Classic Audiobook Collection - Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte Volume 05 by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne ~ Full Audiobook [biography]

Episode Date: January 15, 2025

Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte Volume 05 by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne audiobook. Genre: biography In Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 05, Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne, one of Napoleon's early companions and a longtime secretary, continues his intimate chronicle of a man who remade France and unsettled the old order of Europe. Writing with the confidence of an insider, Bourrienne moves through the machinery of power: the daily routines of the leader at the center of events, the private conversations that shape public decisions, and the shifting loyalties of ministers, marshals, and courtiers who must guess which way the wind is turning. Alongside portraits of figures who orbit Napoleon, from family members to diplomats and rivals, the narrative reveals how ambition is translated into policy, how information is controlled, and how personal relationships can become political weapons. This volume deepens the central tension that runs through the memoirs: the collision between Napoleon's relentless drive and the practical limits imposed by war, governance, and human nature. Part eyewitness record, part character study, Bourrienne's account invites listeners to weigh charisma against calculation, and legend against the messy realities behind it. For ad-free listening try our premium subscription Chapters (Approximate) (00:00:00) Chapter 01 (00:22:35) Chapter 02 (00:44:38) Chapter 03 (01:16:40) Chapter 04 (01:41:15) Chapter 05 (02:05:11) Chapter 06 (02:31:19) Chapter 07 (02:51:04) Chapter 08 (03:02:45) Chapter 09 (03:33:56) Chapter 10 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fovolet de Burrion. Chapter 1, Part 1, 1800 Bonaparte's confidence in the army. Mabel France The Convent of Bernadins, passage of Mont Saint-Bernard, arrival at the convent, refreshments distributed to the soldiers, Mont-Albaredo, artillery dismounted, The Fort of Bard Fortunate

Tumarity Bonaparte and Melas The spy Bonaparte's opinion of M. Mekir Capitulation of Genoa Intercepted Dispatch Lann at Montbello

Budet succeeded by De Se Coolness of the First Council to Monsieur Kolo Conversation and Recollections The Battle of Marengo General Kellerman suppersent from the convent del Bosco

particulars respecting the death of Desce the Prince of Liechtenstein Return to Milan Savaree and Rape It cannot be denied that If from the 18th Bromere to the epoch when Bonaparte began the campaign Inumerable improvements had been made

In the Internal Affairs of France Foreign affairs could not be seen with the same satisfaction Italy had been lost and from the frontiers of Provence, the Austrian campfires were seen. Bonaparte was not ignorant of the difficulties of his position, and it was even on account of these very difficulties that whatever might be the result of his hardy enterprise, he wished to escape from it as quickly as possible.

He cherished no illusions, and often said, All must be staked to gain all. The army which the First Consul was preparing to attack was numerous, well disciplined and victorious. His, with the exception of a very small number of troops, was composed of conscripts. But these conscripts were commanded by officers whose ardour was unparalleled.

Bonaparte's fortune was now to depend on the winning or losing of a battle. A battle lost would have dispelled all the dreams of his imagination, and with them would have vanished all his immense schemes for the future of France. He saw the danger, but was not intimidated by it, and trusting to his accustomed good fortune, and to the courage and fidelity of his troops, he said, I have it is true many conscripts in my army, but they are Frenchmen, for years ago did I not, with a feeble army, drive before me, hordes of Sardinians and Austrians,

and scurr the face of Italy, we shall do so again. The sun, which now shines on us, is the same that shone at Arcola and Lodi. I rely on my own. I rely on Macena, I hope he will hold out in Genoa. But should famine oblige him to surrender, I will retake Genoa in the plains of the Scrivia. With what pleasure shall I then return to my dear France, my belle France? At this moment, when a possible, nay, a probable chance, might forever have blasted his ambitious hopes, he for the first time spoke of France as his. considering the circumstances in which we then stood, this use of the possessive pronoun, my,

describes more forcibly than anything that can be said, the flashes of divination which crossed Bonaparte's brain when he was wrapped up in his chimerical ideas of glory and fortune. In this favourable disposition of mind, the first consul arrived at Martigny on the 20th of May. Martigny is a convent of Berlada, situated in a valley where the raised of the sun scarcely ever penetrate.

The army was in full march to the great San Bernard. In this gloomy solitude did Bonaparte wait three days, expecting the fort of Bard, situated beyond the mountain and covering the road to Ivre to surrender. The town was carried

on the 21st of May, and on the third day he learned that the fort still held out, and that there were no indications of its surrender. He launched into complaints against the commander of the siege, and said, I am weary of staying in this convent.

Those fools will never take Bard. I must go myself and see what can be done. They cannot even settle so contemptible an affair without me. He immediately gave orders for our departure. The grand idea of the invasion of Italy by crossing Mont Sabernardin, emanated exclusively from the First Council. This miraculous achievement justly excited the admiration of the world. The incredible difficulty,

it presented did not daunt the courage of Bonaparte's troops. His generals, accustomed as they had been, to brave fatigue and danger, regarded without concern the gigantic enterprise of the modern Hannibal. A convent or hospice which had been established on the mountain for the purpose of affording assistance to solitary travellers sufficiently bespeaks the dangers of these stormy regions. But the Sanberna was now to be crossed, not by solitary travellers, but by an army.

Cavalry, baggage, limbers and artillery were now to end their way along those narrow paths where the goat-herd cautiously picks his footsteps. On the one hand, masses of snow suspended above our heads, every moment threatened to break in avalanches and sweep us away in their descent. On the other, a false step was death. We all passed men and horse one by one along the goat paths.

The artillery was dismounted, and the guns put into excavated trunks of trees, were drawn by ropes. I have already mentioned that the First Council had transmitted funds to the hospice of the great San Bernard. The good fathers had procured from the two valleys a considerable supply of cheese, bread and wine. Tables were laid out in front of the hospice, and each soldier, as he defiled past, took a glass of wine and a piece of bread and cheese, and then resigned his place to the next. The father served and renewed the portions with admirable order and activity. The First Consul ascended the San Bernard with that calm self-position and that air of indifference for which he was always remarkable

when he felt the necessity of setting an example and exposing himself to danger. He asked his guide many questions about the two valleys, inquired what were the resources of the inhabitants, and whether accidents were as frequent as they were said to be. The guide informed him that the experience of ages enabled the inhabitants to foresee good or bad weather and that they were seldom deceived. But a part, who wore his grey greatcoat and had his whip in his hand,

appeared somewhat disappointed at not seeing anyone come from the valley of Aorta to inform him of the taking of the fort of Bard. I never left him for a moment during the ascent. we encountered no personal danger and escaped with no other inconvenience than excessive fatigue. On his arrival at the convent, the First Consul visited the chapel and the three little libraries. He had time to read a few pages of an old book, of which I have forgotten the title. Our breakfast dinner was very frugal. The little garden was still covered with snow, and I said to one of the fathers, you can have but few vegetables here.

We get our vegetables from the valleys, he replied, but in the month of August, in warm seasons, we have a few lettucese of our own growing. When we reached the summit of the mountain, we seated ourselves on the snow and slid down. Those who went first smoothed the way for those who came behind them. This rapid descent greatly amused us, and we were only stopped by the mud, which succeeded the snow at the distance of five or six hundred twazis, down to the. the declivity. We crossed, or rather climbed up, Mont-Alberedo, to avoid passing under the fort of Bard, which closes the valley of Aorta. As it was impossible to get the artillery up this mountain,

it was resolved to convey it through the town of Bard, which was not fortified. For this operation, we made choice of night, and the wheels of the cannon and caissons, and even the horse's feet being wrapped in straw, the whole passed quietly through the little town. they were indeed under the fire of the fort however it did not so completely command the street but that the houses would have protected them against any very fatal consequences a great part of the army had passed before the surrender of the fort which so completely commands the narrow valley leading to aorta that it is difficult to comprehend the negligence of the austrians in not throwing up more efficient works by very simple precautions they might have rendered the passage of sanbernair unavailing On the 23rd we came within sight of the Fort of Bard, which commands the road bounded by the Doria Baltia on the right and Mont Albarredo on the left. The Doria Baltia is a small torrent which separates the town of Bard from the fort.

For a part, whose retinue was not very numerous, crossed the torrent. On arriving within gunshot of the fort, he ordered us to quicken our pace to gain a little bridle path on the left, leading to the summit of Montalberedo. and turning the town and fort of bard we ascended this path on foot with some difficulty on reaching the summit of the mountain which commands the fort bonaparte levelled his telescope on the grass and stationing himself behind some bushes which served at once to shelter and conceal him he attentively reconnoitered the fort after addressing several questions to the persons who had come to give him information he mentioned in a tone of dissatisfaction the fault that had been committed, and ordered the erection of a new battery to attack a point which he marked out, and from whence he guaranteed the firing of a few shots would oblige the fort to surrender. Having given these orders, he descended the mountain and went to sleep that night

at Ivory. On the third of June, he learned that the fort had surrendered the day before. The passage of Mont Saint-Bernard must occupy a great place in the annals of successful temerity, The boldness of the First Consul seemed, as it were, to have fascinated the enemy, and his enterprise was so unexpected that not a single Austrian corps defended the approaches of the Fort of Bard. The country was entirely exposed, and we only encountered here and there a few feeble parties, who were incapable of checking our march upon Milan. Bonaparte's advance astonished and confounded the enemy, who thought of nothing but marching back the way he came,

and renouncing the invasion of France. The bulginius which actuated Bonaparte did not inspire General Mellas, the commander-in-chief of the Austrian forces. If Melas had had the firmness which ought to belong to the leader of an army, if he had compared the respective positions of the two parties, if he had considered that there was no longer time to regain his line of operations and recover his communication with the hereditary states, that he was master of all the strong-place.

in Italy that he had nothing to fear from Macena, that Suchet could not resist him. If then, following Bonaparte's example, he had marched upon Lyon, what would have become of the First Council? Melas would have found few obstacles, and almost everywhere, open towns, while the French army would have been exhausted without having an enemy to fight. This is doubtless what Bonaparte would have done had he been Melas. but fortunately for us Malas was not Bonaparte We arrived at Milan

on the 2nd of June the day on which the First Council heard that the Fort of Bard was taken but little resistance was opposed to our entrance to the capital of Lombardy and the term engagements can scarcely be applied to a few affairs of advanced posts

in which success could not be for a moment doubtful the fort of Milan was immediately blockaded Mourgat was sent to Piacenza, of which he took possession without difficulty, and Lan beat General Ott at Montobello. He was far from imagining that by that exploit, he conquered for himself a future duchy. The First Consul passed six days at Milan. On the day after our arrival there, a spy who had served us very well in the first campaign

of Italy was announced. The First Consul recollected him and ordered him to be shown into his cabinet. Quote, are you here? he exclaimed. So you are not shot yet? General, replied the spy. When the war recommenced, I determined to serve the Austrians because you were far from Europe. I always follow the fortunate. But the truth is, I am tired of the trade. I wish to have done with it, and to get enough to enable me to retire. I have been sent to your lines by General Melas, and I can surrender you an important service. I will give you an exact account of the force and the position of all the enemy's corps and the names of their commanders. I can tell you the situation in which Alessandria now is. You know me,

I will not deceive you, but I must carry back some report to my general. You need not care for giving me some true particulars which I can communicate to him. Oh, as to that, resumed the first consul, the enemy is welcome to know my forces and my positions, provided I am. know his, and he be ignorant of my plans. You shall be satisfied, but do not deceive me, you ask for one thousand Louis, you shall have them if you serve me well. I then wrote down from the dictation of the spy, the names of the corps, their amount, their positions, names of the generals commanding them. The consul stuck pins in the map to mark his plan on places respecting which he received information from the spy. We also learned that Alessonel

Alexandria was without provisions that Melas was far from expecting a siege, that many of his troops were sick, and that he wanted medicines. Bertier was ordered to draw up for the spy a nearly accurate statement of our positions. The information given by this man proved so accurate and useful that on his return from Marengo, Bonaparte ordered me to pay him the 1000 Louis. The spy afterwards informed him that Melas was delighted with the way in which he had. had served him in this affair and had awarded him handsomely. He assured us that he had bidden farewell to his odious profession. The First Council regarded this little event as one of the favours of fortune.

In passing through Geneva, the First Council had an interview with Monsieur Necker. Footnote. Madame de Stel briefly mentions this interview in her consideration on the revolution of French. Monsieur Necker, she says, had an interview with Bonaparte. when he was on his way to Italy by the passage of Mont Sabernard, a few days before the Battle of Marengo. During this conversation, which lasted two hours, the First Consul made a very favourable impression on my father by the confident way he spoke of his future projects, Burien. End footnote.

I know not how it happened, but at the time he did not speak to me of this interview. However, I was curious to know what he thought of a man who had acquired much celebrity in France. One evening, when we were talking of one thing and another, I managed to turn the conversation on that subject. Monsieur Nekhe, said he, appears to me very far below his reputation. He did not equal the idea I had formed of him. I tried all I could to get him to talk. But he said nothing remarkable. He is an ideologist. But not. This was a constant term of reproach with Bonaparte. He set all the metaphysicians of the continent against him. him by exclaiming,

I don't want to dieuologe, in footnote. He is an ideologist, a banker. It is impossible that such a man can have any but narrow views, and besides, most celebrated people lose on a close view. Not always general, observed I. Ah, said he, smiling. That is not bad, Burien. You are improving.

I see I shall make something of you in time. The day was approaching when all was to be lost or won. The First Consul made all his arrangements and set off the different corps to occupy the points he had marked out. I have already mentioned that Mugas task was the occupation of Piazenza. As soon as he was in possession of that town, he intercepted a courier of General Melas. The dispatch which was addressed to the Olic Council of Vienna was delivered to us on the night of the 8th of June. It announced the capitulation of Genoa, which took place on the fourth, after the long and memorable defence, which reflected so much honour on Massena.

Melas, in his dispatch, spoke of what he called our pretended army of reserve, with inconceivable contempt, and alluded to the presence of Bonaparte in Italy as a mere fabrication. He declared he was still in Paris. It was past three in the morning when Mourat's courier arrived. I immediately translated the dispatch, which was in German. About four o'clock I entered the chamber of the First Council, whom I was obliged to shake by the arm in order to wake him. He had desired me, as I have already mentioned,

never to respect his repose on the arrival of bad news, but on the receipt of good news to let him sleep. I read to him the dispatch, and so much was he confounded by this unexpected event that his first exclamation was, bah, you do not understand German. But hardly had he uttered these words when he arose, and by eight o'clock in the morning,

orders were dispatched for repairing the possible consequences of this disaster, and countermanding the march of the troops on the scruvia. He himself proceeded the same day to Stradella. I have seen it mentioned in some accounts that the First Consul in person gained the Battle of Montebello. This is a mistake. He did not leave Milan until the ninth. of Jim. And that very day, Lan was engaged with the enemy. The conflict was so terrible that

Lan, a few days after, described it in my presence to Monsieur Colot, using these remarkable words, which I well remember. Quote, bones were cracking in my division like a shower of hail falling on a skylight, end quote. By a singular chance, De Se, who was to contribute to the victory and stop the route of Marengo, arrived from Egypt at Toulon. on the very day on which we departed from Paris. He was enabled to leave Egypt in consequence of the capitulation of El Arish, which happened on the 4th of January, 1800. He wrote me a letter dated 16th Floriel, Year 8, 6th of May, 1800, announcing his arrival.

This letter I did not receive until we reached Martine. I showed it to the First Council. Aha! exclaimed he, de Cé in Paris, and he immediately dispatched an order for him to repair to the headquarters of the army of Italy, wherever they might be. To Cé arrived at Stradela, on the morning of the 11th of June. The First Consul received him with the warmest cordiality, as a man for whom he had a high esteem, and whose talents and character afforded the fairest promise of what might one day be expected of him. Bonaparte was jealous of some generals, the rivalry of whose ambition he feared.

But on this subject, Dissé gave him no uneasiness. Equally remarkable for his unassuming disposition, his talent and information, he proved by his conduct that he loved glory for her own sake, and that every wish for the possession of political power was foreign to his mind. Winaparte's friendship for him was enthusiastic. At this interview at Stradella, Desa was closeted with the First Consul for upwards of three hours. On the day after his arrival, an order of the day communicated to the army that Dece was appointed to the command of Buda's division. Put not, Budi was on terms of great intimacy with Bonaparte, who no doubt was much affected at his death.

However, the only remark he made on receiving the intelligence was, who the devil shall I get to supply Boudet's place? Buryon, end footnote. The command given to Dissé was a corps especially formed of the two divisions of Boudet and Monnier, Severi, Tom 1, page 262. Boudet was not killed at Maringo, still less before. See Error, Tom 1, page 14, end footnote. I expressed to Bonaparte my surprise at his long interoper.

interview with DeSay. Yes, replied he. He has been a long time with me. But you know what a favourite he is. As soon as I return to Paris, I will make him war minister. I would make him a prince if I could. He is quite an antique character. De Sey died two days after he has completed his 33rd year, and in less than a week after the above observations. End of Section 1. Section 2 of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, 5 by Louis Antoine Fovillet de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter 1 Part 2

About this time, Monsieur Koulo came to Italy and saw Bonaparte at Milan. The latter received him coldly, though he had not yet gained the Battle of Marengo. Mr. Kolo had been on the most intimate footing with Bonaparte, and had rendered him many valuable services. These circumstances sufficiently accounted for Bonaparte's coolness, for he would never acknowledge himself under obligations to anyone, and he did not like those who were initiated into certain family secrets, which he had resolved to conceal. Footnote.

