate the use of the forest property, which, under the rights of user granted by the Mikado, was being excessively exploited and devastated. In the 5th century, the feudal method of giving feasts of land and forest to the deserving vassals had come generally into vogue, and later, with the rise of Buddhism, forests were assigned to the temples and priests, who, as in Germany the monks, were assiduous in cultivating and utilizing them. Soon, the daimios, similarly to the barons in Germany, began to assert exclusive property rights, and, notwithstanding various edicts, issued from time to time to secure free use to the people,

more and more of the forest area was secured by daimios and by priests as temple forests. In the 9th century, deforestation and excessive exploitation had so far progressed that not only the need of protecting watersheds was recognized by edicts, but fear of a timber famine led even to planting in the provinces of Noto. A period of internal strife and warfare during the following centuries, which left forest interest in the background, led in 1192 to the establishment of the rule of the Shoguns, the hereditary military representatives of the Mikado,

who made him a mere figurehead, and exercised all the imperial functions themselves until the revolution of 1868 restored the Mikado to his rights. The effort at conservative forest use was renewed with increased harshness when, after a period of warfare and devastation, the great Shogun family of Tokugawa, 1603,

assumed the rule of the empire, enforcing the restrictive edicts with military severity. Even at that early age, the protective influence of forest cover on soil and water flow was fully recognized, and a distinction of open or supply forest and closed or protection forests seems to have been made, the latter being placed under the ban of the emperor or shogun and withdrawn from utilization. The extensive forests of the province of Kiso, the best remaining, owe their preservation to these efforts. The daimus, 260 in number, each in his district, enforced the edicts in their own way, giving rise thereby to great differences in forest administration,

yet in the absence of technical knowledge, deterioration continued. The severity of punishments for depredations, etc., reminds us of those of the German Mark Genossen, a hand or finger being the penalty for theft, death by fire, that for it. incendiaries. The idea of protecting or reserving certain species of trees, which was practiced in India by the Rajas, we find here again in the beginning of the 18th century, the number of such protected species varying from one to seven and even 15 in different districts. Another unique and peculiar way of encouraging forest culture was to permit peasants who made forest plantations in the state forests to bear a family name, a right which was otherwise reserved

to the Nizua Samurai, or to wear a double-edged sword like the latter. Arbor days were also instituted, memorial days and festivities, as at the birth of children, being marked by the planting of trees. While in Germany the love of hunting had led to the exclusion of the people from the forests, In Japan it was a question of conserving wood supplies that dictated these policies. It is claimed that to these early efforts is due to the preservation of the remaining forests. But while this may be true in some instances, as in the province of Kizor, more probably their distance from centers of consumption and their general inaccessibility preserved those of Hokkaido and of the northern mountains.

Certainly the brush forests south of Tokyo do not testify to great care. The detested shogunate was abolished in 1867 by a revolution which brought the mikado to his rights again and crushed the power of the daimios, whose fiefs were surrendered, and their acquisitions of forest property, as well as a few years later,

those of the priests, were declared state property, with the exception of some which were recognized. recognized as communal properties. Similar to the experiences of France, the disturbances in property conditions, which implied instantaneous loss by the people of all rights of user in the state property, as well as removal of all restrictions from private and communal properties, led to wholesale depredations from the state domain,

and to widespread deforestation and devastation, an area of a million acres of burnt waste near Kofu, west of Tokyo, testifying to the recklessness of these times. Without any force to guard property rights, stealing on an extensive scale, similar to past experiences in the United States, with the accompanying wastefulness, became the order of the day,

and is even now not uncommon. A first provisional administration of state forests was inaugurated, and a forest reconnaissance ordered in 1875 in order to secure insights into the mixed-up property relations and restore to their rightful owners such portions as had been wrongly taken by the state. In 1878, the state forests were placed under a special bureau, organized by Matsuno, who had studied forestry in Germany, Eberswolde, for five years. But it was not academic knowledge that was needed in the situation. It was necessary first to mould public opinion in order to secure means for administrative measures.

This he set himself to do through public addresses and pamphlets, and by organizing a society of friends of forest culture, and finally, in 1882, by establishing an experiment station at Nishigahara, and, a year later, a dendrol. School, which four years later was combined with the Agricultural School at Komaba. Five years later, both were joined to the University of Tokyo. With the transfer of the Forestry Bureau to the Department of Agriculture and Commerce in 1881 and the reorganization in 1886, a new era seemed to be promised.

Yet, a substantial progress in organized forest management of the state property does not seem to have been made for another decade at least, the slow progress being largely due to lack of personnel and the continuance of mixed property conditions, which involved not only uncertainty of boundaries, but also mixed ownership. Although this last trouble, namely of mixed ownership by state and private individuals, had been recognized as inimical to good management,

it was deliberately increased by the law of 1878 in a curious way, reviving an old custom, namely by permitting private individuals to plant up clearings in the state forests. In this way, these individuals secured a certain percentage, usually 20% of the eventual profits arising from the results. Some 200,000 acres were planted under disarrangement. To remove the boundary difficulty, a survey of the boundaries of state property and adjustment of property rights, as well as segregation of the state lands to be disposed of, namely small lots and others not needed, was ordered in 1890.

It was then also that the first provisional working plan for the fellings on state lands was elaborated, and gradually with the progress of the survey, more permanent plans, were adopted for district after district. By 1899, the adjustment had progressed far enough to begin the restoration of properties, which the state had improperly claimed, to their proper owners. It was then also that the imperial forests,

intended for the support of the imperial household, were increased to about 5 million acres. Meanwhile, the personnel had increased in numbers and improved. in character. In 1904, the organization of the Forestry Bureau under the Minister of Agriculture and Commerce arranged somewhat after German models consisted of one director and four forest commissioners with 10 clerks forming the head office. The 16 districts into which the state forests were divided were presided over by 32 conservators and 80 inspectors, while 325 district officers with

880 assistants and 626 guards, altogether over 1,800 employees, formed the field force. In 1910, the number had increased to 2,500, mainly by additional rangers. This organization applies to the state forests under control of the Department of Agriculture. Strangely enough, those in Sakhalin, Hokkaido and Formosa are not under that department. but under the supervision of the Minister of Home Affairs and are merely exploited, while the imperial forests are under the Household Department. In 1907, only 7% of the state forests were under working plans. The need of supervision of the ill-managed private and communal forests,

mostly located near the settled portions, early attracted the attention of the new regime, mainly on account of their protective values. annual losses through floods to the amount of $4 million, and similar losses due to unchecked forest fires gave the incentive to the passage of a law in 1882, simply for bidding all forest use in protection forest, which simple prescription evidently did not work, until a further revision was made in 1897. This latter does not confine itself to legislation for protection forests alone, but also authorizing, the supervision of supply forests

under the special control of the local governors. Under this law, which also extended the assistance of local authorities to would-be planters, aided by reforms in the corporation system, remarkable activity in planting wastelands ensued,

so that in the next two years, not less than 1 million acres of communal property was set out with trees, numbering over 800 million, while in the state forests some 400,000 acres of vacant land had been planted by 1970. Some sand dune planting and reboisement works are also the result of this legislation. Further legislation more closely defining state control was had in 1907. In connection with this planting, it may be of interest to record the attitude of Japanese foresters

toward natural regeneration. This is no longer popular in these days when the knowledge of forest management possessed by foresters has become highly developed, for if that method is the easiest and least troublesome, nevertheless it is not advisable, in view of the necessity of effecting a thorough improvement in our silvicultural conditions. Only on steep slopes and for protection forests it is applicable. In 1897 also some Atexxxxia, experiment stations were organized, in addition to the earlier one at Nishigahara, organized in 1882, by Matsuno.

Education in forestry has lately run riot in Japan, as it has in the United States. Since the first school, organized in 1882, not less than 62 institutions had seen the need of offering the opportunity to become acquainted with that subject. By 1910, these had been reduced. to 47. Here, however, different grades are frankly acknowledged. There are three collegiate institutions whose diploma admits to the higher service. Four are of secondary grade, 19 gives special courses, and the rest treat the subject merely as a subsidiary of a practical education, including agriculture, stock farming, and fishery. A ranger's school, which was instituted under

Matsuno's guidance, controlled by the Forestry Bureau, came to an end during the Russian war for lack of funds, but has probably been revived again. A forestry association now with 4,000 members carries on propaganda and publishes a magazine, and cooperative associations among small owners to facilitate better management are being formed under the law of 1907. In conclusion we may say that Japan has done wonders in reorganizing its forestry system in a short time, but, according to one competent observer, while all the Japanese care for detail and love for orderliness is apparent in the office,

not all that is found on paper is to be found as yet in the woods, and that, for similar reasons as have been indicated for Russia, many things happen in the words that are not known in the office. End of Section 27. Section 28 of A Brief History of Forestry. This is a Dibrivox recording. All Librivox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit lipprivox.org.

Recording by Avai in January 2020. A Brief History of Forestry by Bernhard Furnow. Section 28. Korea The latest move in forestry form in this part of the world, as a result of Japanese influence, is to be recorded from Korea. Indeed, in 1910, Japan annexed Korea and will doubtless apply her own methods in the new province. The forest area of Korea comprises only about 2,500,000 acres, out of an area of nearly 53,000 million acres of very mountainous country. A concession for the exploitation of the northern forests to a Russian, which included the replanting with exotic tree species, was the immediate cause

of the Russo-Japanese War. In 1907, by cooperative arrangements with Japan, a conservative forest policy was to be inaugurated by laws similar to those of Japan. Drowth, floods, and erosion of soils have been common experiences. The preservation of forest cover, especially at the headquarters of the Yalu and two men in the northern part of the country, is aimed at. For this purpose, the government has taken all forests under its care. All private owners or leaseholders must report their holdings and have their property listed, and in case of failure to do so, the property is forfeited. The government may then expropriate, or else, regulate the cutting, or where protective functions of the forest cover require it, may

forbid cutting altogether. A forestry school is also part of the program. End of Section 28. Section 29 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librevox.org. A Brief History of Forestry by Bernard Fernau United States of America 1. Forest Conditions The great and exuberant Republic of the United States vast in extent and rich in natural resources generally

excelled and still excels in extent importance and value of her timber resources and having only lately begun to inaugurate rational forest policies, promises to become of all-absorbing interest to foresters. The marvelous growth of the nation, which from 3 million in 1780, had attained to a population of 76 million in 1900, and by the last census numbered around 92 million people, has been the wonder of the world by reason of its rapid expansion, yet the limit is far from being reached, annually some three-quarters of a million or more immigrants from all parts of the world arrive,

and there is still room and comfortable living for at least another 100 million, if the resources are properly treated. The large land area of nearly two billion acres, over three million square miles, is undoubtedly the richest contiguous domain of such size in the world, located most favorably with reference to trade by virtue of a coastline of over 20,000 miles and diversified in climate so as to permit the widest range of production. While a simple mathematical relation would make the population at present about 31 to the square mile, such a statement would give an erroneous conception of economic conditions,

for the distribution of the population is most uneven, a condition which must eventually diversify the application of forestry methods in different parts of the country. In Massachusetts and Rhode Island combined, for instance, the density of population is 428 to the square mile, exceeding that of the similar-sized state of Wurttemberg in Germany, while in the neighboring state of Maine, it is not 25. The Atlantic coast states south of South Carolina, a territory slightly larger than Germany, show about half in the central agricultural states about one-third the density of that density. populated country. On the other hand, some of the western states, Montana, Wyoming, Nevada, Arizona, and New Mexico have less than three to the square mile. Similar unevenness is found

in the distribution of resources, especially of timber wealth, and to some extent at least, the present populational distribution is explained by the uneven distribution of farm soils and timber. Outside of the unorganized territory of Alaska and the disenfranchised district of Columbia, the country is divided into 46 states and two territories which will eventually acquire statehood. In addition, there are a number of insular possessions under the direct control of the federal government. Each state being under the Constitution, sovereign in itself, as far as its internal administration is concerned. It is evident that no uniformity of policies can be expected, except so far as initiativeness in which the American citizen excels may lead state after

state to repeat the experiment attempted by one. The federal government has no direct jurisdiction in matters concerning the management of resources within the states, except so far as it still owns land in the western so-called public land states and a few parcels in the eastern states over which it still retains jurisdiction. The severest test of democratic institutions is experienced when the attempt is made to establish a policy which shall guard the interests of the future at the expense of the demands and needs of the present. Democracy produces attitudes and characteristics of the people which are inimical to stable

economic arrangements looking to the future, such as are implied in a forest policy. The vast country with an unevenly distributed and heterogeneous population presents the greatest variety of natural, as well as, of economic conditions. The immediate interests of one section naturally do not coincide with those of other sections. Particularistic and individualistic tendencies of the true Democrat are antagonistic to anything which smacks of paternalism, the attitude under which alone a persistent, bar-sided policy can thrive. Frequent change of administration, or at least the threat of such change, impedes consistent execution of plans.

Fickle public opinion may subvert at any time well-laid plans which take time in maturing. The true democratic doctrine of restricting states, state activity to police functions and the doctrine of non-interference with private rights, as well as the idea of state rights and opposition to federal power and authority. All these characteristics of a democratic government are impediments to a concerned action and stable policy. That, in spite of these antagonistic interests, conditions, and doctrines, substantial progress toward establishing at least a federal force policy has been made, is due to the fact that the American, in spite of his reputation as a materialistic, selfish opportunist,

is really an idealist, that he responds readily to patriotic appeals, that in spite of his rabid nationalism, he is willing to learn from the experiences of other nations, that indeed he is anxious to be educated. Finally, much credit is due to the men who, with single purpose, devoted their lives to the education of their fellow citizens, in this direction. It must to be sure be added that remarkable changes in the political attitude of the people have taken place in the last 30 years since the propaganda of forestry began. Changes partly perhaps induced by that propaganda which evaded this movement and which if they persist promise much for the future development of forest policies. A decidedly paternalistic, if not

socialistic attitude has lately been taken by the federal government and by skillful construction of the Constitution as regards the right to regulate interstate relations has led to an expansion of federal power in various directions. A similar paternalistic attitude has developed in the legislatures of several states to a noticeable degree. Even the judiciary has taken up this new spirit and is ready to sanction interference with private property rights to a degree which a decade ago would have been denounced as undemocratic and tyrannical. Two courts have lately ruled that owners of timberlands may be restricted without compensation as regards the size of trees they may fell on their property if the welfare of the state demands such interference. The argument of the Roman doctrine, Uttare Tuo ne alterum, noceas, which forestry propagandists have so strenuously used, seems finally to have found favor in the inclusion of the community at large, present and future, as the possibility damaged party does not appear any more strained. The idea of the providential function of governments, as the writer has called it, seems to have taken hold of the people.

the democratic doctrine of state rights and restriction of government functions has, even among Democrats, been weakened through the long continued reign of the Republican Party, the party of centralizing tendencies, to such an extent that the latest Democratic platform of a presidential campaign, 1908, outdid the Republican platform in centralizing and paternalistic propositions. It is proper to emphasize the growth of this social. naturalistic attitude as it is bound to influence and influence favorably the further development of forest policies. Nevertheless, it is still necessary to keep in mind that the states are autonomous and that while the federal government, in spite of the antagonism in the western states, in which the public lands are situated,

has been able to change its land policy from that of liberal disposal to one of reservation, It alone cannot save the situation. While a few of the states have made beginnings in working out a policy to arrest the destruction of their forest resources, which are mostly in private hands, still much water must flow down the Mississippi before adequate measures will be taken to stave off the threatening timber famine and the energy of the various local and national conservation associations

will need to be exercised to the utmost. Forest conditions. Three extensive mountain systems running north and south give rise to at least eight topographic subdivisions of the country, going from east to west. One, the narrow belt of level coast and hill country along the Atlantic shore, from 100 to 200 miles in width, with elevations up to 1,000 feet, but especially low along the sea coast from Virginia, south, drained by short rivers, navvents, only for short distances from the mouth.

A farming country, with the soils varying from the rich to the poorest, some 300,000 square miles. 2. The Appalachian mountain country, nearly of the same width as the first section, with elevations up to 5,000 feet, the watershed of all the rivers to the Atlantic, of several rivers to the Gulf, and of the eastern affluence of Mississippi, A mountain country of about 360,000 square miles extent, rich and cold iron and other minerals, except in its northern extension formed of Archaean rock. 3. The Great River Basin of the Mississippi, a central plain of glacial and river deposit, rising gradually from the Gulf to the headwaters for more than 1,200 miles, and nowhere over 1,000 feet above sea level, the richest agriculture.