The day after the interview, I had a long conversation with Monsieur Colo, while Bonaparte was gone to review some corps stationed at Milan. Monsieur Colo perfectly understood the cause of the unkind treatment he had experienced, and off which he gave me the following explanation. Some days before, the consulate, that is to say, two or three days after our return from Egypt, Bonaparte, during his jealous fit, spoke to Monsieur Colo about his wife, her levities, and their publicity. Henceforth, said Bonaparte, I will have nothing to do with her. What, would you part from her?

Does not her conduct justify me in so doing? I do not know, but is this the time to think of some. a thing when the eyes of all France are fixed upon you. These domestic squabbles will degrade you in the eyes of the people, who expect you to be wholly devoted to their interests. And you will be laughed at, like one of Molière's husbands. If you are displeased with your wife's conduct, you can call her to account when you have nothing better to do. Begin by raising up the state. After that, you may find a thousand reasons for your resentment, when now you would not find one. you know the French people well enough to see how important it is that you should not commence with this absurdity.

By these and other similar remarks, Monsieur Colo thought he had produced some impression, when Bonaparte suddenly exclaimed, No, my determination is fixed, she shall never again enter my house. I care not what people say. They will gossip about the affair for two days and on the third it will be forgotten. She shall go to Marizond, and I will. live here. The public know enough not to be mistaken as to the reasons of her removal. Monsieur Colo vainly endeavored to calm his irritation. But apart vented a torrent of reproaches upon

Josephine. All this violence, observed Monsieur Colo, proves that you still love her. Do but see her. She will explain the business to your satisfaction, and you will forgive her. I forgive her, never. Colo, you know me. If I will not sure of my own resolution, I would tear out this heart and cast it into the fire. Here, anger almost choked his utterance, and he made a motion with his hand, as if tearing his breast. When this violent paroxysm had somewhat subsided, Monsieur Colo withdrew. But before he went away, Bonaparte invited him to breakfast on the following morning. At ten o'clock, Mr. Colo was there, and as he was passing through the courtyard, he was informed that

Madame Bonaparte, who, as I have already mentioned, had gone to Lyon without meeting the general, had returned during the night. On Monsieur Colo's entrance, Winaparte appeared considerably embarrassed. He led him into a side room, not wishing to bring him into the room where I was writing. Well, said Bonaparte to Monsieur Colo, she is here. I rejoice to hear it. You have done well for yourself, as well as for us. but do not imagine I have forgiven her

As long as I live I shall suspect The fact is that on her arrival I desired her to be gone But that fool Joseph was there What could I do, Kolo? I saw her descend the staircase Followed by Eugène and Orthens They were all weeping

And I have not a heart to resist tears Eugène was with me in Egypt I have been accustomed to look upon him As my adopted son He is a fine brave lad. Ortense is just about to be introduced into society, and she is admired by all who know her. I confess, Colom, I was deeply moved.

I could not endure the distress of the two poor children. Should they, thought I, suffer for their mother's faults? I called back Eugène and Orthens, and their mother followed them. What could I say? What could I do? I should not be a man without some weakness. Be assured, they will reward you for. for this. They ought, Colo, they ought, for it has cost me a hard struggle. After this dialogue,

Bonaparte and Monsieur Colot entered the breakfast parlour, where I was then sitting. Eugène breakfasted with us, but neither Josephine nor Orteauce. I have already related how I acted the part of mediator in this affair. Next day, nothing was wanting to complete the reconciliation between the conqueror of Egypt and the charming woman who conquered Bonaparte. Buryenne. End of footnote. On the 13th, the First Consul slept at Toridi Galifolo. During the evening, he ordered a staff officer to ascertain whether the Austrians had a bridge across the Bormida. A report arrived very late that there was none.

This information set Bonaparte's mind at rest, and he went to bed very well satisfied. But early next morning, when a firing was heard and he learned that the Austrians had to vouched on the plane where the troops were engaged, he flew into a furious passion, called the staff officer a coward, and said he had not advanced far enough. He even spoke of bringing the matter to an investigation. From motives of delicacy, I refrain from mentioning the dame of the officer here alluded to. Bonaparte mounted his horse and proceeded immediately to the scene of action. I did not see him again until six in the evening. In obedience to his instructions, I repaired to San Juliano, which is not above two leagues from the place where the engagement commenced.

In the course of the afternoon, I saw a great many wounded passing through the village, and shortly afterwards a multitude of fugitives. At San Juliano, nothing was talked of but a retreat, which it was said one apart alone, firmly opposed. I was then advised to leave San Juliano, where I had just received a courier for the general in chief. On the morning of the 14th, General Desay was sent towards Novi to observe the road to Genoa, which city had fallen several days before, in spite of the efforts of its illustrious defender, Massena. I returned with this division to San Juliano.

I was struck with the numerical weakness of the corps, which was marching to aid an army already much reduced, and dispersed. The battle was looked upon as lost, and so indeed it was. The first consul, having asked to say what he thought of it, that brave general bluntly replied, The battle is completely lost, but it is only two o'clock. We have time to gain another today. I heard this from Bonaparte himself the same evening. Who could have imagined that DeSay's little corps, together with the few heavy cavalry commanded by General Kellerman, would about five o'clock, Plop have changed the fortune of the day. It cannot be denied that it was the instantaneous inspiration of Kellerman

that converted a defeat into a victory and decided the Battle of Marengo. That memorable battle, of which the results were incalculable, has been described in various ways. Bonaparte had an account of it commenced no less than three times, and I must confess that none of the narratives are more correct than that contained in the memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo. The Emperor Napoleon became dissatisfied with what had been said by the First Consul Bonaparte. For my part, not having had the honour to bear a sword,

I cannot say that I saw any particular movement executed this or that way, but I may mention here what I heard on the evening of the Battle of Marengo, respecting the probable chances of that event. As to the part which the first consul took in it, the reader perhaps is sufficiently acquainted with his character to account for it. He did not choose that a result so decisive should be attributed to any other cause than the combinations of his genius. And if I had not known his insatiable thirst for glory, I should have been surprised at the sort of half-satisfaction evinced at the cause of the success amidst the joy manifested for the success itself. It must be confessed that in this he was very unlike Jordan, Oche, Cleber and Moreau, who were ever ready to acknowledge the services of those who had fought under their orders.

Within two hours of the time when the divisions commanded by De Se left San Juliano, I was joyfully surprised by the triumphant return of the army, whose fate since the morning had caused me so much anxiety. Never did fortune within so short a time show herself under two sons. various faces. At two o'clock all denoted the desolation of a defeat, with all its fatal consequences. At five, victory was again faithful to the flag of Arcola. Italy was reconquered by a single blow, and the Crown of France appeared in the perspective. At seven in the evening, when I returned with the First Consul to Headquarters, he expressed to me his sincere regret for the loss of to say,

and then he added, Little Kellerman made a lucky charge. He did it at just the right moment. We are much indebted to him. You see what trifling circumstances decide these affairs. These few words show that Bonaparte sufficiently appreciated the services of Kellerman. However, when that officer approached the table at which were seated the first consul and a number of his generals, Oneaparte merely said,

You made a pretty good charge. By way of counterbalancing this cool compliment, he turned towards Bessier, who commanded the horse grenadiers of the guard, and said, Bessier, the guard has covered itself with glory. Yet the fact is that the guard took no part in the charge of Killerman, who could assemble only 500 heavy cavalry, and with this handful of brave men, he cut into the Austrian column, which had overwhelmed Desais' Division, and had made 6,000 prisoners. The guard did not charge at Marengo until nightfall. Next day it was reported that Kellerman, in his first feeling of dissatisfaction at the dry congratulation he had received, said to the First Consul, I have just placed the crown on your head.

I did not hear this, and I cannot vouch for the truth of its having been said. I could only have ascertained that fact, through Bonaparte, and of course I could not, with propriety, remind him of a thing which must have been very offensive. to him. However, whether true or not, the observation was circulated about, verbally and in writing, and Bonaparte knew it, hence the small degree of favour shown to Kellerman, who was not made a general of division on the field of battle, as a reward for his charge at Marengo. Footnote, If Savare's story be correct, and he was then Aid de Com to Desay, and Burien acknowledges his account to be the best, the inspiration of the charge. did not come from the young Kellerman.

Savory says that DeSay sent him to tell Napoleon that he could not delay his attack and that he must be supported by some cavalry. Savory was then sent by Napoleon to a spot where he was told he would find Kellerman to order him to charge in support of DeSay. DeSay and Kellerman were so placed as to be out of sight of each other. Savary, Tom 1, page 279.

Tia, Tom 1, page 400. and 45 follows Savory. It may here be mentioned that Savory, in his account of the battle, expressly states that he carried the order from Bonaparte to Kellerman to make this charge. He also makes the following observations on the subject. After the fall of the imperial government, some pretended friends of General Kellerman are presumed to claim for him the merit of originating the charge of cavalry. That general, whose share of glory is sufficiently brilliant to gratify his most sanguine wishes, can have no knowledge of so presumptuous a pretension.

I, the more readily acquit him from the circumstance that, as we were conversing one day, respecting that battle, I called to his mind my having brought to him the First Council's orders, and he appeared not to have forgotten that fact. I am far from suspecting his friends of the design of lessening the glory of either General Bonaparte or General Desay. They know as well as myself, that theirs are names so respected that they can never be affected by such detractions, and that it would be as vain to dispute the praise due to the chief who planned the battle, as to attempt to depreciate the brilliant share which General Kellerman had in its successful result. I will add to the above a few observations.

From the position which he occupied, General DeSay could not see General Kellerman. he had even desired me to request the First Consul to afford him the support of some cavalry. Neither could General Kellerman, from the point where he was stationed, perceive General DeSé's division. It is even probable that he was not aware of the arrival of that general, who had only joined the army two days before. Both were ignorant of each other's position, which the First Council was alone acquainted with. He alone could introduce harmony into their movements. he alone could make their efforts respectively conduce to the same object. The fate of the battle was decided by Kellerman's bold charge.

Had it, however, been made previously to General de Sez attack, in all probability it would have had a quite different result. Kellerman appears to have been convinced of it, since he allowed the Austrian column to cross our field of battle and extend its front beyond that of the troops we had still in line, without making the least attempt to impede its progress. The reason of Kellerman's not charging it sooner was that it was too serious a movement

and the consequences of failure would have been a retrieval. That charge, therefore, could only enter into a general combination of plans to which he was necessarily a stranger. Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo Tom 1, pages 218 to 218. End of footnote. Monsieur de la Foray. the postmaster general, sometimes transacted business with the First Consul.

The nature of this secret business may easily be guessed at. Footnote, when Monsieur de la Foray was replaced soon after this by Lavalette, Napoleon ordered the discontinuance of the practice followed until then of allowing letters to be opened by subordinate officials. This right was restricted, as in England, to the minister. However bad this practice, it was limited, not extended. in his reign. See Minnaval, Tom 3, pages 60 to 62, and La Vallette, Tomb 2, page 10. End of footnote. On the occasion of one of their interviews, the First Consul saw a letter from Kellerman to La Salle,

which contained the following passage. Quote, would you believe, my friend, that Bonaparte has not made me a general of division, though I have just placed the crown on his head, and quote. The letter was sealed again and sent to its address, but Bonaparte has not made me a general of division, but Bonaparte has not. apart never forgot its contents. Whether Kellerman did or did not give the Crown of France to the First Council, it is very certain that on the evening of the Battle of Marengo, he gave him a supper, of which his famishing staff and the rest of us partook. This was no inconsiderable service in the destitute condition in which we were.

We thought ourselves exceeding fortunate in profiting by the precaution of Kellerman, who had procured provisions from one of those pious retreats, which are always well supplied, and which soldiers are very glad to fall in with when campaigning. It was the convent del Bosco, which on this occasion was laid under contribution, and in return for the abundance of good provisions and wine, with which they supplied the commander of the heavy cavalry, the Holy Fathers were allowed a guard to protect them against pillage and the other disastrous concomitants of war. After supper was over, the First Council dictated to me the bulletin of the Bailetka. battle. When we were alone, I said to him, General, here is a fine victory. You recollect what you

said the other day about the pleasure with which you would return to France after striking a grand blow in Italy. Surely you must be satisfied now. Yes, Borean, I am satisfied. But to say, ah, what a triumph would this have been if I could have embraced him tonight on the field of battle. As he uttered these words, I saw that Bonaparte was on the point of shedding tears, so sincere and profound was his grief for the death of Desce. He certainly never loved, esteemed or regretted any man so much. The death of Desailles has been variously related, and I need not now state that the words attributed to him in the bulletin were imaginary.

Neither did he die in the arms of his aide-de-con, Lebrun, as I wrote from the dictation of the First Council. The following facts are more correct, or at all the time. all events, more probable. The death of Desailles was not perceived at the moment it took place. He fell without saying a word at a little distance from the Febre de Noette, a sergeant of battalion of the 9th Brigade, light infantry, commanded by Barrois. Seeing him extended on the ground, asked permission to pick up his cloak. It was found to be perforated behind, and this circumstance leaves it doubtful whether to say was killed by some unlucky inadvertency

while advancing at the head of his troops, or by the enemy when turning towards his men to encourage them. However, the event was so instantaneous, the disorder so complete, and the change of fortune so sudden, that it is not surprising there should be no positive account of the circumstances which attended his death. Early next morning, the Prince of Liechtenstein came from General Melas, with negotiations to the First Council. The propositions of the general did not suit Bonaparte, and he declared to the Prince that the army shut up in Alexandria should evacuate freely and with the honours of war,

but on those conditions which are well known, and by which Italy was to be fully restored to the French domination. That day we repaired the faults of Shearer, whose inertness and immacility had paralysed everything, and who had fled and been constantly beaten from the Adriatic to Montceny. The Prince of Liechtenstein begged to return to render an account of his mission to General Malas.

He came back in the evening and made many observations on the hard nature of the conditions. Sir, replied the First Consul, in a tone of marked impatience, carry my final determination to your general and return quickly. It is irrevocable. Know that I am as well acquainted with your position as you are yourselves. I did not begin to learn the art of war yesterday. You are blocked up in

Alessandria. You have many sick and wounded. You are in want of provisions and medicines. I occupy the whole of your rear. Your finest troops are among the killed and wounded. I might insist on harder conditions. My position would warrant me in so doing. But I moderate my demands in consideration of the grey hairs of your general, with my respect. This reply was delivered with considerable dignity and energy. I showed the prince out and he said to me, these conditions are very hard, especially that of giving up Genoa, which surrendered to us only a fortnight ago after so long a siege. It is a curious fact that the Emperor of Austria received intelligence of the capitulation and restitution of Genoa at the same time. When the First

Consul returned to Milan, he made Savare and Rapp, his aide-de-com. They had previously served served in the same rank under De Se. The First Council was at first not much disposed to take them, alleging that he had Aid de Com enough. But his respect for the choice of De Seix, added to a little solicitation on my part, soon removed every obstacle. These two officers served him to the last hour of his political career with unfailing zeal and fidelity. I have seen nothing in the memoirs of the Duke de Rovigo, Savory, about my having had anything to do with his admission to the honour. I can probably tell the reason why one of the two, Aid de Kahn, has risen higher than the other. Rap, a denunciation frankness, which always injured him.

End of Section 2. Section 3 of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fauvelé de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gilles. Henry. Chapter 2. 1800. Suspension of hostilities. Letter to the consuls. Second occupation of Milan. Bonaparte and Mascena. Public acclamations and the voice of Josephine. Stray recollections. Organisation of Piedmal. Sabres of honour. Rewards to the army of the Rhine. Pretended army of reserve. General Zach Anniversary of the 14th of July

Monument to Desais Dece and Foix Bonaparte's speech in the temple of Mars Arrival of the consular guard The Bones of Marshall Turin Lucian's successful speech Letter from Lucien to Joseph Bonaparte The First Consul's Returned to Paris

Accidents on the Road Difficulty of Gaining Lasting Fem assassination of Claibor Situation of the terrace on which Claibor was stabbed Odius rumours Arrival of a courier A night scene What a part's distress on perusing the dispatches from Egypt

But little time And how few events Sometimes suffice to change the destiny of nations We left Milan on the 13th of June Marengo on the 14th And on the 15th Italy was ours A suspension of hostilities between the French and Austrian armies was the immediate result of a single battle

and by virtue of a convention concluded between Bertie and Melas we resumed possession of all the fortified places of any importance, with the exception of Mantua. As soon as this convention was signed, Bonaparte dictated to me at Dore de Galifalo the following letter to his colleagues.

A day after the Battle of Meringo, citizens' consuls, General Millas transmitted a message to our advance posts requesting permission to send General Scal to me. During the day, the convention, of which I send you a copy, was drawn up, and at night it was signed by Generals Bertier and Malas. I hope the French people will be satisfied

with the conduct of their army, signed Bonaparte. The only thing worthy of remark in this letter would be the concluding sentence, in which the First Council still affected to acknowledge the sovereignty of the people, were it not that the words citizens' consuls were evidently foisted in with a particular design. The battle was gained, and even in a trifling matter like this, it was necessary that the two other consuls should feel that they were not so much the colleagues as the subordinates of the First Council.