section, 700,000 square miles more or less in extent. 4. The plateau rising toward the rocky mountains from 1,000 to 5,000 feet above sea level, some 870,000 square miles in extent. A region of scanty rainfall, hence of prairie and plain, but mostly rich soil of undetermined depth, capable of prolific production where sufficient water supply is available. 5. The Rocky Mountain region, rising from 5,000 to near 10,000 feet, except some higher piece, an arid to semi-arid district of rugged ranges, covered mostly with forest growth, often open and of inferior kind, with tillable soils in the narrow valleys, requiring irrigation for farm use,

a mining country, rich in gold and silver, extending over 150,000 square miles. 6. The Sierra Nevada mountain range, including the coast range, rarely over 7,000 feet elevation, arid to semi-arid on the eastern slopes, humid and supporting magnificent forest growth on the western slope, some 190,000 square miles. 7. The interior basin, lying between the two preceding mountain ranges, some 400,000 square miles, for the most part a desert, although in part supporting a stunted growth of pinion and juniper, and where irrigation is possible, productive. 8. The interior valleys of the Sierra, comprising about 30,000 square miles,

which under irrigation have become the garden spots of the Pacific. To these topographical subdivisions correspond in part the climatic and the forest conditions, although variation of soil and of northern and southern climate produce further differentiation in types and in distribution of field and forest. The first three sections are originally densely wooded, the Great Atlantic Forest Region, but farms now occupy most of the arable portions. The fourth and seventh are forestless, if not treeless,

while the fifth and six were more or less forested, the Pacific Coast region. Floristically also these topographic conditions are reflected, namely in the wide, north, and south distribution of species, unimpeded by intervening mountain ranges, and in the change in composition from east to west, the two grand floristic divisions of the Atlantic and the Pacific Forest, having but few species in common, are separated by the plains and prairies. The Atlantic forest is in the main composed of broad leaf leaves with conifers intermixed, which latter only under the influence of soil conditions form pure stands, as in the extensive

pineries of the south and north, and in the northern swamps and on southern mountaintops. The central region west of the Alleghenies exhibits little conifer growth in its composition and is most widely turn to farm use. White pine, hemlock, and spruce are the important coniferous staples of the northern section, and a number of yellow pine species with old cypress and red cedar are the valuable conifer species in the south. As regards valuable hardwoods, there is but little change from north to south. The Pacific forest flora is almost entirely coniferous, but here also climatic conditions permit a distinction of two very different forest regions, the Rocky Mountain Forest being mostly of rather inferior development, and the Sierra Forest exhibiting the most

magnificent tree growth in the world. Nearly half the country is forestless, grassy prairie and plain, some 400 million acres being of the latter description, while open prairie and bush forest or wasteland occupies 600 million acres. Within the forest region of the east, some 250 million acres have been turned into farms, leaving still two-thirds of the area, either under woods or else wasted by fire. Although any reliable data regarding this acreage are wanting, the area of really productive woodland in this section may probably be set down as not exceeding 300 million acres, which would be nearly 40% of the total area, varying from 13% in the central agricultural states to 50% in the southern states.

Maine, New Hampshire, and Arkansas being most densely wooded with over 60%. The Rocky Mountain and Sierra forests, each with 100 million acres, would bring the total productive woodland area to around 500 million acres, or about 26% of the whole. Later estimates, including brushlands of doubtful productive capacity, increase this area to 550 million acres. It is almost idle to attempt an estimate of the timber still standing ready for the axe. Not only are the data for such an estimate too scanty, but standards of what is considered merchantable change continuously

and vitiate the value of such estimates. The writer's own estimate made some years ago of 2,500 billion feet, which by others has been treated as authoritative and forming a basis for predicting the time of a timber famine, and which was lately sustained by an extensive official inquiry, must nevertheless be considered only as a reasonable guess, ventured for the purpose of accentuating the need of more conservative treatment of these exhaustible supplies. in comparison with the consumption, which represents around 45 billion feet, BM, and altogether 23 billion cubic feet of forest-grown material, and the ultimate value of all forest products reaching the dependent sum of around $1,250 million. And as in other countries, this lavish consumption of forest growth from five to 15 times that of Europeans, as shown in the public. passed a per capita increase of 30% for every decade. The bulk of the standing timber is to be found along the Pacific Coast and the Sierra, and in the southern states with their extensive pineries.

The northern and eastern sections are within measurable time of the end of their virgin supplies of saw timber. The practice of culling the most valuable species has changed the composition and the regeneration, making it inferior, in large areas, have been rendered worthless by fires. The loss of fire, the bane of American forests, as far as loss and material is concerned, probably does not exceed two or three percent of the consumption. It may be valued at, say, $25 million per annum. But the indirect damage to forest and soil, changing the composition, bearing the soil,

and exposing it to erosion and washing, turning fertile lands into waste in brooks and rivers into torrents is incalculable. There is no doubt that at the present rate of consumption, the bulk of divergent supplies will be used up in a measurable time, which will force a reduction in the use of wood materials. A more or less severe timber famine is bound to appear. Indeed, has already begun to make its appearance, and all recuperative measures will not suffice to stave it off,

although they may shorten the time of its duration. End of Section 29. Section 30 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. A brief history of forestry by Bernard Ferno. Section 30, United States of America, early forest history.

The early colonizers, settling on the Atlantic coast, soon after the discoveries of Columbus, did not, as is usually believed, find an untouched virgin forest. The Aboriginal Indians had, before then, ewn out their cornfields, and had supplied themselves with fuel wood and materials for their utensils, and fires, accidental, intentional, or caused by lightning, had, no doubt, also made inroads here and there. The white man, to be sure, is a more lavish, wood consumer, his farms increased more rapidly, his buildings and his fireplaces consumed more forest growth, and carelessness with fire was,

as it is still, his besetting sin. Moreover, a trade in timber with the old world developed, in which only the best and largest-sized material figured. Wastfulness was bred in him by the sight of plenty, and the hard work of clearing his farm acres incited a natural enmity to the encumbering forest. The first sawmill in the New World was erected in 1631 in the town of Burwick, Maine, and the first gang saw of 18 saws, and 1650 in the same place.

While before that time, masts and spars, hand-make-coopridge dock, stock, clapboards, and shingles, formed commonly parts of the returned cargoes of ships. By 1680, nearly 50 vessels engaged in such trade, cleared from the Piscataqua River, The ordinances, on record, which were issued at the same early times by the town governments of Exeter, 1640, Kittery, 1658, Portsmouth, 1660, and Dover, 1665, restricting the use of timber, remind us of the early European forest ordinances. They were probably not dictated by any threatening deficiency of this class of material, but merely intended to secure a proper and orderly use of the town property. The appointment of a royal surveyor of the woods for the New England colonies in 1699, and the penalties imposed in New Hampshire, 1708, for cutting mast trees on ungranted lands, $500 for cutting 24-inch trees, and in Massachusetts, 1784, for cutting white pine upon the public lands,

$100, were probably also merely policy regulations to protect property, rights of the Crown, or Commonwealth's. That this last move was in no way conceived as a needed conservatism is proved by the fact that two years later the legislature of Maine devised a lottery scheme for the disposal of 50 townships and 3,500,000 acres were disposed of in this way during the 12 years following the war. Altogether, the states sacrificed their wild lands at trifling prices.

But when William Penn, the founder, and first legislator of the state, which represented his grant, stipulated in 1682, that for every five acres cleared, one acre was to be reserved for forest growth by those who took title from it. That may properly be considered an attempt to inaugurate a conservative policy dictated by wise forethought, an attempt which, however, bore little or no fruit. Thoughtful men probably at all times looked with pity and apprehension upon the wasteful use of the timber as they do now, yet squander went on, just as it still does, but the apparently inexhaustible supplies in those early times called for no restriction in its use. At the end of the 18th and beginning

of the 19th century, a fuel wood famine must have appeared in some parts of the country, just as in Germany at that time and for the same reasons. The wood having been cut along the rivers, which were the only means of transportation, and hence the distance to which wood had to be hauled, increasing the cost. This was probably the reason why the Society of Agriculture, Arts, and Manufactures of New York, after an inquiry by circular letter, issued in 1791, published in 1795, a report on the best mode of preserving and increasing the growth of timber. This condition probably also led the wise governor of New York, DeWitt Clinton, of Erie Canal fame,

in a message in 1822 to forecast an evil day, because no system of economy for the reproduction of forest supplies was being adopted. And he added, probably none will be, until severe privations are experienced. Like Great Britain at the time, the federal government became concerned as regards supplies for naval construction, and by Act, approved in 1799, appropriated $200,000 for the purchase of timber fit for their