We returned to Milan, and her second occupation of that city was marked by continued acclamations wherever the First Consul showed himself. At Milan, the First Consul now saw Messina for the first time since our departure for Egypt. Bonaparte lavished upon him the highest praises, but not higher than he deserved, for his admirable defence of Genoa. He named him his successor in the command of the army of Italy. Moro was on the Rhine, and therefore none but the conqueror of Zurich could properly have succeeded the First Consul in that command.

The great blow was struck, but there might still occur an emergency requiring the presence of a skilful experience general, well acquainted with the country, and besides, we could not be perfectly at ease until it was ascertained what conditions would be adhered to by the Cabinet of Vienna, which was then entirely under the influence of the Cabinet of London. After I returned from the battle, the popular joy was general and heartfelt, not only among the higher and middle ranks of society, but in all classes, and the affection evinced from all quarters to the First Consul, was unfeigned. In what a tone of sincerity did he say to me one day, when returning from the parade? Burien, do you hear the acclamations still resounding? That noise is as sweet to me as the sound of Josephine's voice. how happy and proud I am to be loved by such a people. During our stay at Milan, Bonaparte had arranged a new government for Piedmont. He had ever since cherished the wish to unite that rich and fertile country to the French territory

because some Piedmontese provinces had been possessed by Louis XIV. That monarch was the only king whom the First Council really admired. If, said he one day, Louis XIV had not been born a king, He would have been a great man, but he did not know mankind. He could not know them, for he never knew misfortune. He admired the resolution of the old king, who would rather bury himself under the ruins of the monarchy, than submit to degrading conditions, after having commanded the sovereigns of Europe. I recollect that Bonaparte was extremely pleased to see in the reports which he ordered to be made, that in Casal and in the valleys of Pignerole, Latour and Leserne, there still existed

many traces of the period when those countries belonged to France, and that the French language was yet reserved there. He already began to identify himself with the past, and abusing the old kings of France was not the way to conciliate his favour. The First Council appointed for the Government of Piedmont, a council which, as may naturally be imagined, he composed of those piedmontes who were the declared partisans of France. He stated as the grounds of this arrangement that it was to give the piedmont a new proof of the affection and detachment of the French people. He afterwards appointed General Dupon, President of the Council, with the title of Minister Extraordinary of the French Government.

I will here mention a secret step taken by Bonaparte towards the overthrowing of the Republic. In making the first draft of General Dupon's appointment, I had mechanically written, Minister Extraordinary of the French Republic. No, no, said Bonaparte. part, not of the Republic, say of the government. On his return to Paris, the First Council gave almost incredible proofs of his activity.

The day after his arrival, he promulgated a great number of decrees, and afterwards allotted the rewards to his soldiers. He appointed Kellerman, General of Division, which on every principle of justice he ought to have done on the field of battle. He distributed sabres of honour, with the following inscription, highly complimentary to himself. Battle of Meringo, spelt for some time I do not know why, as Meringo, Murien, commanded in person by the First Council, given by the Government of the Republic to General Lannes. Similar sabres were presented to generals Victor, Vatrine, Gernan and Murat, and sabres of less value to other officers, and also muskets and drumsticks of honour to the soldiers and drummers who had distinguished themselves at Marengo or in the army of the Rhine.

Corbunaparte took care that the officers and men who had fought under Morro should be included among those to whom the national rewards were presented. He even had a medal struck to perpetuate the memory of the entry of the French army into Munich. It is worthy of remark that while official fabrications and exaggerated details of facts were published, Marengo and the short campaign of Italy. By a feigned modesty, the victorious army of Marengo received the unambitious title of Army of Reserve. By this artifice, the honour of the constitution was saved. The First Consul had not violated it. If he had marched to the field and staked everything on a chance, it was merely accidentally, for he commanded only an army of reserve, which nevertheless he had greeted with the title of Grand Army before he entered upon the

campaign. It is scarcely conceivable that Bonaparte, possessing as he did, an extraordinary mind, should have descended to such pitiful artifices. Footnote. Teer, Tom 6, page 70, says the title Grand Armée was first given by Napoleon to the force prepared in 1805 for the campaign against Austria. The constitution forbade the First Council to command the armies in person, ends the title army of reserve given to the force which fought Marengo. End footnote. Even foreigners and prisoners were objects of Bonaparte's designing intentions. I recollect one evening his saying to me,

Murian, write to the Minister of War and tell him to select a fine brace of pistols of the Versailles manufacture and send them in my name to General Tsach. He dined with me today and highly praised our manufacture of arms. I should like to give him a token of arms. remembrance. Besides, the matter will be talked off at Vienna and may perhaps do good. As soon as the news of the Battle of Marengo reached Paris, Lucien Bonaparte, Minister of the Interior, ordered preparations for the festival, fixed for the 14th of July, in commemoration of the First Federation. This festival and that of the first von der Meerre were the only ones preserved by the consular government.

Indeed, in those memorable days, when the revolution appeared in its fairest point of view, France had never known such joy as that to which the Battle of Marengo gave rise. Still, amidst all this popular transport, there was a feeling of regret. The fame of Desce, his heroic character, his death, the words attributed to him and believed to be true, caused mourning to be mingled with joy. It was agreed to open a subscription for erecting a national monument to his memory. A reflection naturally arises here upon the difference between the period referred to, and the present time. France has endowed with nearly a million the children of one of her greatest

orators and most eloquent defenders of public liberty. Yet for the monument to the memory of Desais, scarcely 20,000 francs were subscribed. Does not this form a singular contrast with the patriotic munificence displayed at the death of General Foix. The pitiful monument to Desce on the Place d'Alphins sufficiently attests the want of spirit on the part of the subscription. Bonaparte, who was much dissatisfied with it, gave the name of Desais to a new key, the first stone of which was laid with great solemnity on the 14th of July. On that day, the crowd was immense in the Chal de Mars, and in the Temple of Mars, the name of which, at that time, the Church of the Invalid, still preserved.

Lucien delivered a speech on the encouraging prospects of France, and Lan made an appropriate address on presenting to the government the flags taken at Meringen. Two more followed, one from an aide-de-con of Macena, and the other from an aide-de-can of Le Corbe. And after the distribution of some medals, the First Council then delivered the following address. Citizens, soldiers, the flags presented to the government in the presence of the people of this immense capital, attest at once the genius of the commanders-in-chief, Mawreau, Macena and Berthier, the military talents of the generals, their lieutenants, and bréette. and bravery of the French soldiers.

On your return to the camp, tell your comrades that for the first Montemier, when we shall celebrate the anniversary of the Republic, the French people expect either peace or, if the enemy obstinately refuse it, other flags, the fruit of fresh victories. After this harangue of the First Council, in which he addressed to the military in the name of the people,

and described to Bertier the glory of Marengo, A hymn was chanted, the words of which were written by Monsieur de Fontaine, and the music composed by Meoul. But what was most remarkable in this fete was neither the poetry, music, nor even the panegyrical, eloquence of Lucien. It was the arrival at the Chande-Dars, after the ceremony at the Unvalid, of the consular guard, returning from Marengo. I was at a window of the Ecole Militère, and I can never forget the commotion, almost electrical, which made the air resound with cries of enthusiasm at their appearance. These soldiers did not defile before the First Consul in fine uniforms as at a review. Leaving the field of battle when the firing ceased,

they had crossed Lombardy, Piedmont, Montcenae, Savoy and France, in the space of 29 days. They appeared worn by the fatigue of a long journey, with faces browned by the summer sun of Italy, and with their arms and clothing showing the effects of desperate struggle. do you wish to have an idea of their appearance? You will find a perfect type in the first grenadier put by Gerard at one side of his picture of the Battle of Ulstolutes.

At the time of this fit, that is to say, in the middle of the month of July, the First Council could not have imagined that the moderate conditions he had proposed after the victory would not be accepted by Austria. In the hope, therefore, of a peace which could not but be considered probable, he for the first time since the establishment of the consular government convoked the deputies of the departments and appointed their time of assembling in Paris for the first van de Mierre,

a day which formed the close of one remarkable century and marked the commencement of another. The remains of Marshal Turin, to which Louis XIV had awarded the honours of annihilation, by giving them a place among the royal tombs in the vaults of Sandinie, had been torn from their grave at the time of the sacrilegious violation of the tombs. His bones, mingled indiscriminately with others, had long lain in obscurity in a garret of the College of Medicine,

when Monsieur Le Noir, collected and restored them to the ancient tomb of Turin in the Mét de Petit Augustin. Bonaparte resolved to enshrine these relics in that sculptured marble, with which the glory of Turin could so well dispense. This was, however, intended as a connecting link between the past days of France and the future to which he looked forward. He thought that the sentiments inspired by the solemn honours rendered to the memory of Turenne would dispose the deputies of the departments to receive with greater enthusiasm the Pacific

communications he hoped to be able to make. However, the negotiations did not take the favourable turn which the First Council had expected, and, notwithstanding all the address of Lucien, the communication was not heard without much uneasiness. But Lucien had prepared a speech quite to the taste of the First Council. After dilating for some time on the efforts of the government to obtain peace, he deplored the teradivirations of Austria, accused the fatal influence of England, and added in a more elevated and solemn tone,

quote, at the very moment when the consuls were leaving the palace of the government, a courier arrived bearing dispatches which the First Council has directed me to communicate to you, He then read a note declaring that the Austrian government consented to surrender to France the three fortresses of Ulm, Philipsburg and Ingolstadt. This was considered as a security for the preliminaries of peace being speedily signed. The news was received with enthusiasm and that anxious day closed in a way highly gratifying to the First Council. Whilst victory confirmed in Italy the destinies of the First Council, his brothers were more concerned

about their own interests than the affairs of France. They loved money as much as Bonaparte loved glory. A letter from Lucien to his brother Joseph, which I shall subjoin, shows how ready they always were, to turn to their own advantage the glory and fortune of him to whom they were indebted for all their importance. I found this letter among my papers, but I cannot tell why and how I preserved it.

It is interesting inasmuch as it shows the opinion that family of future kings entertained of their own situation, and of what their fate would have been, and Bonaparte, like to say, fallen on the field of Marengo. It is besides curious to observe the philosopher Lucian, causing Te deum to be chanted, with the view of influencing the public fans. At all events, I copy Lucian's letter as he wrote it,

giving the words marked in italics, and the numerous notes of exclamation which distinguish the original. My brother, readers not, my brother marked in italics, and readers not. I send you a courier. I particularly wish that the first consul would give me notice of his arrival 24 hours beforehand, and that he would inform me alone. Reader's note, me alone, marked in italics, and readers not, of the barrier by which he will enter.

The city wishes to prepare triumphal arches for him, and it deserves not to be disappointed. At my request, Reader's note, At my request marked in italics, Ended readers' note, Atidaum was chanted yesterday. There were 60,000 persons present.

The intrigues of Othai continue. Footnote, This intrigue, so-called from Talleyrand, one of its heads, living in the suburb of Othai, arose from the wish of many of the most influential men to be prepared in case of the death of Napoleon in any action in Italy.

It was simply a continuation of the same combinations which had been attempted or planned in 1799, till the arrival of Bonaparte from Egypt made the party choose him as the instrument for the overthrow of the directors. There was little secrecy about their plans. See Mio de Milito, Tom 1, page 276, where Joseph Bonaparte tells his friends all that was being proposed in case his brother fell. Carmel seems to have been the most probable choice, as leader and replacer of Monaparte. In the above letter, C. Blank, stands for Carnot, La F blank, for Lafayette.

The High Priest is C.S. And the friend of Otay is Talleyon. C. Young's Lucien, Tom 1, page 411. The post-scrut seems to refer to a wretched scandal about Caroline and Lucien. See Young's Lucien, Tom 1, pages 411 and 413. The reader should remark the retention of this and other documents by Bouillon, which forms one of the charges brought against him farther on, end footnot. It has been found difficult to decide between C-blank and La F-blank.

The latter has proposed his daughter in marriage to me. Intrigue has been carried to the last extreme. I do not know yet whether the high priest has decided for one party or the other. I believe that he would cheat them both for an orleans, and your friend of Altaille was at the bottom of all. The news of the Battle of Marengo petrified them, and yet next day the High Priest certainly spent three hours with your friend of Otay. As to us, had the victory of Marengo closed the First Consul's career,

we should now have been prescribed. Your letters say nothing of what I expected to hear. I hope at least to be informed of the answer from Vienna before anyone. I am sorry you have not paid me back for the Battle of Marengo. The festival of the 14th of July will be very gratifying. We expect peace as a certainty and the triumphant return of the First Consul. The family is all well. Your wife and all her family are at Morfontein, nay, is at Paris.

Why do you return with the First Consul? Peace and Italy. Think of our last interview. I embrace you. Signed Lucien. on the margin is written p.S. read the letter addressed to the consul and give it to him, After you have carefully closed it. Reader's not, after you have carefully closed it, marked in italics, and you do not.

Forwardly enclosed, Madame Moura never lodged in my house. Her husband is a fool, whom his wife ought to punish by not writing to him for a month. Signed, Lucien Bonaparte. Bonaparte confirmed in his power by the victory. of Meringo, remained some days longer at Milan to settle the affairs of Italy. He directed one to furnish Madame Gassini with money to pay her expenses to Paris. We departed amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants and took the road to Turin. The First Council stopped at Turin for some hours and inspected the citadel,

which had been surrendered to us in pursuance of the capitulation of Alessandria. In passing over Montcenaise, we observed the carriage of Madame Kellerman, who was going to meet her husband. Bonaparte, on recognising the lady, stopped his carriage and congratulated her on the gallant conduct of her husband at the Battle of Marengo. On our arrival at Lyon, we alighted at the Hotel de Celestin, and the loud acclamations of a numerous multitude assembled round the hotel, obliged Bonaparte to show himself on the balcony. Next day he proceeded to the square of Belcourt, where amidst the plaudits of the people, he laid the first stone of some new buildings, destined to efface one of the disasters of the revolution.

We left Lyon that evening and continued our journey by way of Dijon. On our arrival in that town, the joy of the inhabitants was very great. I never saw a more graceful and captivating sight than that which was presented by a group of beautiful young females, crowned with flowers, who accompanied Bonaparte's carriage, and which at that period, when the revolution had renewed all the Republican recollections of Greece and Rome, looked like the chorus of females dancing around the victor at the Olympic Games. But all our journey was not so agreeable.

Some accidents awaited us. The First Consul's carriage broke down between Villeneuve de Bois and Sons. He sent a courier to inform my mother that he would stop at her house till his carriage was repaired. He dined there, and we started again at seven in the evening.

But we had other disasters to encounter. one of our off-wheels came off, and as we were driving at a very rapid pace, the carriage was overturned on the bridge, at a short distance from Montreux-Fouillon. The first consul who sat on my left fell upon me, and sustained no injury. My head was slightly hurt by striking against some things which were in the pocket of the carriage. But this accident was not worth stopping for, and we arrived at Paris on the same night, the 2nd of July. D'Uroc, who was the third in the carriage, was not hurt.

I have already mentioned that Bonaparte was rather talkative when travelling, and as we were passing through Burgundy, on our return to Paris from Marengo, he said exultingly, Well, a few more events like this campaign, and I may go down to posterity. I think, replied I, that you have already done enough to secure great and lasting fame. Yes, resumed he, I have done enough, it is true, unless in two years I have won Cairo, Paris, and Milan. But for all that, my dear fellow, were I to die tomorrow, I should not, at the end of ten centuries, occupy half a page of general history.

On the very day when DeSay fell on the field of Marengo, Claibor was assassinated by a fanatical Muslim named Solomon Haliby, who stabbed him with a dagger, and by that blow decided the fate of Egypt. Put-note, this fella was at most 18 or 20 years of age. He was a native of Damascus. and declared that he had quitted his native city by command of the Grand Vizier, who had entrusted him with a commission of repairing to Egypt and killing the Grand Sultan of the French, Bonaparte being probably intended. That for this purpose alone he had left his family and performed the whole journey on foot and had received from the Grand Vizier no other money than what was absolutely requisite for the exigencies of the journey.

On arriving at Cairo, he had gone forthwith to perform his devotions in the great mosque, and it was only on the eve of executing his project that he confided it to one of the sheriffs of the mosque. Duke de Rovigo's memoirs, Tom 1, page 367, end footnot. Thus was France on the same day and almost at the same hour, deprived of two of her most distinguished generals, Menou, as senior in command, succeeded Claibor, and the First Council confirmed the appointment. From that moment, the loss of Egypt was inevitable. I have a few details to give respecting the tragical death of Claibre. The house of Elfie Bay, which Bonaparte occupied at Cairo,

and in which Claibour lived after his departure, had a terrace leading from a salon to an old ruined cistern, from which, down a few steps, there was an entrance into the garden. The terrace commanded a view of the grand square of Elbeguillet, which was to the right on coming out of the salon, while the garden was on the left. This terrace was Bonaparte's favourite promenade, especially in the evenings, when he used to walk up and down and converse with the persons about him.

I often advised him to fill up the reservoir and to make it level with the terrace. I even showed him by concealing myself in it and suddenly coming up behind him, how easy it would be for any person to attempt his life and then escape, either by jumping into the square or passing through the garden. He told me I was a coward and was always in fear of death. and he determined not to make the alteration I suggested, which, however, he acknowledged to be advisable. Claibor's assassin availed himself of the facility which I so often apprehended might be fatal to Bonaparte.

I shall not stop to refute all the infamous rumours which were circulated respecting Claibor's death. When the First Consul received the unexpected intelligence, he could scarcely believe it. He was deeply affected. And on reading the particulars of the assassination, he instantly called to mind how often he had been in the same situation as that in which Claibor was killed, and, all I had said, respecting the danger of the reservoir, a danger from which it is inconceivable he should have escaped,

especially after his Syrian expedition, had excited the fury of the natives. Bonaparte's knowledge of Claibor's talents, the fact of his having confided to him, the command of the army, and the aid which he constantly endeavoured to transmit to him, repelled at once the horrible suspicion of his having had the least participation in the crime and the thought that he was gratified to hear of it. It is very certain that Bonaparte's dislike of Claibour was as decided as the friendship he cherished for desailles. Claibour's fame annoyed him, for he was weak enough to be annoyed at it.

He knew the manner in which Claibour spoke of him, which was certainly not the most respectful. During the long and sanguinary siege of Saint-Jean d'Artre, Claibre said to me, quote, That little scoundrel Bonaparte, who is no higher than my boot, will enslave France. See what a villainous expedition he has succeeded

in involving us in, end quote. Claibor often made the same remark to others as well as to me. I am not certain that it was ever reported to Bonaparte, but there is reason to believe that those who found it their interest to accuse others did not spare Claibor. Claibor, who was a sincere Republican, saw undreadied for his country's sake the secret views and inordinate ambition of Bonaparte. He was a grumbler by nature, yet he never evinced discontent in the discharge of his duties as a soldier.

He swore and stormed, but marched bravely to the cannon's mouth. He was indeed courage personified. One day when he was in the trench at Saint-Jeand-acre, standing up and by his tall stature, exposed to every shot, Bonaparte called to him, "'Stoop down, Claibor! Stoop down!' "'Why,' replied he, "'your confounded trench does not reach to my knees.' He never regarded the Egyptian expedition with a favourable eye.

He thought it too expensive and utterly useless to France. He was convinced that in the situation in which we stood, without a navy or a powerful government, it would have been better to have confined our attention to Europe than to have wasted French blood and money on the banks of the Nile, and among the ruined cities of Syria. Claibor, who was a cool, reflecting man, judged Bonaparte without enthusiasm,

a thing somewhat rare at that time, and he was not blind to any of his faults. Bonaparte alleged that Claibor said to him, General, you are as great as the world. Such a remark is in direct opposition to Claibor's character. He was too sincere to say anything against his conviction. Bonaparte, always anxious to keep Egypt, of which the preservation alone could justify the conquest,

allowed Claibor to speak, because he acted at the same time. He knew that Claibor's sense of military duty would always triumph over any opposition he might cherish to his views and plans. Thus the death of his lieutenant, far from causing Bonaparte any feeling of satisfaction, afflicted him the more, because it almost totally deprived him of the hope of preserving a conquest which had cost France so dear, and which was his work. The news of the death of Claibor arrived shortly after our return to Paris. Bonaparte was anxiously expecting accounts from Egypt, none having been received for a considerable time.

The arrival of the courier who brought the fatal intelligence gave rise to a scene which I may relate here. It was two o'clock in the morning when the courier arrived at the Tuileries. In his hurry, the First Council could not wait to rouse anyone to co-rease. call me up. I had informed him some days before that if he should want me during the night, he should send for me to the corridor, as I had changed my bedchamber on account of my wife's acuchement. He came up himself, and instead of knocking at my door, knocked at that of my secretary. The latter immediately rose, and opening the door, to his surprise, saw the first consul with a candle in his hand, a madras handkerchief on his head, and, having on his grey greatcoat.

Bonaparte, not knowing of the little step down into the room, slipped and nearly fell. Where is Buryan? asked he. The surprise of my secretary at the apparition of the first consul can be imagined. What, general, is it you? Where is Buryan? Then my secretary, in his shirt, showed the first consul my door. After having told him that he was sorry at having called him up, Napoleon came to me. I dressed in a hurry, and we went downstairs to my usual. room. We rang several times before they opened the door for us. The guards were not asleep, but having heard so much running to and fro feared we were thieves. At last, they opened the door, and the first consul threw on the table the immense packet of dispatches which he had just received.

They had been fumigated and steeped in vinegar. When he read the announcement of the death of Claibor, the expression of his countenance sufficiently denoted the painful feelings which arose in his mind. I read in his face, Egypt is lost. End of Section 3. Section 4. Of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fovalee de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gillian Henry.

Chapter 3, Part 1 Bonaparte's wish to negotiate with England and Austria, an emigrant's letter, domestic details, The Bell. Conspiracy of Cheraki, Arena, Arell, and others. Bonaparte's visit to the opera. Arrests. Arrelle, appointed commandant of Valcène.

The Duke Dongguyen's foster sister. The third, Nivose. First performance of Haydn's creation. The Infernal Machine. Congratulatory addresses. Arbitory condemnations. Monsieur Tiso erased from the list of the banished. Monsieur Trogay.

Bonaparte's hatred. of the Jacobin explained. The real criminals discovered. Justification of Foucher. Execution of Sarrejean and Carbont. Caesar, Cromwell and Bonaparte. Conversation between Bonaparte and Foucher. Pretended anger.

Fuchess dissimulation. Lucian's resignation. His embassy to Spain. War between Spain and Portugal. Dinner at Fuchess. Treachery of Joseph Bonaparte. A trick upon the First Consul A three days' coolness

Reconciliation The happy events of the campaign of Italy had been crowned by the armistice concluded on the 6th of July This armistice was broken on the 1st of September and renewed after the Battle of Hoin Linden Onish returned from Waringo One Apart was received with more enthusiasm than ever

The rapidity with which, in a campaign of less than two months He had restored the triumph of the French standard excited universal astonishment. He then actively endeavoured to open negotiations with England and Austria, but difficulties opposed him in every direction. He frequently visited the theatre, where his presence attracted prodigious throngs of persons, all eager to see and applaud him. The immense number of letters, which were at this time addressed to the First Council, is scarcely conceivable. They contained requests for places, protestations of fidelity, and, in short, they were those petitionary circulars that are addressed to all persons in power.

These letters were often exceedingly curious, and I have preserved many of them. Among the rest was one from De Roussel Bonoen-Wa, an emigrant who had fled to Jersey. This letter contains some interesting particulars relative to Bonaparte's family. It is dated Jersey 12th of July 1800, and the following are the most remarkable passages it contains. I trust, General, that I may, without indiscretion, intrude upon your notice, to remind you of what, I flatter myself, you have not totally forgotten, after having lived 18 or 19 years at Ajaxio. But you will perhaps be surprised that so trifling an item should be the subject of the letter which I have the honour to address to you. You cannot have forgotten, General, that when your late father was obliged to take your brothers from the College of Othont, from whence he went to see you at Grienne. he was unprovided with money, and he asked me for 25 Louis, which I lent him with pleasure.

After his return, he had no opportunity of paying me, and when I left, Ajaxon, your mother offered to dispose of some plate in order to pay the debt. To this I objected, and told her that I would wait until she could pay me at her convenience, and previous to the breaking out of the revolution, I believe it was not in her power to fulfil her wish of discharging the debt. I am sorry, General, to be obliged to trouble you about such a trifle, but such is my unfortunate situation that even this trifle is off some importance to me, driven from my country and obliged to take refuge in this island where everything is exceedingly expensive, the little sum I have mentioned, which was formerly a matter of indifference,

would now be of great service to me. You will understand, General, that at the age of 86, after having served my country well for 60 years, without the least interoperable, not counting the time of emigration, chased from every place. I have been obliged to take refuge here, to subsist on the scanty sucker given by the English government to the French immigrant. I say immigrant because I have been forced to be one. I had no intention of being one, but a horde of brigands, who came from Cannes to my house to assassinate me, considered I had committed the great crime in being the senior general of the canton and in having the grand cross of Saint-Louis. This was too much for them.

if it had not been for the crowds of my neighbours, my door would have been broken open, and I should have been assassinated, and I had but time to fly by a door at the back, only carrying away what I had on me. At first I retired to Paris, but there they told me that I could do nothing but go into a foreign country, so great was the hate entertained for me by my fellow citizens,

although I lived in retirement, never having any discussion with anyone. Thus general, I have abandoned all I possessed, money and goods, leaving them at the mercy of what they call the nation, which has profited a good deal by this, as I have nothing left in the world, not even a spot to put my foot on. If even a horse had been reserved for me, General, I could ask for what depends on you, for I have heard it said that some emigrants have been allowed to return home. I do not even ask this favour, not having a place to rest my foot. And besides, I have with me here an exiled brother,

older than I am, very ill and imperfect second childhood, whom I could not abandon. I am resigned to my own unhappy fate, but my soul and great grief is that not only I myself have been ill-treated, but that my fate has, contrary to the law, injured relations whom I love and respect. I have a mother-in-law, 80 years old, who has been refused the dower I had given her from my property, and this will make me die a bankrupt if nothing is changed. which makes me miserable. I acknowledge General that I know little of the new style, but according to the old form, I am your humble servant, Durossel Beaumontois. I read this letter to the First Council, who immediately said,

Bougainne, this is sacred, do not lose a minute, send the old man ten times the sum. Write to General Durrosell that he shall be immediately erased from the list of emigrants. What mischief those brigands of the convention have done! I can never repair at all." Bonaparte uttered these words with a degree of emotion which I rarely saw him evince. In the evening he asked me whether I had executed his orders, which I had done without losing a moment. The death of Monsieur Fchotte had given me a lesson as to the value of time. Availing myself of the privilege I have already frequently taken of making abrupt transitions from one subject to another,

according as the recollection of past circumstances occurs to my mind, I shall here note down a few details which may not improperly be called domestic, and afterwards describe a conspiracy which was protected by the very man against whom it was hatched. At the Twilavie, where the First Council always resided during the winter, and sometimes a part of the summer, the Grand Salon was situated between his cabinet and the room in which he received the persons with whom he had appointed audiences. when in this audience chamber, if he wanted anything or had occasion to speak to anybody, he pulled a bell which was answered by a confidential servant named L'Andoire, who was the messenger of the First Consul's Cabinet.

When Napoleon's bell rung, it was usually for the purpose of making some inquiry of me respecting a paper, a name, a date, or some matter of that sort. And then L'Andoard had to pass through the cabinet and salon to answer the bell, and afterwards to return and to tell me, I was wanted. Impatient at the delay occasioned by this running about, Bonaparte, without saying anything to me, ordered the bell to be altered, so that it should ring within the cabinet, and exactly above my table. Next morning, when I entered the cabinet, I saw a man mounted upon a ladder.

What are you doing here? said I. I'm hanging a bell, sir. I called Londroix, and asked him who had given the order. The first consul, he replied. I immediately ordered the man to come down and remove the ladder, which he accordingly did. When I went, according to custom, to awaken the first consul, and read the newspapers to him, I said, General, I found a man this morning hanging a bell in your cabinet. I was told it was by your orders, but being convinced there must be some mistake, I sent him away. Surely the bell was not intended for you, and I cannot imagine it was intended for me. Who then could it be for? What a stupid fellow that L'Hondroix is, said Bonaparte.

yesterday when cambassarrese was with me i wanted you londois did not come when i touched the bell i thought it was broken and ordered him to get it repaired i suppose the bell-hanger was doing it when you saw him for you know the wire passes through the cabinet i was satisfied with this explanation though i was not deceived by it for the sake of appearance he reproved londoir who however had done nothing more than execute the order he had received how could he imagine i would submit to such treatment, considering that we had been friends since our boyhood, and that I was now living on full terms of confidence and familiarity with him. Before I speak of the conspiracy of Cheraki, Arana, Topino Lebrun, and others, I must notice a remark made by Napoleon at St Helena. He said, or is alleged to her said, quote, the two attempts which place me in the greatest danger were those of the sculptor Cheraki, and of the fanatic of Jean-Grun, end quote. I was not at Sean Brun at the time, but I am convinced that Bonaparte was in the most imminent danger.

I have been informed on unquestionable authority that Stapps set out from Erfurt with the intention of assassinating the emperor, but he wanted the necessary courage for executing the design. He was armed with a large dagger and was twice sufficiently near Napoleon to have struck him. I heard this from Rapp, who seized Staps and felt the hilt of the dagger under his coat. In that occasion, Bonaparte owed his life only to the irresolution of the young Illuminato who wished to sacrifice him to his fanatical fury. It is equally certain that, on another occasion, respecting which the author of the St Helena narrative, observes complete silence, another fanatic, more dangerous than Staps, attempted

the life of Napoleon. Footnote. At the time of this attempt, I was not with Napoleon, but he directed me to see the madmen who had formed the design of assassinating him. It will be seen in the course of these memoirs, what were his plans and what was the result of them? Buryan and footnote. The following is a correct statement of the facts relative to Cherokee's conspiracy. The plot itself was a mere shadow, but it was deemed advisable to give its substance,

to exaggerate at least an appearance the danger to which the First Consul had been exposed. There was at that time in Paris an idle fellow called Arrel. He had been a chef de battalion, but he had been disdainéves. dismissed the service and was consequently dissatisfied. He became connected with Cheraki, Arrena, Topino Lebrun, and De Merville. From different motives, all these individuals were violently hostile to the First Consul, who, on his part, was no friend to Cheraki and Arena, but scarcely knew the two others. These four individuals formed, in conjunction with Arell, the design of assassinating the First Consul, and the time fixed for the perpetration of the deed was one evening when

Bonaparte intended to visit the opera. On the 20th of September, 1804, Arrell came to me at the Twilery. He revealed to me the plot in which he was engaged, and promised that his accomplices should be apprehended in the very act if I would supply him with money to bring the plot to maturity. I knew not how to act upon this disclosure, which I, however, could not reject without incurring too great a responsibility. I immediately communicated the business to the First Consul, who ordered me to supply Arell with money, but not to mention the affair to Foucher, to whom he wished to prove that he knew better how to manage the police than he did. Arrell came nearly every evening at 11 o'clock

to inform me of the progress of the conspiracy, which I immediately communicated to the First Consul, who was not sorry to find Arina and Cheraki, deeply committed. But the time passed on, and nothing was done. The First Consul began to grow impatient. At length, Arrel came to say that they had no money to purchase arms. Money was given him. He, however, returned next day to say that the gunsmith refused to sell them arms without authority. It was now found necessary to communicate the business to Foucher, in order that he might grant the necessary permission to the gunsmith, which I was not empowered to do. On the 10th of October, the consuls, after the breaking up of the council, assembled in the cabinet of their colleague. Bonaparte asked them in my presence

whether they thought he ought to go to the opera. They observed that, as every precaution was taken, no danger could be apprehended, and that it was desirable to show the futility of attempts against the First Consul's life. After dinner, Bonaparte put on a great coat over his green uniform and got into his carriage,

accompanied by me and du Roque. He seated himself in front of his box, which at that time was on the left of theatre, between the two columns which separated the front and sideboxes. when we had been in the theatre about half an hour, the First Consul directed me to go and see what was doing in the corridor. Scarcely had I left the box, then I heard a great uproar, and soon discovered that a number of persons whose names I could not learn had been arrested. I informed the First Consul of what I had heard, and we immediately returned to the Twilery. It is certain that the object of the conspiracy was to take the First Consul's life,

and that the conspirators neglected nothing which would further the accomplishment of their establishment of their estuilory. atrocious design. The plot, however, was known through the disclosures of Arrell, and it would have been easy to avert instead of conjuring up the storm. Such was, and such still is, my opinion. Arrell's name was again restored to the army list, and he was appointed commandant of Vancen. This post he held at the time of the Doubt Denggian's assassination. I was afterwards told that his wife was foster-sister to the unfortunate prince, and that she recognised him when he entered the prison, which in a few short hours was to prove his grave. Carboneau, one of the individuals condemned,

candidly confessed the part he had taken in the plot, which he said was brought to maturity solely by the agents of the police, who were always eager to prove their zeal to their employers by some new discovery. Although three months intervened between the machinations of Cheraki and Arena and the horrible attempt of the third Nouveauce, I shall relate these two events in immediate succession, for if they had no other points of resemblance, they were at least alike in their object. The conspirators in the First Affair were off the revolutionary faction.

They sought Bonaparte's life, as if with the view of rendering his resemblance to Caesar so complete that not even a Brutus should be wanting. The latter, it must with regret, be confessed, were off the royalist party, and in their wish to destroy the First Consul, they were not deterred by the fear of sacrificing a great number of citizens. The police knew nothing of the plot of the third Nouveau for two reasons. First because they were no parties to it, and secondly, because two conspirators do not betray and sell each other when they are resolute in their purpose. In such cases, the giving of information can arise only from two causes, the one excusable, the other infamous, namely the dread of punishment and the hope of reward.