Navy and for its preservation for future use. Small purchases were made on the Georgia Coast, but nothing of importance was done until, in 1817, another act renewed the proposition of the first, and directed the reservation of public lands bearing live oak or cedar timber suitable for the Navy, as might be selected by the President. Under this act, a reservation of 19,000 acres was made in 1828 on commissioners, Cyprus, and six islands in Louisiana. Another appropriation of $10,000 was made in 1828, and some lands were purchased on Santa Rosa Sound, where during a few years, even an attempt at cultivation was made, including sewing, transplanting, pruning, etc. This was done under a more general act of 1827, by which the president was

authorized to take proper measures to preserve the live oak timber growing on the federal lands. Under these acts, altogether some 244,000 acres of forest land, were reserved in Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, and Mississippi. But although another act of 1831 provided for the punishment of persons cutting or destroying any live oak, red cedar, or other trees growing on any lands of the United States, no general conception of the need. of a broad forest policy, or even of a special value attaching to the public timberlands, dictated these acts, except so far as the securing of certain material, then believed necessary for naval construction, was concerned. Indeed, the act of 1831 remained for 60 years the only

expression of interest in this part of the federal domain. In those early times, the extent of our forest domain was entirely unknown, and the concern of occasional early voices and public prints regarding a threatened exhaustion of timber supplies can only be explained by the fact that, in the absence of railroads, the supplies near centers of civilization or near drivable and navigable rivers were alone of any account. That the earlier propagandists of forest culture received scant attention was due to the fact that conditions soon changed, and with these changes the evil day seemed indefinitely postponed, and the necessity for forest culture apparently vanished. These changes were mainly

wrought by the opening up of the West, by extending means of transportation through canals and railroads, and by distributing population whereby the need for nearby home supplies was overcome. A continental supply of apparently inexhaustible amount was brought into sight and within reach. Meanwhile, the population began to grow. Immigrants began to pour in by the 100,000, and the westward stream opened up new country and new timber supplies, and lumber industry of marvelous size began to develop. The small country mill run in the manner of,

and often in connection with the gristmill, doing a petty business by sawing as occasion demanded, to order for home customers or export, gave way to the large mill establishment, as we know it now, and with the development of railroad transportation and the settlement of the western country, especially the forestless prairies, the industry grew at an astonishing rate. It is worthwhile to briefly trace the history of this industry for the sake of which the need of conservative forest policies is essential. That the petty method of doing business lasted until the middle of the century is evidenced by the census of 1840,

which reported 31,560 lumber mills, with a total product valued at 12,943,507, or a little over $400 per mill. By 1876, the product per mill had become $6,500. By 1890, it was only $21,000, it was $19,000. In 1900, nearly the same number of mills as were recorded in 1840, 33,035, furnished a product of $56 million,

and in 1907, the banner year of production, the cut of 28,850 mils was reported at over 40 billion feet, and the gross product per mill had grown to $23,000, or a value for all of $66,641,000, $367. In 1909, 48, 112 mills cut $44,509,761 feet, valued at $684,479,859,859. Nearly half this product came from the southern states. In the 50 years from 1850 to 1900, the value of all forest products harvested increased from

59 million to 567 million, and in 1907 the value had risen to 1,280 million, representing a consumption of over 20 million cubic feet of forest-grown material. Especially after the Civil War, the settlements of the West grew as if by magic, the railroad mileage more than doubled in the decade from 1865 to 1875, and with it, the lumber industry developed by rapid strides into its modern methods and volume. How rapidly the changes took place may be judged from the fact that, in 1865, the state of New York still furnished more lumber than any other state. Now it supplies only insignificant amounts, a little over 2% of the total lumber cut. In 1868, the golden age of lumbering had arrived in Michigan. In 1871, rafts filled the

Wisconsin. In 1875, O'Clair had 30, Marathon 30, and Fondulac, 20 sawmills, now all gone. Edmills at lacrosse, which were cutting millions of feet annually, are now closed. By 1882, the Saginaw Valley had reached the climax of its production, and the lumber industry of the Great Northwest, with the cut of 8 billion feet of white pine alone, was in full blast. The white pine production reached its maximum in 1890, with 8.5 billion feet,

then to decrease gradually, but steadily, to less than half that cut in 1908. Southern development began to assume large proportions much later. At the present time, the lumber product of the south, southern states has grown to amounts nearly double that of all the northern states combined. But not only the unparalleled and ever-increasing wood consumption, which now has reached

260 cubic feet per capita, five times that of Germany, and ten times that of France, threatened the exhaustion of the natural supplies. Reckless conflagrations almost invariably followed the lumberman, and destroyed generally the remaining stand, and surely the young growth. So common did these conflagrations become that they were considered unavoidable, and the laws intended to protect forest property against fires were found on the statute books of every state, no attempt to enforce them was made. No wonder that those observing this rapid dissemination of our forest supplies, and the incredible wastefulness and additional destruction by fire, with no attention to the aftergrowth, began again to sound the note of

alarm. Besides the writings in the daily press and other non-official publications, we find the reports of the Department of Agriculture more and more frequently calling attention to the subject. In a report issued by the Patent Office, as early as 1849, we find the following significant language in a discussion on the rapid destruction of forests and their influence on water flow. The waste of valuable timber in the United States, to say nothing of firewood, will hardly begin to be appreciated until our population reaches 50 million. Then the folly and short-sightedness of this age will meet with a degree of censure and reproach not pleasant to contemplate. In 1865, the Reverend Frederick Starr discussed fully and forcibly the American forests, their destruction and preservation, in a lengthy article in which with a truly prophetic vision, he says,

it is feared it will be long, perhaps a full century, before the results at which we ought to aim as a nation will be realized by our whole country, to wit that we should raise an adequate supply of wood and timber for all our wants. The evils which are anticipated will probably increase upon us for 30 years to come, with a tenfold the rapidity

with which restoring or ameliorating measures shall be adopted. And again, like a cloud no bigger than a man's hand just rising from the sea, an awakening interest begins to come in sight on this subject, which, as a question of political economy, will place the interests of cotton, wool, coal, iron, meat, and even grain beneath its feet. Some of these, according to the demand, can be produced in a few days, others in a few months or a few years, but timber and not less than one generation. The nation has slept because

the gnawing of want has not awakened her. She has had plenty and to spare, but within 30 years she will be conscious that not only individual want is present, but that it comes to each from permanent national famine of wood. The article is full of interesting detail, and may be said to be the starting basis

of the campaign for better methods which followed. Another unquestionably most influential official report was that upon Forests and Forestry in Germany by Dr. John A. Warder, United States Commissioner to the World's Fair at Vienna in 1873. Dr. Warder set forth clearly and correctly the methods employed abroad in the use of forests and became himself one of the most prominent propagandists for their adoption in his own country. About the same time appeared the classical work of George B. Marsh, our minister to Italy. The earth as modified by human action, in which the evil effects on cultural conditions of forest destruction were ably and forcibly pointed out.

Among these earlier publications designed to arouse public attention to the subject, should also be mentioned, General C.C. Andrews report on forestry in Sweden, published by the State Department, in 1872. The census of 1870 attempted for the first time a canvas of our forest resources under Professor F.W. Brewer as a result of which the relative smallness of our forest area became known. All these publications had their influence in educating a large number to a conception and consideration of the importance of the subject, so that, when, in 1873, the Committee on Forestry of the American Association for the Advancement of Science was formed and presented a memorial to Congress, pointing out the importance of promoting the cultivation of timber and the preservation of forests and recommending the appointment of a commission of forestry to report to Congress.

There already existed an intelligent audience, and although a considerable amount of lethargy and lack of interest was exhibited, Congress could be persuaded in 1876 to establish an agency in the United States Department of Agriculture, out of which grew later the Division of Forestry, a Bureau of Information on Forestry Matters. Dr. Franklin B. Ho, one of the signers of the memorial, was appointed to the agency. It is to be noted as characteristic of much American legislation that this agency was secured only as a rider to an appropriation for the distribution of seed. While these were the beginnings of an official recognition of the subject by the federal government, private enterprise and the separate states also started about

the same time to forward the movement. In 1867, the Agricultural and Horticultural Societies of Wisconsin were invited by the legislature to appoint a committee to report on the disastrous effects of forest destruction. In 1869, the main board of agriculture appointed a committee to report on a forest policy for the state, leading to the Act of 1872 for the encouragement of the growth of trees, exempting from taxation for 20 years lands planted to trees, which law, as far as we know, remained without result. About the same time, a real wave of enthusiasm regarding the planting of timber seems to have pervaded the country, and especially the Western Prairie States. In addition to laws regarding the planting of trees on highways, laws for the encouragement of timber

planting, either under bounty or exemption from taxation, were passed in Iowa, Kansas, and Wisconsin in 1868, in Nebraska and New York, in 1869, in Missouri in 1870, in Minnesota in 1871, in Iowa in 1872, in Nevada in 1873, in Illinois, in 1874, in Dakota and Kentucky, in Dakota and Connecticut in 1875, and finally, the federal government joined in this kind of legislation by the so-called timber cultural acts of 1873 and 1874 amended in 1876 and 1877. For the most part, these laws remained a dead letter, accepting in the case of the federal government offer. The encouragement by release from taxes was not much of an inducement, nor does the bounty provision seem to have had greater success, except in taking money out of the

treasuries. Finally, these laws were in many or most cases repealed. The Timber Cultural Act was passed by Congress on March 3, 1873, by which the planting of timber on 40 acres of land, or a proportionate area, in the treeless territory, conferred the title to 160 acres, or a proportionate amount of the public domain. This law had not been in existence ten years when its repeal was demanded, and this was finally secured in 1891, the reason being that,

partly owing to the crude provisions of the law and partly to the lack of proper supervision, it had been abused and had given rise to much fraud in obtaining title to lands under false pretenses. It is difficult to say how much impetus the law gave to bona fide forest planting, and how much timber growth has resulted from it. Unfavorable climate, lack of satisfactory plant material, and a lack of knowledge as to the proper methods, led to many failures. A number of railroad companies, opening up the prairie states,

planted at this time groves along the right-of-way for the sake of demonstrating the practicability of securing forest growth on the treeless prairies and plains. There was also considerable planting of windbreaks and groves on homesteads, which was attended with better results. Altogether, however, the amount of tree planting, even in the prairies and plains, was infinitesimal, if compared with what is necessary for climatic amelioration, and it may be admitted now, as well as later, that the reforestation of the plains must be a matter of cooperative, if not of national enterprise. At this time also, an effort was made to stimulate enthusiasm for tree planting among the homesteaders and settlers on the plains by the establishment of Arbor Days.