But neither of these causes influenced the conspirators of the third Nouveauce, the inventors and constructors of that machine which has so justly been denominated infernal. On the third Nivos, 24th of December, 1800, the first performance of Haydn's magnificent oratorio of the creation took place at the opera, and the first consul had expressed his intention of being present. I did not die with him that day, but as he left me, he said, Burien, you know I am going to the opera tonight, and you may go too, but I cannot take you in the carriage.

as Lan, Bertier and Loriston are going with me. I was very glad of this, for I much wished to hear one of the masterpieces of the German School of Composition. I got to the opera before Bonaparte, who, on his entrance, seated himself, according to custom, in front of the box. The eyes of all present were fixed upon him, and he appeared to be perfectly calm and self-possessed. L'Euston, as soon as he saw me, came to my box and told me that the first consul, on his way to the opera, had narrowly escaped being assassinated in the Rouss Aniquese by the explosion of a barrel of gunpowder,

the concussion of which had shattered the windows of his carriage. Within ten seconds after our escape, added L'Oreston, the coachman having turned the corner of the Roussandonneuré, stopped to take the first consul's orders, and he coolly said, To the opera, footnote, the following particulars, respecting the affair of the infernal machine

are related by Rapp, who attended Madame Bonaparte to the opera. He differs from Burigern as to the total ignorance of the police. Quote, The affair of the Infernal Machine has never been properly understood by the public. The police had intimated to Napoleon that an attempt would be made against his life and cautioned him not to go out. Madame Bonaparte, Mademoiselle Beau Arnais, Madame Morin,

Lann, Bessier, the aide-de-can-on-duty, Lieutenant Lebrin, now Duke of Piacenza, were all assembled in the salon, while the first consul was writing in his cabinet. Haydn's oratorio was to be performed that evening. The ladies were anxious to hear the music, and we also expressed a wish to that effect. The escort, Piquet was ordered out,

and Lan requested that Napoleon would join the party. He consented, his carriage was ready, and he took along with him Bessier and the Edd de Clen on duty. I was directed to attend the ladies. Josephine had received a magnificent shawl from Constantinople, and she that evening wore it for the first time. "'Permit me to observe,' said I, "'that your shawl is not thrown on with your usual elegance.' She good-humouredly begged that I would fold it after the fashion of the Egyptian ladies.

While I was engaged in this operation, we heard Napoleon depart. "'Come, sister,' said Madame Murat, who was impatient to get to the theatre. "'Boraparte is going.' We stepped into the carriage. The First Consul's equipage had already reached the middle of the Place de Carousel. We drove after it, but we had scarcely entered the place when the machine exploded. Napoleon escaped by a singular chance. Saint-Réjean, or his servant, Francois, had stationed himself in the middle of the Rue Nigez.

A grenadier of the escort, supposing he was really what he appeared to be, a water carrier, gave him a few blows with the flat of his sabre, and drove him off. off. The cart was turned round, and the machine exploded between the carriages of Napoleon and Josephine. The ladies shrieked on hearing the report. The carriage windows were broken, and Mamselle Boarnet received a slight hurt on her hand. I alighted and crossed the Rue Nikes, which was strewed with the bodies of those who had been thrown down, and the fragments of the walls that had been shattered with the explosion. Neither the consul nor any individual of his suite sustained any serious injury. When I entered the theatre, Napoleon was seated in his box, calm and composed,

and looking at the audience through his opera glass. Fouchet was beside him. Josephine, said he, as soon as he observed me. She entered at that instant, and he did not finish his question. The rascals, said he very coolly. Wanted to blow me up. Bring me a book of the oratorio. Memoirs of General Count Rap.

Page 19. End footnot. On hearing this, I left the theatre and returned to the palace, under the expectation that I should speedily be wanted. Bonaparte soon returned home, and as intelligence of the affair had spread through Paris, the grand salon on the ground floor, was filled with a crowd of functionaries, eager to read in the eye of their master what they were to think and say on the occasion. He did not keep them long in suspense. This, exclaimed he vehemently, is the work of the Jacobin. They have attempted my life. There are neither nobles, priests, nor Chouin in this affair.

I know what I am about, and they need not think to impose on me. These are the Septemberisers who have been in open revolt and conspiracy, and arrayed against every succeeding government. It is scarce three months since my life was attempted by Chiraki, Arena, Topino Lebrun, and Demerville. They all belong to one gang, the cut-throats of September, the assassins of Versailles, the brigands of the 21st of May the conspirators of Bré Réreal are the authors of

all the crimes committed against established governments. If they cannot be checked they must be crushed. France must be purged of these ruffians. It is impossible to form any idea of the bitterness with which Bonaparte pronounce these words. In vain did some of the councillors of state, and Foucher

in particular, endeavour to point out to him that there was no evidence against anyone and that before he pronounced people to be guilty, it would be right to ascertain the fact. Bonaparte repeated with increased violence what he had before said of the Jacques-Aman, thus adding, not without some ground of suspicion, one crime more to the long catalogue for which they had already to answer. Fouchet had many enemies, and I was not therefore surprised to find some of the ministers endeavouring to take advantage of the difference between his opinion and that of the First Consul.

and it must be owned that the utter ignorance of the police respecting this event was a circumstance not very favourable to Foucher. He, however, was like the reed in the fable. He bent with the wind, but was soon erect again. The most skilful actor could scarcely imitate the inflexible calmness he maintained during Bonaparte's paroxysm of rage, and the patience with which he allowed himself to be accused. Foucher, when afterwards conversing with me,

gave me clearly to understand that he did not think the Jacobin guilty. I mentioned this to the First Consul, but nothing could make him retract his opinion. Foucher, said he, as good reason for his silence, he is serving his own party. It is very natural that he should seek to screen a set of men who are polluted with blood and crimes. He was one of their leaders. Do not I know what he did at Lyon and the Loire? That explains Foucher's conduct now. This is the exact truth, and now let me contradict one of the thousand fiction. about this event. It has been said and printed that, quote, the dignitaries and the ministers were assembled at the tuileries.

Well, said the First Consul, advancing angrily towards Foucher. Will you still say that this is the royalist party? Foucher, better informed than was believed, answered coolly. Yes, certainly, I shall say so. And what is more, I shall prove it. This speech caused general astonishment, but was afterwards fully borne out. This is pure invention. The First Consul only said to Foucher, I do not trust to your police, I guard myself, and I watch till two in the morning.

This, however, was very rarely the case. End of Section 4. Section 5 Of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter 3, Part 2 On the day after the explosion of the infernal machine, a considerable concourse assembled at the Twilery. There was absolutely a torrent of congratulations.

The prefect of the Sen invoked the twelve mayors of Paris and came at their head to wait on the First Council. In his reply to their address, Bonaparte said, As long as this gang of assassins confined their attack to me personally, I left the law to take its course. But since, by an unparalleled crime, they have endangered the lives of a port-auched. of the population of Paris. Their punishment must be as prompt as exemplary. A hundred of these wretches who have libeled liberty by perpetrating crimes in her name must be effectually prevented from renewing their atrocities. He then conversed with the ministers, the councillors of state,

and so on the event of the preceding day, and as all knew the First Consul's opinion of the authors of the crime, each was eager to confirm it. The council was several times assembled when the Senate was consulted, and the adroit Coucher, whose conscience yielded to the delicacy of his situation, addressed to the First Consul a report worthy of a Mazarin. At the same time, the journals were filled with recollections of the revolution, raked up for the purpose of connecting with past crimes the individuals on whom it was now wished to cast odium. It was decreed that a hundred persons should be banished, and the Senate established its character for complacence by passing a Sinatus Consulti, conformable to the wishes of the First Consul.

A list was drawn up of the person-styled Jacobin, who were condemned to transportation. I was fortunate enough to obtain the erasure of the names of several whose opinions had perhaps been violent, but whose education and private character presented claims to recommendation. Some of my readers may probably recollect them, without my naming them, and I shall only mention Monsieur Tiso, for the purpose of recording, not the service I rendered him, but an instance of grateful acknowledgement. When in 1815 Napoleon was on the point of entering Paris, Monsieur Tiso came to the prefecture of police, where I then was, and offered me his house as a safe asylum, assuring me I should there run no risk of being discovered. Though I did not accept the offer,

yet I gladly seize on this opportunity of making it known. It is gratifying to find that different of political opinion does not always exclude sentiments of generosity and honour. I shall never forget the way in which the author of the essays on Virgil uttered the words Domus Mea. But to return to the fatal list, even while I write this, I shudder to think of the way in which men utterly innocent were accused of a revolting crime without even the shadow of a proof. The name of an individual, his opinions, perhaps only assumed,

were sufficient grounds for his banishment. A decree of the consuls dated 4th of January 1801, confirmed by a Sinatus consulte on the next day, banished from the territory of the Republic and placed under special inspectors, 130 individuals, nine of whom were merely designated in the report as Septemberisers. The exiles, who in the reports and in the public acts, were so unjustly accused of being the authors of the infernal machine, were received at Nantes, with so much indignation that the military were compelled, to interfere to save them from being massacred. In the discussions which preceded the decree of the consuls,

few persons had the courage to express a doubt respecting the guilt of the accused. Tugé was the first to mount the breach. He observed that, without denying the government the extraordinary means for getting rid of its enemies, he could not but acknowledge that the emigrants threatened the purchasers of national domains, that the public mind was corrupted by pamphlets, and that, ear the First Consul, interrupting him, exclaimed,

To what pamphlets do you allude? To pamphlets which are publicly circulated. Name them. You know them as well as I do. Footnote. The parallel between Caesar, Cromwell and Bonaparte, of which I shall speak a little farther on, is here alluded to, Burienne.

End footnote. After a long and angry ebullition, the First Consul abruptly dismissed the Council. He observed that he would not be due, that the villains were known, that they were Septemberisers, the hatchers of every mischief. He had said at a sitting three days before, if proof should fail we must take advantage of the public excitement, the event is to me merely the opportunity.

They shall be banished for the 2nd of September, for the 21st of May, for Babouf's conspiracy, or anything else. On leaving one of the sittings of the council, at which the question of a special tribunal had been discussed, he told me that he had been a little ruffled, that he had said a violent blow must be struck, that blood must be spilt, and that as many of the guilty should be shot, as there had been victims of the explosion, from 15 to 20, that 200 should be banished, and the Republic purged of these scoundrels.

The arbitrariness and illegality of the proceeding were so evident that the Sinatus Consulate contained no mention of the transactions of the third Nouveauce, which was very remorse, which was very remarkable. It was, however, declared that the measure of the previous day had been adopted with a view to the preservation of the Constitution. This was promising. The First Consul manifested the most violent hatred of the Jacobin. For this he could not have been blamed if, under the title of Jacobin, he had not comprised every devoted advocate of public liberty. Their opposition annoyed him, and he could never pardon them for having presumed to condemn his tyrannical acts, and to resist the destruction of the freedom which he had himself sworn to defend, but which he was

incessantly laboring to overturn. These were the true motives of his conduct, and conscious of his own faults, he regarded with dislike, those who saw and disapproved of them. For this reason, he was more afraid of those whom he called Jacobin than of the royalists. I am here recording the faults of Bonaparte, but I excuse him. Situated as he was, any other person would have acted in the same way. Truth now reached him with difficulty, and when it was not agreeable, he had no disposition to hear it. He was surrounded by flatterers, and the greater number of those who approached him, far from telling him what they really thought, only repeated what he had himself been thinking. Hence, he admired the wisdom of his counsellors. Thus, Coucher, to maintain

himself in favour, was obliged to deliver up to his master, 130 names chosen from among his own most intimate friends as objects of prescription. Meanwhile, Foucher, still believing that he was not deceived as to the real authors of the attempt of the third Nouveau set in motion with his usual dexterity, all the springs of the police. His efforts, however, were for some time unsuccessful, but at length, on Saturday the 31st of January 1801, about two hours after our arrival at Malmaison, Foucher, presented himself and produced authentic proofs of the accuracy of his conjectures. There was no longer any doubt on the subject, and Bonaparte saw clearly that the attempt of the third Nouveau was the result of a plot

hatched by the partisans of royalty. But as the act of prescription against those who were jumbled together under the title of Shacoban had been executed, it was not to be revoked. Thus the consequence of the third Nouveauze was that both the innocent and guilty were punished. With this difference, however, that the guilty at least had the benefit of a trial. When the Jacobin, as they were called, were accused with such precipitation, Couchet had no positive proofs of their innocence, and therefore their illegal condemnation ought not to be attributed to him. Sufficient odium is attached to his memory without his being charged with a crime he never

committed. Still, I must say that had he boldly opposed the opinion of Baudaparte in the first burst of his fury, he might have averted the blow. Every time he came to the Twilier, even before he had acquired any traces of the truth. Foucher. Always declared to me his conviction of the innocence of the persons first accused, but he was afraid to make the same observation to Bonaparte. I often mentioned to him the opinion of the Minister of Police, but as proof was wanting, he replied to me with a triumphant air, Pah, pah, this is always the way with Foucher. Besides, it is of little consequence, at any rate we shall get rid of them. Should the guilt to be discovered among the

royalists, they also shall be punished. The real criminals being at length discovered through the researchers of Foucher, Saint-Régent and Carbond expati their crimes by the forfeit of their heads. Thus, the First Consul gained his point, and justice gained hers. Footnote, it was Saint-Ré-Ré-Jean, who fired the infernal machine. The violence of the shock flung him against a post and part of his breastbone was driven in. He was obliged to resort to a surgeon, and it would seem that this man denounced him. Memoir of Mio de Milito, Tom 1, page 264. The discussions which took place in the Council of State on this affair are remarkable,

both for the violence of Napoleon and for the resistance made in the Council, to a great extent successfully, to his views as to the plot being one of the Jacoban Party, and footnot. I have often had occasion to notice the multifarious means employed by Bonaparte to arrive at the possession of supreme power and to prepare men's minds for so great change. Those who have observed his life must have so remarked how entirely he was convinced of the truth

that public opinion wastes itself on the rumour of a project and possesses no energy at the moment of its execution. In order, therefore, to direct public attention to the question of hereditary power, a pamphlet was circulated about Paris, and the following is the history of it. In the month of December 1800, while Foucher was searching after the real authors

of the attempt of the third Nouveau, a small pamphlet entitled, parallel between Caesar, Cromwell and Napoleon, was sent to the First Consul. He was absent when it came. I read it and perceived that it openly advocated hereditary monarchy. I then knew nothing.

about the origin of this pamphlet, but I soon learned that it issued from the office of the Minister of the Interior, Lucian Bonaparte, and that it had been largely circulated. After reading it, I laid it on the table. In a few minutes Bonaparte entered, and, taking up the pamphlet, pretended to look through it. Have you read this? said he. Yes, General. Well, what is your opinion of it? I think it is calculated to produce an unfavourable effect on the public mind. It is ill-timed, for it prematurely reveals your views. The First Council took the pamphlet and threw it on the ground, as he did all the stupid publications of the day,

after having slightly glanced over them. I was not singular, in my opinion of the pamphlet, for next day the prefects in the immediate neighbourhood of Paris sent a copy of it to the First Council, complaining of its mischievous effect. And I recollect that in one of their letters it was stated that such a work was calculated to direct against him the poniards of new assassins. After reading this correspondence, he said to me,

Bouguille, sent for Foucher. He must come directly and give an account of this matter. In half an hour, Foucher was in the First Consul's Cabinet. No sooner had he entered than the following dialogue took place, in which the impetuous warmth of the one party was strangely contrasted with the phlegmatic and rather sardonic composure of the other. What pamphlet is this? What is said about it in Paris. General, there is but one opinion of its dangerous tendency. Well, then, why did you allow it to appear? General, I was obliged to show some consideration for the author. Consideration for the author? What do you mean? You should have sent him to the temple. But, General, your brother Lucien patronises this pamphlet. It has been printed and

published by his order. In short, it comes from the office of the Minister of the Interior. matter for that. Your duty as minister of police was to have arrested Luciam, and sent him to the temple. The fool does nothing but contrive how he can commit me. With these words, the First Consul left the cabinet, shutting the door violently behind him.

Being now alone with Foucher, I was eager to get an explanation of the suppressed smile which had more than once curled his lips during Napoleon's angry expostulation. I easily perceived that there was something in reserve. Send the author to the temple, said Foucher.

That would be no easy matter. Alarmed at the effect which this parallel between Caesar, Cromwell and Bonaparte was likely to produce, I went to Lucia to point out to him his imprudence. He made me no answer, but went and got a manuscript, which he showed me, and which contained corrections and annotations in the First Consul's handwriting. When Lucien heard how Bonaparte had expressed his displeasure at the pamphlet, he also came to the tuileries to reproach his brother with having thrust him forward and then abandoned him. "'Tis your own fault,' said the First Consul.

"'You have allowed yourself to be caught, so much the worse for you.' "'Fouche is too cunning for you. "'You are a mere fool, compared with him.' Lucien tendered his resignation, which was accepted, and he departed for Spain. This diplomatic mission turned to his advantage. It was necessary that one should avail the Machiavellian invention of the parallel. The parallel has been attributed to different writers.

Some phrases seem the work of Lucien, but says Tier, Tom 2, page 210. Its rare elegance of language and its classical knowledge of history should attribute it to its real author, Fontenelle. Joseph Bonaparte, Erreur, Tom 1, page 270, says that Fontaineel wrote it, and Lucien Bonaparte corrected it. See Menéval, Tomb 3, page 100. Whoever wrote it, Napoleon certainly planned its issue.

It was, said he to Goderer, a work of which he himself had given the idea, but the last pages were by a fool. Miot, Tom 1, page 318. See also L'Aufre, Tom 2, page 208, and compare the story in Jung's Lucien, Tom 2, page 490. Miot, then in the confidence of Joseph, says that Lucien's removal from office was the result of an angry quarrel between him and Fouchet in the presence of Napoleon, when Foucher attacked Lucien, not only for the pamphlet, but also for the disorder of his public and his private life,

but Nielte, Tom 1, page 319, places the date of this as the 3rd of November, while Bureen dates the disapproval of the pamphlet in December. End footnote. Lucien, among other instructions, was directed to use all his endeavours to induce Spain to declare against Portugal in order to compel that power to separate herself from England. The First Council had always regarded Portugal as an English colony, and he conceived that to attack it was to assail England. He wished that Portugal should no longer favour England in her commercial relations, but that, like Spain, she should become dependent on him.

Lucian was therefore sent as ambassador to Madrid to second the ministers of Charles IV, in prevailing on the king to invade Portugal. The king declared war, but it was not of long duration, and terminated almost without a blow being struck by the taking of Olivenza. On the 6th June 1801, Portugal signed the Treaty of Badachos, by which she promised to cede Olivenza, Almeida, and some other fortresses to Spain, and to close her ports against England. The First Council, who was dissatisfied with the treaty, at first refused to ratify. it. He still kept his army in Spain, and this proceeding determined Portugal to exceed to some slight alterations in the First Treaty. This business proved very advantageous to Lucien and Godois.

The Cabinet of the Tuileries was not the only place in which the question of hereditary succession was discussed. It was the constant subject of conversation in the salons of Paris, where a new dynasty was already spoken off. This was by no means displeasing to the First Consul, but he saw clearly that he had committed a mistake in agitating the question prematurely. For this reason, he waged war against the parallel, as he would not be suspected of having had any share in a design that had failed. One day he said to me, I believe I have been a little too precipitate.

The pair is not quite ripe. The consulate for life was accordingly postponed till 1802, and the hereditary empire till 1804. after the failure of the artful publication of the pamphlet, Fouchet invited me to dine with him. As the first consul wished me to dine out as seldom as possible, I informed him of the invitation I had received. He was, however, aware of it before, and he very readily gave me leave to go. At dinner, Joseph was placed on the right of Foucher, and I, next to Joseph, who talked of nothing but his brother, his designs, the pamphlet, and the bad effect produced by it. In all that fell

from him, there was a tone of blame and disapproval. I told him my opinion, but with greater reserve than I had used towards his brother. He seemed to approve of what I said. His confidence encouraged me, and I saw with pleasure that he entertained sentiments entirely similar to my own. His unreserved manner so imposed upon me that, notwithstanding the experience I had acquired, I was far from suspecting myself to be in the company of a spy. Next day, the first consul said to me very coldly, Leave my letters in the basket, I will open them myself. This unexpected direction surprised me exceedingly, and I determined to play him a trick in revenge for his unfounded distrust.

For three mornings, I laid at the bottom of the basket, all the letters which I knew came from the ministers, and all the reports which were addressed to me for the First Council. I then covered them over with those which, judging from their envelopes and seals, appeared to be of that trifling kind with which the First Council was daily overwhelming. These usually consisted of requests that he would name the number of a lottery ticket so that the writer might have the benefit of his good luck, solicitations that he would stand godfather to a child, petitions for places, announcements of marriages and births, absurd eulogies, and so on. Unaccustomed to open the letters, he became impatient at their number, and he opened very few.

Often on the same day, but always on the morrow, came a fresh letter from a minister who asked for an answer to. to his former one, and who complained of not having received one. The First Consul unsealed some twenty letters and left the rest. The opening of all these letters, which he was not at other times in the habit of looking at, annoyed him extremely, but, as I neither wished to carry the joke too far, nor to remain in the disagreeable position in which Joseph's treachery had placed me, I determined to bring the matter to a conclusion. After the third day, when the business of the night, which had been interrupted by little fits of

ill-humour was concluded. One apart retired to bed. Half an hour after, I went to his chamber, to which I was admitted at all hours. I had a candle in my hand, and, taking a chair, I sat down on the right side of the bed, and placed the candle on the table. Both he and Josephine awoke. What is the matter? He asked with surprise. General, I have come to tell you that I can no longer remain here, since I have lost your confidence. You know how sincerely I am devoted to you, "'If you have then anything to reproach me with, let me at least know it. "'For my situation during the last three days has been very painful.' "'What has Buryenne done?' inquired Josephine earnestly.

"'That does not concern you,' he replied. "'Then turning to me,' he said, "'It is true. I have caused to complain of you. "'I have been informed that you have spoken of important affairs in a very indiscreet manner. "'I can assure you that I spoke to none but your brother. it was he who led me into the conversation, and he was too well versed in the business for me to tell him any secret. He may have reported to you what he pleased, but could not I do the same by him? I could accuse and betray him, as he has accused and betrayed me.

When I spoke in confidence to your brother, could I regard him as an inquisitor? I must confess, replied one apart, that after what I heard from Joseph, I thought it right to put my confidence in quarantine. the quarantine has lasted three days general surely that is long enough well bourienne let us say no more about it open my letters as usual you will find the answers a good deal in arre which has much vexed me and besides i was always stumbling on some stupid nonsense or other I fancy I still see and hear the amiable Josephine sitting up in bed and saying, In her gentle way, What, Bonaparte, is it possible you could suspect Burien, who is so attached to you, and who is your only friend? How could you suffer such a snare to be laid for him?

What? A dinner got up on purpose? How I hate these odious police manoeuvres. Go to sleep, said Bonaparte. Let women mind their giegos and not interfere with politics. It was near two in the morning before I retired. When, after a few hours sleep, I again saw the First Council, he was more kind to me than ever,

and I perceived that for the present, every cloud had dispersed. But not. Joseph Bonaparte, Erreur, Tom 1, page 273, says what he reported to his brother was Burien's conversation to him in the First Consul's cabinet during Napoleon's absence. It is curious that, at the only time when Napoleon became dissatisfied with Meneval, Julien's successor, and ordered him not to open the letters. He used the same expression when returning to the usual order of business,

which in this case was to a few hours. My dear Minerville, said he, there are circumstances in which I am forced to put my confidence in quarantine. Minerval, Tom 1, page 123. For anyone who has had to manage an office, it is pleasant to find that even Napoleon was much dependent on a good circuitry. In an illness of his secretary, he said, showing the encumbrance of his desk, With Meneval, I should soon clear off all that.

Meneval, Tom 1, page 151. End of Section 5. Section 6 of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter 4, 1800 to 80. Austria bribed by England, Monsieur de Saint-Gulien in Paris, Duroc's mission,

rupture of the armistice, surrender of three garrisons, Monsieur Otto in London, Battle of Hohe London, Madame Moreau and Madame Ullo, Bonaparte's ill-treatment of the latter, Congress of Lunevier, General Clark,

Monsieur Marais, Peace between France and Austria, Joseph Monaparte's speculations in the funds Monsieur de Talleyrand's advice Post office regulations Cambassaris Importance of good dinners in the affairs of government Steamboats and intrigures

Death of Paul I New thoughts of the re-establishment of Poland Durok at St Petersburg Bride Rejected Death of Abercrombie The armistice concluded after the Battle of Marengo which had been first broken and then resumed, continued to be observed for some time

between the armies of the Rhine and Italy and the imperial armies. But Austria, bribed by a subsidy of two million sterling, would not treat for peace without the participation of England. She did not despair of recommencing the war successfully. Monsieur de Saint-Gulienne had signed preliminaries at Paris, but the court of Vienna disavoured them and du Roque, when Bonaparte sent to his war,

convey the preliminaries to Vienna for the imperial ratification was not permitted to pass the Austrian advance posts. This unexpected proceeding, the result of the all-powerful influence of England, justly incensed the First Council, who had given decided proofs of moderation and a wish for peace. I want peace, said he to me, to enable me to organise the interior. The people also want it. You see the conditions I offer. Austria, though beaten, obtains all she got, at Campo Formio. What can she want more? I could make further exactions, but without fearing the reverses of 1799, I must think of the future. Besides, I want tranquility to enable me to settle the affairs of the interior and to send aid to Malta and Egypt. But I will not be trifled with, I will force an immediate

decision. In his irritation, the First Consul dispatched orders to Morgul, directing him to break the armistice and resume hostilities unless he regained possession of the bridges of the Rhine and the Danube by the surrender of Philipsburg, Ulm and Ingolstadt. The Austrians then offered to treat with France on new bases. England wished to take part in the Congress, but to this the First Council would not consent until she should sign a separate armistice and cease to make common cause with Austria. The First Council received intelligence of the occupation of the three garrisons, on the 23rd of September, the day he had fixed in his ultimatum to England for the renewal of hostilities.

But for the meanwhile, he was satisfied with the concessions of Austria. That power, in the expectation of being supported by England, asked her on what terms she was to treat. During these communications with Austria, Monsieur Otto was in London, negotiating for the exchange of prisoners. England would not hear of an armistice by sea, like that which France had concluded with Austria by land. She alleged that, in case of a rupture, France would derive from that armistice greater advantage than Austria would gain by that already concluded. The difficulty and delay, attending the necessary communications, rendered these reasons plausible. The First Council consented to accept other propositions from England, and to allow her to take part in the

discussions of Lunvuevue, but on condition that she should sign a treaty with him without the intervention of Austria. This England refused to do. Weary of this uncertainty and the tergifersation of Austria, which was still under the influence of England, and feeling that the prolongation of such a state of things could only turn to his disadvantage, Winaparte broke the armistice. He had already consented to sacrifices which his successes in Italy did not justify. The hope of an immediate peace had alone made him lose sight of the American.

immense advantages which victory had given him. Far from appearing sensible to the many proofs of moderation, which the First Council evinced, the combined insolence of England and Austria seemed only to increase. Orders were immediately given for resuming the offensive in Germany and Italy, and hostilities then recommenced. The chances of fortune were long doubtful. After a reverse, Austria made promises,

and after an advantage she evaded them. But finally, fortune proved favourable to France. The French armies in Italy and Germany crossed the Mincio and the Danube, and the celebrated battle of Hoin-Linden, brought the French advanced posts within ten leagues of Vienna. This victory secured peace, for, profiting by past experience, the First Consul would not hear of any suspension of arms until Austria should consent to a separate treaty. Driven into her last entrenchments, Austria was obliged to yield.

She abandoned England, and the English cabinet, in spite of the subsidy of two million sterling, consented to the separation. Great Britain was forced to come to this arrangement in consequence of the situation to which the successes of the army of Moron had reduced Austria, which it was certain would be ruined by longer resistance. England wished to enter into negotiations at Lunville. To this the First Council acceded, but, as he saw that England was seeking to deceive him, he required, that she should suspend hostilities with France, as Austria had done. Bonaparte very reasonably alleged that an indefinite armistice on the continent would be more to the disadvantage of France than a long armistice by sea would be unfavourable to England.

All this adjourned the preliminaries to 1801 and the peace to 1802. The impatience and indignation of the First Council had been highly excited by the evasions of Austria and the plots of England, for he knew all of the first. the intrigues that they were carrying on for the restoration of the Bourbonne's. His joy may be therefore conceived when the Battle of Hoen-Lundon balanced the scale of fortune in his favour. On the 3rd of December 1800, Morro gained that memorable victory, which at length put an end to the hesitations of the Cabinet of Vienna. Footnote

On the eve of the Battle of Hoen Linden, Morro was at supper with his aide-de-con, and several general officers, when a dispatch was delivered to him. after he had read it he said to his guests though he was far from being in the habit of boasting I am here made acquainted with Baron Krai's movements they are all I could wish tomorrow we will take from him 10,000 prisoners Morol took 40,000 besides a great many flags Gourgien and footnot On the 6th of December the first consul received intelligence of the Battle of Hoan Linden

It was on a Saturday, and he had just returned from the theatre when I delivered the dispatches to him. He literally danced for joy. I must say that he did not expect so important a result from the movements of the army of the Rhine. The victory gave a new face to his negotiations for peace, and determined the opening of the Congress of Lunaville, which took place on the 1st of January following. On receiving information of the Battle of Hoin-London, Madame Morot came to the Twilagy to call in the first call,

and Madame Bonaparte. She did not see them, and repeated her calls several times with no better success. The last time she came, she was accompanied by her mother, Madame Ullo. She waited for a considerable time in vain, and when she was going away, her mother, who could no longer restrain her feelings, said aloud, before me and several persons of the household, that, quote, it ill became the wife of the conqueror of Hoyn Lyndon to dance attendance in this way, end quote. This remark reached the ears of those to whom it was directed.

Madame Moro, shortly after, rejoined her husband in Germany, and sometime after her departure, Madame Ullo came to Malmison to solicit promotion for her eldest son, who was in the Navy. Josephine received Madame Ulo very kindly and requested her to stay to dinner. She accepted the invitation. The first consul who did not see her until the hour of dinner treated her very coolly. He said little to her and retired as soon as dinner was over. His rudeness was so marked and offensive that Josephine, who was always kind and amiable, thought it necessary to apologise by observing that his mind was disturbed by the non-arrival of a courier whom he expected.

Bonaparte entertained no dislike of Mourgé because he did not fear him, and after the battle of Hoan Linden he spoke of him in the highest terms, and frankly acknowledged the services he had rendered on that important occasion. But he could not endure his wife's family, who he said were a set of intriguers. Put not. Napoleon had good reason for his opinion. Quote, Moro had a mother-in-law and a wife, lively and given to intrigue, but apart could not bear intriguing women. Besides, on one occasion, Madame Moro's mother, when at Malmaison, had indulged in sharp remarks on a suspected, scandalous,

intimacy between Bonaparte and his young sister, Caroline, then just married. The Council had not forgiven such conversation, end quote. Ramosa, Tom 1, page 192. See also Menneville, Tom 3, page 57, as to the mischief done by Madame Olo. End footnote. Lunaville, having been fixed upon for the Congress, the First Council sent his brother Joseph to treat with Count Louis de Comenssel. On his way, Joseph met Monsieur de Cobenstel.

who had passed L'univille and was coming to Paris to sound the sentiments of the French government. Joseph returned to Paris with him. After some conversations with the First Consul, they set out next day for L'unoville, of which place Bonaparte appointed General Clark, governor. This appeared to satisfy Clark, who was very anxious to be something, and had long been importuning Bonaparte for an appointment. A dare to, after the news of the Battle of Hoin-Linden, Monsieur Marais came to present for Bonaparte's signature, some decrees made in council.

While affixing the signatures, and without looking up, the first council said to Monsieur Marais, who was a favourite with him, and who was standing at his right hand, Are you rich, Murray? No, general. So much the worse, a man should be independent. General, I will never be dependent on anyone but you. The first consul then raised his eyes to Marais and said,

Hmm, that is not bad. and when the Secretary-General was gone, he said to me, Marie is not deficient in cloverness. He made me a very good answer. On the 9th of February 1801, six weeks after the opening of the Congress of Lunville, peace was signed between Austria and France. This piece, the fruit of Marengo and Hoan Linden, restored France to that honourable position,

which had been put in jeopardy by the feeble and incapable government of the Pentarchy and the reverses of 1790. This piece, which in the treaty, according to custom, was called perpetual, lasted four years. Joseph Bonaparte, while treating for France at Lunaville, was speculating on the rise of the funds which he thought the peace would produce. Versans more wise, who were like him in the secret, sold out their stock at the moment when the certainty of the peace became known, but Joseph purchased to a great extent, in the hope of selling to advantage on the signature of peace. However, the news had been discounted, and a fall took place. Joseph's loss was considerable, and he could not satisfy the engagements in which his greedy and silly speculations had involved him.

He applied to his brother, who neither wished nor was able to advance him the necessary sum. Bonaparte was, however, exceedingly sorry to see his elder brother in this embarrassment. He asked me what was to be done. I told him I did not know, but I advised him to consult Monsieur de de Saint. from whom he had often received good advice. He did so, and Monsieur de Talleyan replied, with that air of coolness, which is so peculiar to him, What, is that all? Oh, that is nothing. It is easily settled. You have only to raise the price of the funds. But the money? Oh, the money may be easily obtained. Make some deposits in the Mont de Pist, or the sinking fund. That will give you the necessary money to raise the funds,

and then Joseph may sell out and recover. cover his losses. Monsieur de Talignon's advice was adopted, and all succeeded, as he had foretold. None but those who have heard Monsieur de Taléinand converse can form an accurate idea of his easy manner of expressing himself, his imperturbable coolness, the fixed unvarying expression of his countenance, and his vast fund of wit. But not, Talingan had a large experience in all sorts of speculation. When old, he gave this counsel to one of his protégés.

do not speculate. I have always speculated on assured information, and that has cost me so many millions. And he named his losses. We may believe that in this reckoning he rather forgot the amount of his gains. Saint de Beauv, telling all 93. During the sitting of the Congress, the First Council learnt that the government couriers conveyed to favoured individuals in Paris, various things, but especially the delicacies of the table. and he ordered that this practice should be discontinued. On the very evening on which this order was issued, Cambassaris entered to the salon, where I was alone with the First Council,

who had already been laughing at the mortification which he knew this regulation would occasion to his colleague. Well, Cambassaris, what brings you here at this time of night? I come to solicit an exception to the order which you have just given to the director of the posts. How do you think a man can make friends unless he keeps a good table? You know very well how much good dinners assist the business of government. The First Consul laughed, called him a gourmand, and patting him on the shoulder, said, Do not distress yourself, my dear cabassarus, the couriers shall continue to bring you your dandotruth, your Strasbourg pat, your Mayons' hams, and your other tidbits.