From its inception by Governor J. Sterling Morton and its first inauguration by the State Board of Agriculture of Nebraska in 1872, Arbor Day gradually became a day of observance in nearly every state. while, with the exception of the so-called treeless states, perhaps not much planting of economic value is done. The observance of the day in schools, as one set apart for the discussion of the importance of trees, forests, and forestry, has been productive of an increased interest in the subject. Aberdeys have perhaps also had a retarding influence upon the practical forestry movement and leading people into the misconception that forestry consists in tree planting, in diverting attention from the economic question of the proper use of existing forest areas, in bringing into the discussion poetry and emotions,

which have clouded the hard-headed practical issues and delayed the earnest attention of practical businessmen. Private efforts in the East in the way of fostering and carrying on economic timber planting should not be forgotten, such as the offering of prizes by the Massachusetts Society for the promotion of agriculture, as early as 1804 and again in 1876. And the planting done by private landholders at Cape Cod in Rhode Island, Virginia, and elsewhere, these efforts, to be sure, were only sporadic and unsystematic,

and on no scale commensurate with the destruction of virgin forest resources. A touching attempt of two noble Frenchmen to teach their American hosts a better use of their magnificent forest resource, although of little result, should never fail of mention. André Michaud and his son, André Francois, who, between 1785 and 1805, explored and studied the forest flora of the United States and published a magnificent North American Silva in three volumes,

left in recognition of the hospitalities received two legacies of $20,000 for the extension and progress of agriculture and more especially of silviculture in the United States, which bequests became available in 1870. The American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, a trustee of one of the legacies, has devoted its income to beautification of Fairmont Park, providing a few lectures on forest botany and forestry and collecting a forestry library, while the other legacy has been used by the Massachusetts Society for the promotion of agriculture to aid the botanical gardens at Harvard,

and the Arnold Aberrhythm, besides offering the prizes for tree planting, referred to above. End of Section 30. Section 31 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Librevox recording. All Lebrowx recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Leiprovox.org. Recording by April 6090, California, United States. States of America. A brief history of forestry by Bernard for now. Development of Forest Policy

The first period of desultory efforts to create public opinion on behalf of a more conservative use of forest resources was followed by a mere systematic propaganda, in which the division of forestry, growing out of the agency in the Department of Agriculture, took the lead. This It visited officially, as well by assisting the American Forestry Association, soon after organized with a view of educating public opinion. For 15 years, the chief of the division acted either as secretary or chairman of the Executive Committee of the Association. The first forestry association had been formed on January the 12th, 1876, in St. Paul, Minnesota, largely through the efforts of Leonard B. Hodges,

who was the first to make plantations in the prairies for the St. Paul and Pacific Railroad. This association was aided by state appropriations, which enabled it to offer premiums for the setting out of plantations to distribute plant material, and also to publish and distribute widely a tree planter's manual, revised editions of which were issued from time to time. In 1875, Dr. John A. Warder issued a call for a convention in Chicago to form a National

Forestry Association. This association was completed in 1876 at Philadelphia, but never showed any life or growth. In 1882, a number of patriotic citizens at Cincinnati called together a forestry congress, incited thereto by the visit and representatives. of Baron von Steuben, a Prussian forest official, when visiting this country on the occasion of the centennial celebration of the surrender of Yorktown. A very enthusiastic and representative gathering on April 25th was the result, lasting through the week,

which led to the formation of the American Forestry Congress. In the same year, in August, a second meeting was held in Montreal, under the patronage of the Canadian government, and the name was changed to the American Forestry Association. In 1898, it began the publication of a propagandist journal. The forester later changed to forestry and irrigation, then to conservation, and now again to American Forestry. It has now a membership of over 5,000.

Much of the early educational propaganda was done through this association, Indeed, this association, holding yearly and intermediate meetings in different parts of the states, became the center of all private efforts to advance the forestry movement. Twelve volumes of its proceedings contained not only the history of progress in establishing a forest policy, but also much other information of value on forestry subjects. Other local or state forestry associations were formed from time to time. more or less under the lead of the National Association, and exist now in almost every state, while several other societies, like the Sierra Nevada Club and the Mazamas of the Pacific Coast,

and state horticulture societies in various states, made the subject one to be discussed and to be fostered. The most active of these associations, since it was formed in 1886, publishing also a bi-monthly journal, forest leaves, at first less frequently, is the Pennsylvania State Forestry Association, which has succeeded in thoroughly committing its states to a proper forest policy. As far as official recognition is concerned, usually as a result of this associated private effort, the states appointed forestry commissions or commissioners. These commissions were at first, for the most part, instituted for inquiry and to make reports. upon which a forest policy for the state might be framed.

Others have become permanent parts of the state organization, with executive or merely educational functions. Such commissioners of inquiry were appointed at various times. In Connecticut, 1877, New Hampshire, 1881 and 1889, Vermont, 1882, New York, 1884, Maine, 1891, New Jersey in Geological Survey 1894, Pennsylvania 1893, North Carolina in Geological Survey 1991, Ohio 1885, Michigan 1890, Wisconsin, 1997, Minnesota 18909, North Dakota 1891, Colorado 1885, California 1885. It was but natural in a democratic country that these movements

sometimes became the playballs of self-seeking men, political wire pollers, and grafters, or more often of ignorant amateurs and shallow sentimentalists, aided by half-informed newspaper writers, infinite patience was required to steer through these rocks the ship of true economic reform, and to educate legislators and constituents to its true needs. The very first forestry Congress was really conceived with a view of advance. political preferment of one of its organizers, and many another forestry meeting was utilized for its similar purpose, the new catchy title, attracting the global. One of the first state forest commissions, well endowed to do its work, soon fell into the hands of grafters, and

created such scandals that they led to its abolishment, and to set back in the movement everywhere. Arbor Day's sentimentalism, discredited and clouded the issue. before the business world. The movement was in constant danger at the hands of its friends. Antagonism of the lumber world was aroused by the false idea of what the reform contemplated, and, in the absence of technically trained foresters, to instruct the public and the amateur reformers, and to convince the legislators of the absolute need of discontinuing old-established habits. Progress was naturally slow, and experienced many setbacks. It was a hard field to plow, grown up with the weed growth of prejudice and custom,

and means and tools for the work were inadequate. The federal government was naturally looked to to take the lead. The first two agents employed in the Department of Agriculture to report on forestry, unfortunately lacked all technical knowledge of the subject. The first, a most deciduous worker, being a writer of local histories and gatherer of statistics, the second a preacher, the third the writer himself, had at least the advantage of this technical training. But at the same time, the disadvantage of being a foreigner, who had first to learn the limitations of democratic government. Only the paltry sum of 8,000 was at his disposal for plowing the ground.

And even after the agency had been raised to the dignity of a division in 1886, for years no adequate appropriations could be secure. and hence the scope and usefulness of the work of the division was hampered. The Forestry Association, inaugurated with such a flourish of trumpets and with such a large membership at the start, had in the first two years dwindled to a small number of faithful ones and was without funds when the writer became its secretary. In spite of these drawbacks, the propaganda had progressed so far in 1891, that, through the earnest insistence of the then Secretary of the Interior,

John W. Noble, who had been won over to the views for which the division and the association stood. A clause was enacted by Congress, inact to repeal timber culture laws and for other purposes, giving authority to the

president to set aside forest reservations from the public domain. Again, this important legislation, which changed the entire land policy and all previous notions of the government's functions concerning the public domain, was not deliberately enacted, but slipped in as a writer at the last hour in conference committee. In this connection, the name of Edward A. Bowers in 1887, special agent in the Department of the Interior and later assistant commissioner of the General Land Office, deserves

mentioned as most active in securing this reservation policy. Acting under this authority, President's Harrison and Cleveland proclaimed, previous to 1894, 17 forest reservations, with a total estimated area of 17,500,000 acres, the reservations were established usually upon the petition of citizens residing in the respective states and after due examination. The Forestry association acting both as instigator and as an intermediary. Meanwhile, no provision for the administration of the reserves existed, and the comprehensive legislation devised by the chief of the Division of Forestry, which included withdrawal and administration of all public timberlands, failed to be enacted, although in the 53rd Congress it was passed by both houses,

but failed to become a law merely for lack of time to secure a conference report. But the purpose of the advocates of forestry was to create such a condition as would compel Congress to act by continually withdrawing forested lands that would lie useless until authority was given for their proper use and administration. In order to secure influential support from outside, a committee of the Forestry Association induced the then, Secretary of the Interior, Hoke Smith, in 1896,

to request the National Academy of Sciences, the legally constituted advisor of the government in scientific matters, to investigate and report upon the inauguration of irrational forest policy for the forested lands of the United States. After an unnecessary so-called junket of a committee of the Academy to investigate,

the public timberlands, A preliminary report was submitted recommending the creation of 13 additional reservations, with an area of over 20 million acres, and later a complete report was made with practically the same recommendations, which had been urged by the Forestry Association. President Cleveland heroically proclaimed the desired reserves all on one day. Washington's birthday, 1897, without the usual preliminary ascertainment of local interests

and immediately a storm broke loose in the United States Senate, which threatened the overthrow of the entire, toilsomely achieved reservation policy. And impeachment of the president was strongly argued in a two-day Sunday session. Congress, however, came to an end on March 4th, before it had taken any action. But as it had also failed to pass the annual sundry civil appropriation bill, it was immediately recalled in extra session.