Those who recollect the magnificent dinners given by Cambassarice and others, which were a general topic of conversation at the time, and who knew the ingenious calculation, which was observed in the invitation of the guests, must be convinced of the vast influence of a good dinner in political affairs. As to Gombaceres, he did not believe that a good government could exist without good dinners, and his glory, for every man has his own particular glory, was to know that the luxuries of his table were the subject of eulogy throughout Paris and even Europe. A banquet which commanded general suffrage was to him a Marengo or a freedland. footnote

Burien does not exaggerate this excellent quality of the worthy Camassaris. When Bigno was sent to administer the Grand Duchy of Berg Camvasaurus said to him My dear Bigno The Emperor arranges crowns as he chooses Here is the Grand Duke of Berg

Murat going to Naples He is welcome, I have no objection But every year the Grand Duke sent me a couple of dozen hams From his Grand Duchy And I warn you I do not intend to lose them so you must make your preparations. I never once omitted to equip myself of the obligation,

and if there were any delay, his highness never failed to cause one of his secretaries to write a good scolding to my house steward. But when the hams arrived exactly, his highness never failed to write to my wife himself to thank her. This was not all. The hams were to come carriage-free. This pretty jubbery occasioned discontent,

and it would not have cost me more to pay the carriage. The prince would not allow it. There was an agreement between him and Lavalette, the head of the posts, and my lord appeared to lay as much stress on the performance of this treaty as on the procuring of the ham. Dunio, Tom 1, page 262. Commissarist never suffered the cares of government to distract his attention from the great object of life. On one occasion, for example, being detained in consultation with Napoleon beyond the appointed hour of dinner. It is said that the fate of the Duke Denguian was the topic under.

discussion. He was observed when the hour became very late to show great symptoms of impatience and restlessness. He at last wrote a note which he called a gentle and usher in waiting to carry. Napoleon suspecting the contents, nodded to an id de con to intercept the dispatch. As he took it into his hands, Camassarist begged earnestly that he would not read a trifling note upon domestic matters. Napoleon persisted and found it to be a note to the cook, containing only the following words. Garde les entremettes. The rotis are

perdu. When Napoleon was in good humour at the result of a diplomatic conference, he was accustomed to take leave of the plenipotentiaries with, go and dine come bassoress. His table was in fact

an important state engine, as appears from the anecdote of the trout sent to him by the municipality of Geneva, and charged 300 franc in their accounts. The imperial court de count, having disallowed the item,

was interdicted from meddling with similar municipal affairs in future. Hayward's Art of Dining, page 20, end footnote. At the commencement of 1801, Fulton presented to Bonaparte his memorial on steamboats. I urged a serious examination of the subject. Plah, said he, those projectors are all either intrigues or visionaries. Don't trouble me about the business. I observed that the man whom he called an intriguer was only reviving an inventive. already known, and that it was wrong to reject the scheme without examination.

He would not listen to me, and thus was adjourned for some time, the practical application of a discovery which has given such an important impulse to trade and navigation. Paul I first fell by the hands of assassins on the night of the 24th of March 1801. The first consul was much shocked on receiving the intelligence. In the excitement caused by this unexpected event which had so important and influence, on his policy. He directed me to send the following note to the monitor. Quote, Paul I first died on the night of the 24th of March and the English squadron passed the sound on the 30th. History will reveal the connection which probably exists between these two events,

end quote. Thus were announced the crime of the 24th of March and the not ill-founded suspicions of its authors. Put not, we do not attempt to rescue the fair name of our country. This is one among many instances in which Burien was misled. Editor of 1886 edition. End footnote. The amicable relations of Paul and Bonaparte have been daily strengthened. In concert with the Tsar, said Bonaparte, I was sure of striking a mortal blow at the English power in India. A palace revolution has overthrown all my projects.

This resolution and the admiration of the autocrat of Russia for the head of the French Republic, may certainly be numbered among the causes of Paul's death. The individuals generally accused at the time were those who were violently and perseveringly threatened and who had the strongest interest in the succession of a new emperor. I have seen a letter from a Northern sovereign, which in my mind leaves no doubt on this subject, and which specified the reward of the crime

and the part to be performed by each actor. But it must also be confessed that the conduct and character of Paul I first his tyrannical acts, his violent caprices, and his frequent excesses of despotism had rendered him the object of accumulated hatred, for patience has its limit. These circumstances did not probably create the conspiracy, but they considerably facilitated the execution of the plot, which deprived the sir of his throne and his life. As soon as Alexander ascended the throne, the ideas of the First Council respecting the dismemberment of Poland were revived. and almost wholly engrossed his mind. During his first campaign in Italy and several times when in Egypt,

he told Sulkowski that it was his ardent wish to re-establish Poland to avenge the iniquity of her dismemberment, and by that grand repertory act, to restore the former equilibrium of Europe. He often dictated to me for the Monitou, articles tending to prove by various arguments that Europe would never enjoy repose until those great spoilations were avenged and repaired.

But he frequently destroyed these articles instead of sending them to press. His system of policy towards Russia changed shortly after the death of Paul. The thought of a war against that empire unceasingly occupied his mind and gave birth to the idea of that fatal campaign which took place 11 years afterwards and which had other causes than the re-establishment of Poland. That object was merely set forward as a pretext. Douroc was sent to St. Petersburg to congratulate the Emperor Alexander on his accession to the throne.

He arrived in the Russian capital on the 24th of May. Durok, who was at this time very young, was a great favourite of the First Consul. He never importuned Bonaparte by his solicitations, and was never troublesome in recommending anyone or busying himself as an agent for favour. Yet he warmly advocated the cause of those whom he thought injured, and honestly repelled accusations which he knew to be false. These moral qualities joined to an agreeable person and elegant manners rendered him a very superior man. The year 1801 was moreover marked by the fatal creation of special tribunals, which were in no way justified by the urgency of circumstances.

This year also saw the re-establishment of the African Company, the Treaty of Lunville, which augmented the advantages France had obtained by the Treaty of Campo Formio, and the peace concluded between Spain and Portugal by means of Lucien. On the subject of this piece, I may mention that Portugal, to obtain the secession of Olivenza, secretly offered Bonaparte through me eight million of franc, if he would contribute his influence towards the acquisition of that town by Portugal. He rejected this offer indignantly, declaring that he would never sell honour for money. He has been accused of having listened to a similar proposition at Paseriano, though

in fact no such proposition was ever made to him. Those who bring forward such accusations little know the inflexibility of his principles on this point. One evening in April 1801, an English paper, the London Gazette, arrived at Marmaison. It announced the landing in Egypt of the army commanded by Abercrombie, the battle given by the English and the death of their general. I immediately translated the article and presented it to the First Consul. with a conviction that the news would be very painful to him. He doubted its truth, or at least pretended to do so. Several officers and aide-de-cant, who were in the salon, coincided in his opinion,

especially Lan, Bessier and D'Rocque. They thought, by so doing, to please the First Council, who then said to me, in a jeering tone, "'Pah, you do not understand English. This is the way with you. You are always inclined to believe bad news rather than good.' These words and the approving smiles of the gentleman present ruffled me, and I said with some warmth, How general can you believe that the English government would publish officially so important an event if it were not true?

Do you think that a government that has any self-respect would, in the face of Europe, state a falsehood respecting an affair the truth of which cannot long remain unknown? Did you ever know an instance of so important an announcement proving untrue after it had been published? in the London Gazette. I believe it to be true, and the smiles of these gentlemen will not alter my opinion. On these observations, the First Consul rose and said,

Come, Berienne, I want you in the library. After we had left the Sannel, he added, This is always the way with you. Why are you vexed at such trifles? I assure you, I believe the news, but too confidently, and I feared it before it came.

But they think they pleased me by thus appearing to doubt it. never mind them. I ask your pardon, said I, but I conceive the best way of proving my attachment to you is to tell you what I believe to be true. You desire me not to delay a moment in announcing bad news to you.

It would be far worse to disguise than to conceal it. End of Section 6. Section 7 of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fouvaille de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. Read by Julian Henry Chapter 5

1801 to 1802 An experiment of royalty Louis de Bourbon and Maria Louisa of Spain Creation of the Kingdom of Eithruria The Count of Leghorn in Paris Entertainment's Given him Bonaparte's opinion of the king of Eutruria His departure for Florence and bad reception there

Negotiations with the Pope Bonaparte's opinion on religion Te deum at Notre Dame Behaviour of the people in the church A religion of the consular court Ogeron's remark on the te deum First mass at the Saint-Clo Mass in Bonaparte's apartments

Taligrant relieved from his clerical vows My appointment to the Council of State Before he placed two crowns on his own head Bonaparte thought it would promote The interests of his policy To place one on the head of a prince and even a prince of the house of Bourbon. He wished to accustom the French to the sight of a king.

It will hereafter be seen that he gave sceptres, like his confidence, conditionally, and that he was always ready to undo his own work when it became an obstacle to his ambitious designs. In May 1801, the Infanta of Spain, Maria Luisa, third daughter of Charles IV, visited Paris. The Infante Luis de Bourbon, eldest son of the Duke of Parliament, Marma had gone to Madrid in 1798 to contract a marriage with Maria Amelia, the sister of Maria Luisa, but he fell in love with the latter.

Cotard favoured the attachment and employed all his influence to bring about the marriage. The son who, six years later, was born of this union, was named Charles Louis after the King of Spain. France occupied the Duchy of Parma, which, in fulfilment of the conventions signed by Lucian Bonaparte, was to belong to her after the death of the reigning duke. On the other hand, France was to cede the Grand Duchy of Tuscany to the son of the Duke of Parma, and Spain paid to France, according to stipulation, a considerable sum of money.

Soon after the treaty was communicated to Don Louis and his wife, they left Madrid and travelled through France. The prince took the title of Count of Leghorn. All accounts are unanimous as to the attentions which the prince and princess received on their journey. Among the facts, in honour of the illustrious couple, that given by Monsieur de Talleyrand at Neuilly, was remarkable for magnificence. When the Count of Leckhorn was coming to pay his first visit to Malmaison, Bonaparte went into the drawing-room to see that everything was suitably prepared for his reception. In a few minutes he returned to his cabinet and said to me, somewhat out of humour.

Brilliant, well they think of their stupidity! They had not taken down the picture representing me on the summit of the Alps, pointing to the centre. Lombardy and commanding the conquest of it, I have ordered its removal, how mortifying it would have been if the prince had seen it. Another picture in the drawing-room at Malmaison represented the first consul sleeping on the snow on the summit of the Alps before the Battle of Marengo. The Count of Lycorn's visit to Paris imparted brilliancy to the first years of the reign of Bonaparte, of whom it was at that time said, he made kings but would not be one. At the representation of Oedipus, the following expression of philactites was received with transport.

I've made, and n'est not be. Monarchs I've made, but one I would not be. The first consul on leaving the theatre did not conceal his satisfaction. He judged from the applause with which that verse had been received, that his pamphlet was forgotten. The manner, moreover, in which a king, crowned by his hands, had been received by the public, was not, indifferent matter to him, as he expected that the people would thus again become familiar with what had been so long prescribed. This king, who, though well received and well entertained, was in all respects a very ordinary man, departed for Italy. I say very ordinary, not that I had an

opportunity of judging of his character myself, but the First Council told me that his capabilities were extremely limited, that he even felt repugnance to take a pen in his hand, that he never cast a thought on anything but his pleasures, in a word, that he was a fool. One day after the First Consul had spent several hours in company with him and his consort, he said to me, I am quite tired. He is a mere automaton. I put a number of questions to him, but he can answer none. He is obliged to consult his wife, who makes him understand as well as she is able what he ought to say. The First Consul added, The poor prince will set off tomorrow without knowing what he is going to.

do. I observed that it was a pity to see the happiness of the people of Tuscany entrusted to such a prince. Bonaparte replied, policy requires it. Besides, the young man is not worse than the usual run of kings. The prince fully justified in Tuscany the opinion which the First Council formed of him. Footnote, this unfortunate prince was very ill-calculated to recommend by his personal character the institutions to which the nobility clung with so much fondness. Nature had endowed him with an excellent heart, but with very limited talents, and his mind had imbibed the false impress, consequent upon his monastic education. He resided at Malmaison nearly the whole time of his visit to Paris.

Madame Bonaparte used to lead the Queen to her own apartments, and as the First Consul never left his closet except to sit down to meals, the Ed de Com were under the necessity of keeping the camp, company, and of endeavouring to entertain him, so wholly was he devoid of intellectual resources. It required, indeed, a great share of patience to listen to the frivolities which engrossed his attention. His turn of mind being thus laid open to view, care was taken to supply him with the playthings usually placed in the hands of children. He was, therefore, never at a loss for occupation. His non-entity was a source of regret to us. We lamented to see a tall, handsome youth destined to rule over his

fellow men, trembling at the sight of a horse, and wasting his time in the game of hide-and-seek, or at leapfrog, and whose whole information consisted in knowing his prayers, and in saying grace before and after meals. Such nevertheless was the man to whom the destinies of a nation were about to be committed. When he left France to repair to his kingdom, Rome need not be uneasy, said the first council to us after the farewell audience. There is no danger of his crossing the Rubicon. Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, volume 1, page 363. In order to show still further attention to the king of Eritouria after his three weeks' visit to Paris, the First Consul directed him to be escorted to Italy by a French guard, and selected his brother-in-law,

Murat, for that purpose. The new king of a new kingdom entered Florence on the 12th of April, 1801, but the reception given him by the Tuskans was not at all similar to what he had experienced at Paris. The people received the royal pair as sovereigns imposed on them by France. The ephemeral kingdom of Etruria lasted scarcely six years. The king died in 1803, in the flower of his age, and in 1807 the queen was expelled from her throne by him who had constructed it for her. At this period, a powerful party urged Bonaparte to break with the Pope and to establish a Gallican church, the head of which should reside in France. They thought to flatter his ambition by indicating to him a new source of power,

which might establish a point of comparison between him and the first Roman emperors. But his ideas did not coincide with theirs on this subject. I am convinced, said he, that a part of France would become Protestant, especially if I were to favour that disposition. I am also certain that the much greater portion would remain Catholic and would oppose with the greatest zeal and fervor the schism of a part of their fellow citizens. I dread the religious quarrels, the family dissensions

and the public distractions, which such a state of things would inevitably occasion. In reviving a religion which has always prevailed in the country and which still prevails in the hearts of the people and in giving the liberty of exercising their worship to the minority, I shall satisfy everyone. The First Council, taking a superior view of the State of France, considered that the re-establishment of religious worship

would prove a powerful support to his government, and he had been occupied ever since the commencement of 1801 in preparing a concordat with the Pope. It was signed in the month of July in the same year. It required some time to enable the parties to come to an understanding on the subject. Cardinal Consalvi arrived in the month of June 1801 at Paris to arrange matters on the part of the Pope. Cardinal Caprara and Monsieur de Spina

also formed part of the embassy sent by the Holy Father. There were besides several able theologians, among whom Dr. C. Blank was distinguished. Put-note, the Dr. C-blank was Caselty, later Archbishop of Parma. Bonnier was given the bishopric of Orleon, not Versailles. C. Erreur, Tom 1, page 276.

The details of the surprise attempted at the last moment by putting before Cardinal Consolri for his signature, an altered copy of the Concordat, should be read in his memoirs, Tom 1, page 355, or in Lafrey, Tom 2, page 267. As for Napoleon's belief that part of the nation might become Protestant, Narbonne probably put the matter truly when he said, there was not religion enough in France to stand a division. It should be noted that the Concorda did not so much restore the Catholic Church as destroy the old Gallican Church with all its liberties, which might annoy either Pope or Emperor.