Then again, by a clever trick, and in an indirect and surrepitous manner, instead of by open, direct, and straightforward consideration, and deliberation of a proper policy, most important legislation was secured in this sundry civil appropriation bill, which provided for the temporary suspension of the reservations lately set aside

until they could be more definitely delimited. private claims adjusted and agricultural lands excluded by a survey, for which $150,000 was appropriated to the United States Geological Survey. The agriculture lands were then to be returned to the public domain for disposal. At the same time, provisions for the administration of the remaining reservations, much in the sense of the legislation advocated by the Division of Forestry, and by the Forestry Association, and especially for the sale of timber, were hung on to this appropriation clause. Under this act, the reserves were administered until 1904. If the interior history of this bit of legislation were revealed, it would probably appear that, not conception of the

importance of the subject, but the need for the employment of a certain organized survey party in the geological survey was at the bottom of it. While this law had set aside one year and a limited sum to accomplish the survey, this could not, of course, be done, and hence appropriations were continued, and the date for the segregation of the lands was deferred, Sindhi. For years, this forest survey continued, giving rise to magnificent volumes issued from the geological survey, describing the forest reservations. A very useful educational piece of work, not at all contemplated by the legislation, for which not less than $1.5 million have been expended. By 1905, some 110,000 square miles had been examined when this work was handed over to the Forestry Bureau. Thus,

it happened, almost by accident, that finally the aims of the reformers were realized. The appointment of forest superintendents, rangers, etc., to take charge of the forest reservations was secured, and rules and regulations for their administration were formulated by the Commissioner of the General Land Office, marking the beginning of a settled policy on the part of the United States government to take care of its long-neglected forest lands. In this work of first organization, the name of Filibert Roth, a German-born forester, deserves mention. Meanwhile, the division of forestry had continued to bring together and distribute in the shape of reports, bulletins, circulars, addresses, and letters, such information useful for the education of the public,

of wood consumers, and timberland owners, as its limited appropriations permitted, undertaking also some scientific investigations, especially in the line of timber physics. Soon after, in July 1898, when the writer resigned his position as chief of the Division of Forestry to organize the first professional forest school, the New York State College of Forestry. Mr. Gifford Pinchot took charge of the division. Young, ambitious, aggressive, with some knowledge of forestry acquired in Europe and with influential connections and a large fortune, he easily secured the first need for effective sewing, on the well-plowed field before him, appropriations.

whatever had been feebly begun could be broadly sometimes lavishly extended and the new idea of making working plans for private timberland owners could be developed a great educational work which earlier when even cooperation with state institutions was considered a questionable proposition would have been turned down as to paternal in five years the appropriations had increased tenfold to over two hundred and fifty thousand dollars and in the first decade of the new regime, around $3 million, had been spent on forestry investigations, not counting expenditures on forest reservation account. A further strong support came into the field when Mr. Roosevelt became president of the United States in 1901, and unreservedly threw his overpowering influence into the balance

to advance forest policies. Owing to his interest, the withdrawal of public Timberlands from entry proceeded at a rapid rate. By 1902, the reservations had grown to 65 million acres. In 1905, there were over 100 million acres included, and by the end of his administration, 175 million acres had been placed in reservation. The anomalous condition, which placed the survey of the forest reserves

in the geological survey, their administration, in the land office, and the scientific or technical development of forestry and the Department of Agriculture was finally ended in 1904. When on February 1st, the whole matter was placed in the hands of the Department of Agriculture, with its forestry division, which had been changed into a Bureau of Forestry, and then changed its name again to Forest Service. With this transfer, it may be said the Federal Forest Policy was fully established, at least for its own lands,

and all that remains to be done in the perfection of details, in their administration and the development of silvicultural methods, with appropriations which now, 1907, exceed $950,000. For investigating work alone, limitless opportunity seems to be open to extend the many directions of inquiry and solve the sylvie cultural problems and satisfy the educational function of this government agency. But besides the administration of the federal Timberlands and the educational and other assistance of private owners. A further expansion of the Forest Service

is developing under the paternalistic and socialistic tendencies referred to before, which may ultimately lead to the purchase and federal control of forest reserves in the eastern states. Such expansion was indeed proposed in the establishment of reserves in the White Mountains and the Southern Appalachians, propositions which have been resisted by Congress for the last seven years, but with ever-weakening resistance. Finally, in 1910, success was attained, and the federal government placed in position to acquire these forest areas, to the amount of $10 million. Meanwhile, the single states have begun to develop their own policies, outside of legislation aiming at protection against forest fires, which nearly every state possessed from early times,

ineffective for lack of machinery to carry it into effect. And outside of the futile attempts to encourage timber planting referred to, no interest in timberlands was evinced by state authorities for the first two-thirds of the century. Since practically all these lands had been disposed of to private owners, and the authorities did not see any further duties regarding them, The first state to institute a commission of inquiry was Wisconsin in 1867, but with the rendering of the report prepared by I.A. Lapham, one of the act of early propagandists, the matter was allowed to mature for 30 years. The next state to move in a feeble way in 1876 was Minnesota, the legislator making an annual grant of money to its forestry association. The appointment of commissions of inquiry then became fashionable. New Hampshire appointed such a commission in 1881, which reported in 1885, without result,

and another commission in 1889, whose report in 1893 led to the establishment of a permanent commission of inquiry and advice, with a partial supervision of forest fire laws. Vermont followed suit with a commission of inquiry in 1882, whose report made in 1884 remained without consequences. In Michigan, the expedient was resorted to of constituting the State Board of Agriculture, a commission of inquiry, whose report, published in 1888, had also no consequences except those of an educational character. Similarly, the State of Massachusetts ordered the State Board of Agriculture in 1890 to inquire into the consideration of the force of the state, the need and methods of their protection, with similar results or lack of result.

In New Jersey, the matter was referred to the state geologist who, since 1894, has made reports on forest conditions and needs. Similar reference of the subject was made in the state of North Carolina in 1891 and in West Virginia. The first more permanent state institution deliberately established as an educational and advisory agent was the Forest Bureau of Ohio in 1880. which published a number of annual reports, but eventually collapsed for lack of support. In the same year, three important states, New York in the East, Colorado, in the middle states,

and California in the West, seemed simultaneously to have awakened to their duty, largely as a result of the propaganda of the American Forestry Association. In California, a state board of forestry was instituted, with considerable power and ample appropriations, which, however, eventually fell into the hands of unscrupulous politicians and grafters, the resulting scandals leading to its abolishment in 1889. In Colorado, which when admitted to statehood in 1876, had in its constitution directed the General Assembly to legislate on behalf of the forestry interests of the state. These interests were rather tardily committed to a forest commissioner,

who was charged to organize county commissioners. and rode overseers. Throughout the state as forest officers, in their respective localities, to act as a police force in preventing depredations on timbered school lands, and in enforcing the fire laws. Colonel E.T. Ensign,

who had been most instrumental in bringing about this legislation, was appointed commissioner, and with singular devotion, in spite of the enmity aroused by his activity, which eventually led to a discontinuance, of appropriations tried for a number of years to execute this law. With his resignation from the office, this legislation also fell into innocuous dissuitude, in New York concern in the water supply

for the Erie Canal, had led such a far-sighted statesman as Horatio Seymour, twice governor of the state, and once running for the presidency, to conceive the need of preserving the Adirondack, watershed in state hands. Accordingly, a law was passed in 1872, naming seven citizens, with Horatio Seymour chairman, as State Park Commission, instructed to make inquiries, with a view of reserving or appropriating the wild lands lying northward of the Mohawk, or so much thereof as might be deemed expedient, for a state park. the commission finding that the state then owned only 40,000 acres in that region, and that there was a tendency on the part of the owners of the rest to combine

for the enhancement of values should the state want to buy, recommended a law for bidding further sales of state lands, and their retention when forfeited for the non-payment of taxes. It was not until 11 years later in 1883 that this recommendation was acted upon, when the state, through the non-payment of taxes by the owners of cut over lands, had become possessed of 600,000 acres. In 1884, the comptroller was authorized to employ such experts as he may deem necessary to investigate and report a system of forest preservation.

The report of a commission of four members was made in 1885, but the legislation proposed was antagonized by the lumbermen's interests. the legislature finally passed a compromise bill, which the writer had drafted at the request of Senator Lowe, entitled, in Act Establishing a Forest Commission, and to define its powers, and for the preservation of forests. The most comprehensive legislation at that time, the original Forest Commission, appointed under the Act of 1885,

was superseded in 1895. The Commission of Fisheries, Game, and Forests, which brought allied interests under the control of a single board of five members, appointed by the governor for a term of five years. In 1903, the commission was changed to a single commissioner, and another backward step was taken in 1911 by handing over the work of this commissioner to the newly created State Conservation Commission, consolidating with several other commissions.

Here, then, for the first time on the American continent, had the idea of state forestry management of state lands on forestry principles taken shape. A new doctrine of state functions had gained the day. Not only was the commission charged to organize a service with a chief forester and under-foresters to administer the existing reserve according to forestry principles, but also from the incomes to lay aside a fund for the purchase of more lands to constitute the state forest reserve. Unfortunately, instability of purpose, the characteristic of democracy, spoiled the dream of the forester. Both Commission and Chief Forrester were, of course, political appointees, and rightly or wrongly,

fell under the suspicion when proposing the sale of stumpage that they were working into the hands of lumbermen. A set of well-meaning but ill-advised civic reformers succeeded. In 1893, in securing the insertion into the Constitution, then being, revised of a clause preventing the cutting of trees, dead or alive, on state lands, declaring that they shall forever be kept as wild lands. Later this constitutional provision was deliberately set aside by the Commission, which began to plant up some of the fire-wasted areas. The legislature appropriating money for this breach of the Constitution, because it was popular and lately permission had also been granted by the legislature to remove trees from burnt areas,

in order to reduce the fire danger, the foolish objection of a constitution notwithstanding. In 1897, new legislation was passed to authorize the state to purchase additional forest lands within a prescribed limit, to round off the state's holdings, a special agency, the Forest Preserve Board, being constituted for that purpose. Under this law, some $3,500,000, have been spent, and by 19, Over 1.5 million acres had been added to the state forest preserve. This large area is withdrawn from rational economic use, reserved for a pleasure ground of wealthy New Yorkers who have located their camps in the wilderness

under the avowed assumption that the state can be forced to maintain forever this anomalous condition. In later years, private planting has been encouraged by the Commission, selling plant material from the state nurseries at low rates. The most important administrative function of the Commission has been the reduction of forest fires, in which, also owing to political conditions, only partial success, has been attained. The legislation of 1885 for the first time attacked this problem in a more thorough manner, providing for the organization of a service, and this served as an example to other states

who copied and approved upon it. Notably, the Forest to Fire legislation of Maine, 1891, of Wisconsin, 1895, and of Minnesota, 1895, was based on this model. Another of the large states to start upon, and, differently, from New York, to develop consistently a proper forest policy was the state of Pennsylvania. As a result of a persistent propaganda by the Pennsylvania Forestry Association, formed in 1886 and especially by its active secretary, Dr. J.T. Rothrock. A commission of inquiry was instituted in 1893. Before its report was established, the legislature of 1895 provided for an

executive department of agriculture and included in its organization a provision for a division of forestry, the botanist member of the previous commission, Dr. Rothrock, being appointed commissioner of forestry at the head of the division. Two years later, the final legislation, which firmly established a forest policy for the state, was passed namely for the purchase of state forest reservations. All later legislation was simply an expansion of these propositions. By 1910, the state had acquired by purchase,

wild, mostly cold lands to the extent of over 900,000 acres, and the commission had progressed far towards providing, for their management and recuperation. The usually disastrous conflagrations of 1894, the growing conviction that the pleaders of the exhaustibility of timber supplies were right, accentuated by rapid deep decline in white pine production, and a rapid and indeed almost sudden rise in stumpage prices, the example which the federal government had set in withdrawing public timberlands from spoliation,

together with an increasing number, not only of advocates of saner methods, but of technically educated men, who came from the schools lately organized. All these influences had worked as a leaven in all parts of the country so as to bring in the new century with a realization of the seriousness of the situation. And within the first seven years of the century, the change of attitude at least was almost completed in all parts of the country. and among all classes, the lumbermen and others depending directly on wood supplies, becoming especially prominent in recognizing the need and value of forestry. Date after state came into line in recognizing that it had a duty to perform,

and in some way gave expression to this recognition, so that by 1908, hardly a state was without at least a germ of a forest policy. Two principles had been recognized as correct and were brought into practice, namely that the forest interests of the state called for direct state activity, and that eventually the state must own and manage at least portions of the forest area. The first principle took shape in appointing single state foresters, as in Maine, 1891, and 1903, in Massachusetts, 2004, in Connecticut, 1903, in Vermont, 1906, in Rhode Island, 1906, or commissions or boards, as in New York, 1885, changed to a single commissioner with superintendent and state foresters in 1903.

In Pennsylvania, 2001, in New Hampshire, 1893, Maryland with a state forester, 1905, Wisconsin with a state forester, 1905, Indiana, 1901 to 1903. Louisiana with a state forester 1904 Michigan 1890 Minnesota 1899 California revived with a state forester in 1905 Washington with a state forester 1905 Kentucky 1906 in New Jersey with a state forester

1904 Alabama 1907 A very important feature in these appointments was the fact that more and more professional or technically educated men displaced the merely political appointees, or were at least added to the commissions. The idea of state forests found expression, more or less definitely,

in setting aside forest reservations, or else in enabling the state to accept and administer donations of forest lands. Among the states recognizing this principle were New Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Indiana, California. Where neither of these two principals had as yet found application, at least some agency was established to give advice and investigate or experiment in matters of forest interests, and sometimes to offer assistance to private woodland owners or planters, as in Delaware, Ohio, North Carolina, etc. Meanwhile, largely through the influence and with the cooperation of the Federal Bureau of forestry, private owners had begun, if not to apply, at least to study the possibility of the

application of forestry to their holdings. The Bureau prepared working plans, which were now and then followed in part, or at least led to attempts at a more conservative method of logging. Notably, various paper and pulp manufacturers realized the usefulness of more systematic attention and conservative methods in the use of their properties. In this connection, the object lesson, furnished by Mr. G.K. Vanderbilt on his Biltmore estate in North Carolina, which was begun by Mr. Pinchot, and conducted by Dr. C. A. C. A German forester requires special mention as the first, and for nearly 20 years continued experiment in applying forestry methods systematically in America.

at present time the continuance of this experiment is in doubt with the second decade of the century we shall enter upon the flood-tide of development when no more need of argument for its necessity and only the question of practical methods will occupy us so far civil culturally the selection forest i e culling the best and the stoutest practice hereto by the lumberman without reference to repeat production, but carried on somewhat more conservatively, and is still the method advocated in most cases by the Forest Service. This so-called conservation lumbering is to be sure the transition to better methods. According to reports of the Federal Forest Service in 1907, some million acres of private timberland were under forest management or conservatively lumbered. Planting of waste or logged lands, as distinguished from planting in the prairies, which had sporadically, and in a small way, been done by individuals here and there for many years, is practiced in ever-increasing amount, both by state administrations and by private owners. The New York State College of Forestry starting such planting in its college forest on a larger scale and systematically in 1899.

At present writing, the Forestry Department of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company is perhaps the largest single planter in the country, having set out over 4 million trees by 1910, with the avowed purpose of growing railroad ties. By 1908, popular interest in forest conservation had become so keen, and at the same time fraternalistic tendencies, so fully developed by the Roosevelt administration, the federal government having entered upon extensive plans of reclaiming lands by irrigation, and preparing to develop water powers and inland waterways, that the time seemed ripe to bring all these conservative forces into unity. The president called together in conference, the government, of all the states with their advisors, together with the presidents of the various national societies interested, and others to discuss the broad question of the conservation of natural resources. As a consequence, national and state conservation associates and commissions were formed in all parts of the Union, and a new era of active interest in economic development seems to have arrived. End of Section 31.

Development of Forest Policy Section 32 of a brief history of forestry. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Recording by Bo Wood. A brief history of forestry by Bernard Furno.

Section 32, United States of America 4. Education and Literature The primary education of the people at large, and of their governments in particular, the propaganda for the economic reform contemplated by the forestry movement, was carried on, as stated, by the Federal Division of Forestry, and especially by the Forestry Association. which sprang up in all parts of the country, by means of their annual and special meetings, aided by the general press, and sometimes by special publications.

The first Journal of Forestry, a monthly publication, ventured into the world as a private enterprise, edited by Dr. Howe, soon after the Forestry Congress in Cincinnati. but it survived just one year, vanishing for lack of readers. This was followed by irregularly appearing forestry bulletins, of which the writer prepared for under the aegis of the American Forestry Association. In 1886, the Pennsylvania Forestry Association began the publication of a bimonthly journal, forest leaves, which has persisted to this day.

In 1895, Dr. John Gifford launched another bimonthly, the New Jersey forester, soon to change its name to the forester. And under that name, three years later, taken over by the American Forestry Association, continued as forestry and irrigation, changed to conservation, and now again changed to American forestry. Now, half a dozen or more similar publications

emanate from the various state associations. In this connection, there should not be forgotten, the journal Garden and Forest, edited by Professor C.S. Sargent, which for 10 years from 1888 to 1897, did much to enlighten the public on forestry matters. Some provision for technical education was made long before opportunity for its application had arisen, and indeed before any professional foresters were in existence to do the teaching. The new doctrine attracted the attention of educational institutions, and the desire to assist in the popular movement led to the introduction of the subject, at least by name, into their curricula. The professor of botany or of horticulture, adding forestry to his title, and explaining in a few lectures the objects and as far as he knew them, the methods of horticulture, the methods of forestry to his title, and explaining in a few lectures of forestry,

forestry, or at least some lectures on dendrology and forest geography, were introduced in the botanical courses. By 1897, 20 institutions, land-grant colleges, had in this way introduced the subject. Perhaps the first attempt to present systematically a whole course of technical forestry matter to a class of students was a series of 12 lectures delivered by the writer at the Massachusetts College of Agriculture in 1887, and another to students of political economy at Wisconsin University in 1897. The era of professional forest schools, however, was inaugurated in 1898, when the writer organized the New York State College of Forestry at Cornell University, and almost simultaneously, Dr. Schenck opened a private school at Biltmore.

A year later, another forest school was opened at Yale University, an endowment of the Pinchos, father and sons. In 1903, the University of Michigan added a professional department of forestry and then followed a real flood of educational enthusiasm, one institution after another, seeing the necessity for adding the subject as an integral part to its courses. Before there were enough competent men in the field, some 20 colleges or universities called for teachers,

besides private institutions. An inevitable result of this overproduction of forest schools and of foresters all at once must be an overcrowding of the profession with mediocre men before the profession is really fully established. Brief reference to the history of the first school, established by the state of New York, may be of interest as exemplifying in a striking manner the political troubles besetting reforms under Republican conditions. But for a similar occurrence in France, this case might be unique in the history of educational institutions.

Although the school thrived, almost beyond expectation, having in its fourth year attained in numbers to 70, larger than any French or German forest school at the time, and readily finding employment for its graduates, it suddenly came to an end in 1903. Its appropriation, unanimously voted in the legislature, was vetoed by the governor on the alleged ground that the silvicultural methods applied in the demonstration forest of the college had been subjected to grave criticism.

It is true the only silvicultural method, officially sanctioned by the Forest Service, the Selection Forest, had not been applied. Yet the war against the college, being waged by two wealthy bankers of New York, and the well-known character of the then-governor, suggest that other considerations, than mere criticism of professional judgment were at the bottom of his action.

As from the start, the Federal Forestry Bureau naturally continued in ever-increasing degree to be the educator of the nation, not only as regards popular conceptions and attitudes, but as regards technical matter. It's bulletins, circulars, and reports on the subjects which come under investigation form the bulk of the American literature on the technical side of the subject. During the first 20 years of its existence, some 20,000 pages of printed matter were produced, and the next decade increased the crop of information apace.

At first intended for popular propaganda, The matter printed was naturally argumentative, statistical and descriptive, but gradually more and more technical matter fill the pages, and now most of the publications are of technical nature. One of the first extensive and important lines of investigation undertaken by the division was that into the characteristics and strength, the timber physics of American woods, which in its comprehensiveness commanded the admiration of even the Germans

and gave rise to a series of reports. The biology of the American species, more or less exhaustively studied, was also begun in the old division. as well as forest surveys, etc. By 1902, enough professional interest was in the country to make the publication of a professional journal possible and desirable, the forestry quarterly being launched by the writer with a board of editors chosen mainly from the forest schools.

The first association of professional foresters was formed in 1900, the Society of American Foresters, which issues from time to time proceedings containing technical discussions. The technical book literature, partly due, no doubt, to the overpowering publication facilities of the federal government, is still scanty, and good textbooks especially, are still lacking in most branches. A series of ephemeral popular books answered the demands of earlier days,

but outside of Professor Henry S. Graves' volumes on Forrest Minceration, and lately on the principles of handling woodlands, and a few minor aid books and lecture notes, there is as yet nothing of permanent value to be recorded. The writer's own publication, Economics of Forestry, is intended less for foresters than students of political economy. Three monumental works can be mentioned in the dendrological line, however, namely the 10th volume of the 12th Census, 1880, on the Forest of North America, Michaud and Nuttles, North American Silva in five volumes, 1865, and C.S. Sargent Silva of the United States in 14 magnificent volumes. Three publications which can take rank with any similar literature anywhere.

End of Section 32. Recording by Bow Wood. history of forestry. This is a Librevox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librivox.org. A brief history of forestry by Bernard Fairnau. Section 33. United States of America, insular possessions. The Spanish War in 1898 brought to the United States new outlying territory. over 150,000 square miles in three locations. The relationship as regards government varying in the three cases,

namely Puerto Rico, the Sandwich Islands and the Philippine Islands, besides several smaller islands in the Pacific Ocean. While the latter are only temporarily under control or tutelage of the United States and are expected sooner or later to attain complete self-government, Hawaii was annexed as a territory in the same sense as all other territories, the inhabitants having become citizens of the United States, while Puerto Rico is a dependency with partial self-government,

but its inhabitants do not enjoy citizenship in the United States. All these islands are located in the tropics, and hence the composition of the forest is of tropical species. Commercially, the forests of Puerto Rico and of Hawaii are relatively of little value, but their protective value is paramount, and a conservative policy is needed in order to preserve the water supply for agricultural use,

sugar plantations in Hawaii, and to prevent erosion. For Puerto Rico, a beginning of forest policy was made by setting aside in 1903, the L'Oquillo Forest Reservation, some 20,000 acres in the eastern mountainous part of the island, which is under direct control of the United States, state's government. The rest of public lands and forests was placed under the Department of the

Interior of the Island. In Hawaii, even before annexation, a movement on the part of the Sugar Planters Association was made in 1897 to induce the insular government to devise protective measures. The result was the appointment of a committee who made a report in which the writer had a hand. But not until 1903 was a board of commissioners of agriculture and forestry established, a superintendent of forestry appointed, an organization of district foresters affected, and a number of forest reservations established. The principal of state forest was fully recognized by planning the gradual withdrawal of some 300,000 acres and by beginning the extension of forested areas by plantations. In 1910, 23 reserves with an area of 575,000 acres had been made. Distribution of

plant material and of advice to planters is also part of the policy. Annual reports are issued which attests the good common sense in the administration. In the Philippine Islands, a territory of 120,000 square miles, largely mountainous, not only the protective, but the the commercial value of the timberlands is considerable. The extent is variously estimated as covering between 40 and 50 million acres, 50% of total area, much of it virgin, and 16 million acres of it commercially valuable. Of the 700-odd species of trees, mostly heavy woods, composing the forest, some 160 are marketable at home and in China,

yet almost 50% of the home consumption is imported from the United States, owing to absence or inaccessibility of softwoods in high cost due to excessive expense of present logging methods. When the United States took charge of the islands, it was found that the Spaniards had since 1863 a forestry service manned by Spanish foresters and in the lower ranks by Filipinos. to be sure the activities of this forestry bureau went hardly beyond the collection of dues for timber licenses, which yielded it little more than the cost of the service, although on paper excellent instructions were found elaborated.

It so happened that an officer of the American Army, Captain George P. Ahern, had for some time given attention to forestry matters in the States, and he naturally was placed in charge of this Bureau in 1900. there were found to be around one million acres private and church property, the rest being considered state lands. But all private owners were required to register their holdings before being allowed to exercise their rights. A system of licenses for cutting timber

and of free use permits to the poor population was continued after Spanish models. Not only was an efficient administration gradually secured, but the technical side of dendrology, and in silva cultural knowledge was developed as rapidly as possible under the able administration of captain ahern a continuously growing literature being the result end of section thirty three and of a brief history of forestry by bernard fernow