But on this point, see the Gallican Church and the Revolution by Jervis, London, Biggand Paul, Trenching Company, 1882. The clergy may, it is true, have shown wisdom in exceeding to any terms of restoration, in footnote. He was a member of the Pope's Chancery. His knowledge gave him so much influence. over his colleagues, but affairs advanced only as much as he pleased. However, he was gained over by honours conferred on him, and promises of money. Business then went on a little quicker. The Concordat

was signed on the 15th of July 1801 and made a law of the state in the following April. The plenty potenturies on the part of Bonaparte were Joseph Bonaparte, Cateé and the Abbey Bernier, afterwards Bishop of Versailles. Footnote, or Lyon, not Versailles, D.W. End footnot. A solemn to deum was chanted at the Cathedral of Notre Dame on Sunday the 11th of April. The crowd was immense, and the greater part of those present stood during the ceremony, which was splendid in the extreme. But who would presume to say that the general feeling was in harmony with all this pomp? Was then the time for this innovation not yet arrived? Was it too abrupt a transition from the habits of the 12 preceding years? It is unquestionably true that a great number of the persons present at the ceremony expressed in their countenances and gestures,

rather a feeling of impatience and displeasure, than of satisfaction or of reverence, for the place in which they were. Here and there murmurs arose expressive of discontent. The whispering, which I might more properly call open conversation, often interrupted the divine service, and sometimes observations were made which were far from being moderate. some would turn their heads aside on purpose to take a bit of chocolate cake and biscuits were openly eaten by many who seemed to pay no attention to what was passing. The consular court was in general extremely irreligious, nor could it be expected to be otherwise being composed chiefly

of those who had assisted in the annihilation of all religious worship in France and of men who, having passed their lives in camps, had oftener entered a church in Italy to carry off a painting than to hear the mass. Those who, without being imbued with any religious ideas, possessed that good sense, which induces men to pay respect to the belief of others, though it be one in which they do not participate, did not blame the First Consul for his conduct, and conducted themselves with some regard to decency. But on the road from the Tuileries to Notre Dame, Lan and Ogerot, wanted to alight from the carriage as soon as they saw that they were being driven to mass, and it required an order from the First Consul to prevent their doing so. They went therefore to Notre Dame And the next day Bonaparte asked Ojevo

What he thought of the ceremony Oh, it was all very fine replied the general There was nothing wanting Except the million of men Who have perished in the pulling down Of what you are setting up Bonaparte was much displeased

At this remark Footnote This remark has been attributed elsewhere To General Delma According to a gentleman Who played a part in this empty pageantry Lan at one moment Did get out of the carriage

and Ogeron kept swearing in no low whisper during the whole of the chanted mass. Most of the military chiefs who sprang out of the revolution had no religion at all, but there were some who were Protestants and who were irritated by the restoration of Catholicism as the National Faith. Editor of 1896 edition, end footnote. During the negotiations with the Holy Father, Bonaparte one day said to me, In every country, religion is useful to the government, and those who govern ought to to avail themselves of it to influence mankind. I was a Mohammedan in Egypt. I am a Catholic in France. With relation to the police of the religion of a state, it should be entirely in the hands of the

sovereign. Many persons have urged me to found a Gallican church and make myself its head, but they do not know France. If they did, they would know that the majority of the people would not like a rupture with Rome. Before I can resolve on such a measure, the Pope must push matters to an extremity, but I believe he will not do so. You are right, General, and you recall to my memory what Cardinal Gensalvi said, the Pope will do all the First Consul desires. That is the best course for him. Let him not suppose that he has to do with an idiot.

What do you think is the point his negotiations put most forward? The salvation of my soul. But with me, immortality is the recollection one leaves in the memory of man. That idea prompts to great action. it would be better for a man never to have lived than to leave behind him no traces of his existence. Many endeavours were made to persuade the First Council to perform in public the duties imposed by the Catholic religion. An influential example, it was urged, was required. He told me once that he had put an end to that request by the following declaration.

Enough of this. Ask me no more. You will not obtain your object. You shall never make a hypocrite of me. let us remain where we are. I have read in a work remarkable in many accounts that it was on the occasion of the Concordat of the 15th of July 1801 that the First Council abolished the Republican calendar and re-established the Gregorian. This is an error.

He did not make the calendar a religious affair. The Sinatus Consulty, which restored the use of the Gregorian calendar, to commence in the French Republic from the 11th Nouveauze, year 14, 1st of January 1806. was adopted on the 22nd Fructidor year 13, 9th of September 1805, more than four years after the Concordat. The re-establishment of the ancient calendar had no other object than to bring us into harmony with the rest of Europe

on a point so closely connected with daily transactions, which were much embarrassed by the Decadoury calendar. One apart at length, however, consented to hear mass, and St. Clu was the place where this ancient usage was first re-reli. established. He directed the ceremony to commence sooner than they are announced, in order that those who would only make a scoff at it might not arrive until the service was ended. Whenever the First Council determined to hear mass publicly on Sundays in the chapel of the palace, a small altar was prepared in a room near his cabinet of business. This room had been Anof Austria's

oratory. A small portable altar placed on a platform one step high, restored it to its original designation. During the rest of the week, this chapel was used as a bathing room. On Sunday, the door of communication was opened, and we heard mass sitting in our cabinet of business. The number of persons there never exceeded three or four, and the First Council seldom failed to transact some business during the ceremony, which never lasted longer than 12 minutes. Next day, all the papers had the news that the First Council had heard Mass in his apartments. In the same way, Louis Xeenth has often heard it. in his. On the 19th of July 1801, a papal bull absolved Talion from his vows. He immediately

married Madame Glendé, and the affair obtained little notice at the time. This statement sufficiently proves how report has perverted the fact. It has been said that Bonaparte, on becoming emperor, wished to restore that decorum which the revolution had destroyed, and therefore resolved to put an end to the improper intimacy which subsisted between Talion and Madame Grande. It is alleged that the minister had first refused to marry the lady, but that he at last found it necessary to obey the peremptory order of his master. This pretended resurrection of morality by Bonaparte is excessively ridiculous.

The bull was not registered in the Council of State until the 19th of August 1802. Footnote, the First Council had on several occasions urged Monsieur de Talleyan to return to holy orders. He pointed out to him that that course would be. would be most becoming his age and high birth, and promised that he should be made a cardinal, thus raising him to a par with Richelieu, and giving additional luster to his administration. Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, Volume 1, page 426. But Monsieur de Taléinol vindicated his choice, saying, A clever wife often compromises her husband, a stupid one only compromises herself.

Historical characters, page 122, Bullwer, Lord Dulling. End footnote. I will end this chapter by a story somewhat foreign to the preceding transactions, which personally concerns myself. On the 20th of July 1801, the first consul ex-propio-motu, named me a councillor of state extraordinary. Madame Bonaparte kindly condescended to have an elegant but somewhat ideal costume made for me. It pleased the first consul, however, and he had a similar one made for himself. He wore it a short time and then left a moment.

off. Never had Bonaparte since his elevation, shown himself so amiable as on this occasion. End of Section 7. Section 8 of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fovale de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter 6, Part 1, 1802. Last chapter on Egypt. Admiral Gontom. Way to please Bonaparte. General Menou's flattery and his reward. De Vust.

Bonaparte regrets giving the command to Menou, who is defeated by Abercrombie. Otto's negotiation in London. Preliminaries of peace. For the last time in these memoirs, I shall return to the affairs of Egypt, to that episode which embraces so short a space of time, and holds so high a place in the life of Bonaparte. Of all his conquests, he set the highest value on Egypt, because it spread the glory of his name throughout the east.

Accordingly, he left nothing unattempted for the preservation of that colony. In a letter to General Claibor, he said, You are as able as I am to understand how important is the possession of Egypt to France. The Turkish Empire, in which the symptoms of decay are everywhere discernible, is at present falling to pieces, and the evil of the evacuation of Egypt by France would now be the greater, as we should soon see that fine province pass into the possession of some other European power. The selection of Gontom, however, to carry assistance to clabor, was not judicious.

Gontom had brought the First Council back from Egypt, and though the success of the passage could only be attributed to Bonaparte's own plan, his determined character and superior judgment, yet he preserved towards Gontom that favourable disposition, which is naturally felt for one who has shared a great danger with us, and upon whom the responsibility may be said to have been imposed. This confidence in mediocrity, dictated by an honourable feeling, did not obtain a suitable return. Gontom, by his indecision and creeping about in the Mediterranean, had already failed to execute a commission entrusted to him.

The First Consul, upon finding he did not leave Brest after he had been ordered to the Mediterranean, repeatedly said to me, What the devil is Gontom about? With one of the daily reports sent to the First Council, he received the following quatrain, which made him laugh heartily. Vesot lest, tete son lest, an si par, Lamiral Gauntan.

He's on vaude to Brest to Berton, and revienne to Berton to Brest. With ballast on board, but none in his brain, away went her gallant, Gantom, on a voyage from Brest to Berton, and then from Berton,

to breast back again, end quote. Gontom's hesitation, his frequent terduversations, his arrival at Toulon, his tardy departure, and his return to that port on the 19th of February 1801, only ten days prior to Admiral Keith's appearance with Sir Ralph Abercrombie of Alexandria, completely foiled all the plans which Bonaparte had conceived of conveying succour and reinforcements to a colony on the brink of destruction. Bonaparte was then dreaming that many French families, would carry back civilisation, science and art to that country which was their cradle. But it could not be concealed that his departure from Egypt in 1799

had prepared the way for the loss of that country, which was hastened by Claibor's death and the choice of Minot as his successor. A sure way of paying court to the First Council and gaining his favour was to eulogise his views about Egypt and to appear zealous for maintaining the possession of that country. by these means it was that Mano gained his confidence. In the first year of the occupation of that country, he laid before him his dreams respecting Africa.

He spoke of the Negroes of Senegal, Mozambique, Mahadi, Marabou and other barbarous countries, which were all at once to assume a new aspect and become civilised in consequence of the French possession of Egypt. To Manu's adulation is to be attributed the favourable reception given him by the First Council, even after his return from Egypt, of which his foolish conduct had allowed the English to get possession. The First Consul appointed him Governor of Piedmont, and at my request gave my elder brother the situation of Commissary General of Police in that country.

But I am in candour obliged to confess that the First Consul was obliged to retract this mark of his favour, in consequence of my brother's making an abuse of it. It was also by flattering the First Consul on the question of the East, that De Vost, on his return from Egypt in 1800, in consequence of the Convention of El Aria, insinuated himself into Bonaparte's good graces, and, if he did not deserve, obtained his favour. At that time, Davost certainly had no title whatever to the good fortune which he suddenly experienced. He obtained, without first serving in a subordinate rank, the commander-in-chief of the grenadiers of that consular guard, and from that time commenced the deadly hatred which de Vust bore towards me.

Astonished at the great length of time that Bonaparte had been one day conversing with him, I said as soon as he was gone, how could you talk so long with a man you have always called a stupid fellow? Ah, but I did not know him well enough before. He is a better man, I assure you, than he has thought, and you will come over to my opinion. I hope so. The first consul, who was often extremely indecisive,

great, told DeVost my opinion of him, and his hostility against me ceased but with his life. The First Consul could not forget his cherished conquest in the East. It was consequently the object of his thoughts. He endeavoured to send reinforcements to his army from rest and Toulon, but without success. He soon had caused to repent, having entrusted to the hands of Manu, the command in chief, to which he became entitled only by seniority, after the assassination of Claibour, by Solomon Halle. But Borropart's indignation was excited when he became acquainted with Minot's neglect and mismanagement, when he saw him giving reins to his passion for reform, altering and destroying everything, creating nothing good in its stead, and dreaming about forming a land communication with the Hottentots and Congo,

instead of studying how to preserve the country. His pitiful plans of defence, which were useless from their want of combination, appeared to the First Council the height of ignorance. forgetful of all the principles of strategy, of which Bonaparte's conduct afforded so many examples, he opposed to the landing of Abercrombie, a few isolated corps, which were unable to withstand the enemy's attack, while the English army might have been entirely annihilated had all the disposable troops been sent against it. The great admiration which Minot expressed at the expedition to Egypt, his excessive fondness for that country, the religion of which he had ridiculously enough embraced, under the name of

Abdula, the efforts he made in his sphere to preserve the colony, his enthusiasm and blind attachment to Botaparte, the flattering and encouraging accounts he gave of the situation of the army, at first had the effect of entirely covering Minou's incapacity. Footnote. For a ludicrous description of Minou, see the memoirs of Marmon. Quote, "'Cliver and gay, he was an agreeable talker, but a great liar. He was not destitute of some education. His character, one of the oddest in the world, came very near to lunacy, constantly writing, always in motion in his room, writing for exercise every day. He was never able to start on any necessary or useful journey. When later Bonaparte, then First Consul, gave him by special favour

the administration of Piedmont. He put off his departure from day to day for six months, and then he only did start because his friend Marais himself put him into his carriage, with post-horses already harnessed to it. When he left this post, they found in his cabinet 900 letters which he had not opened. He was an eccentric lunatic, amusing enough sometimes, but a curse to everything which depended on him. End quote. Memoirs of the Duke de Ragus, tome 1, page 410. End footnote. This alone can account for the First Council's preference of him, but I am far from concurring in what has been asserted by many persons that France lost Egypt at the very moment when it seemed most easy of preservation. Egypt was conquered by a genius of vast intelligence, great capacity and profound military science.

Fatuity, stupidity and incapacity lost it. What was the result of that memorable expedition? The destruction of one of our finest armies, the loss of some of our best generals, the annihilation of our navy, the surrender of Malta, and the sovereignty of England in the Mediterranean. What is the result at present? A scientific work? The gossiping stories and mystifications of Herodotus and the reveries of the good Rouen are worth as much and have not cost so dear. The First Council had long been apprehensive that the evacuation of Egypt was unavoidable. The last news he had received from that country was not very encouraging and created a presentiment of

approach of the dreaded catastrophe. He, however, published the contrary, but it was then of great importance that an account of the evacuation should not reach England until the preliminaries of peace were signed, for which purpose Monsieur Otto was exerting all his industry and talent. We made a great merit of abandoning our conquests in Egypt, but the sacrifice would not have been considered great if the events which took place at the end of August had been known in London before the signing of the preliminaries on the 1st of October. The First Consul himself answered Monsieur Otto's last dispatch, containing a copy of the preliminaries ready to be adopted by the English Ministry.

Neither this dispatch nor the answer was communicated to Monsieur de Taléinot, then Minister for Foreign Affairs. The First Consul, who highly appreciated the great talents and knowledge of that minister, never closed any diplomatic arrangement without first consulting him, and he was right in so doing. On this occasion, however, I told him that, as Monsieur d'Aetalien was for his health, taking the waters of Bourbonne, La Chambou, four days must elapse before his reply could be received, and that the delay might cause the face of affairs to change. I reminded him that Egypt was on the point of yielding. He took my advice, and it was well for him that he did,

for the news of the compulsory evacuation of Egypt arrived in London the day after the signing of the preliminaries. Monsieur Otto informed the First Council by letter that Lord Hawkesbury, ill communicating to him the news of the evacuation, told him he was very glad everything was settled, for it would have been impossible for him to have treated on the same basis after the arrival of such news. In reality, we consented at Paris to the voluntary evacuation of Egypt, and that was something for England,

while Egypt was at that very time evacuated by a convention made on the spot. The definitive evacuation of Egypt took place on the 30th of August 1801, and thus the conquest of that country, which had cost so dear, was rendered useless, or rather injurious. End of Section 8 Section 9 of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fovale de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter 7, 1802 The most glorious epoch for France

The First Council's desire of peace Malta ceded and kept Bonaparte and the English journals Mr Addington's letter to the First Council Bonaparte prosecutes Peltier Lecler's expedition to San Domingo Touss'en L'Evertour Death of Lecler

Rochambeau, his successor Abandon's San Domingo First symptoms of Bonomééé parts malady, Josephine's intrigues for the marriage of Orteens. Falsehood contradicted. The epoch of the peace of Amiens must be considered as the most glorious in the history of France, not accepting the splendid period of Louis XIV's victories and the more brilliant era of the empire. The consular glory was then pure, and the opening prospect was full of flattering hope, whereas those who were but little accustomed to look closely into things, could discern mighty

disasters lurking under the laurels of the empire. The proposals which the First Consul made in order to obtain peace sufficiently prove his sincere desire for it. He felt that if in the commencement of his administration he could couple his name with so hoped for an act, he should ever experience the affection and gratitude of the French. I want no other proof of his sentiments than the offer he made to give up Egypt to the Grand Sén-en-Yar, and to restore all the ports of the Gulf of Venice and of the Mediterranean to the states to which they had previously belonged, to surrender Malta to the

Order of the Knights of St John, and even to raise its fortifications, if England should think such a measure necessary for her interests. In the Indies, Ceylon was to be left to him. Footnote, Ceylon belonged to Holland, but was retained by England under the Treaty of Amiens, end footnote. And he required the surrender of the Cape of Good Hope, and all the places taken by the English in the West Indies. England had firmly resolved to keep Malta, the Gibraltar of the Mediterranean, and the Kate of Good Hope, the caravanseri of the Indies. She was therefore unwilling to close with the proposition respecting Malta, and she

said that an arrangement might be made by which it would be rendered independent, both of Great Britain and France. We clearly saw that this was only a lure, and that whatever arrangements might be entered into, England would keep Malta, because it was not to be expected that the maritime power would willingly surrender an island which commands the Mediterranean. I do not notice the discussions respecting the American islands, for they were, in my opinion, of little consequence to us. Footnote.

It is strange that Burien does not allude to one of the first arbitrary acts of Napoleon, the discussions on which formed part of those conversations between Napoleon and his brother Lucien, of which Berrien complained to Josephine he knew nothing. In 1763, France had ceded to England the part of the part of the world. Louisiana on the east of the Mississippi and the part on the west of that river with New Orleans to Spain. By the treaty negotiated with Spain by Lucien Bonaparte in 1800, her share was given back to France. On the 30th of April 1803, Napoleon sold the whole to the United States for 80 million from, £3,260,000, to the intense anger of his brothers, Joseph and Lucien.

Lucian was especially proud of having obtained the secession for which Napoleon was at that time very anxious. But both brothers were horrified when Napoleon disclosed how little he cared for constitutional forms by telling them that if the legislature, as his brothers threatened, would not ratify the treaty, he would do without the ratification. See Yun's letter, tome 2, page 128. Napoleon's most obvious motives were want of money, and the certainty of the seizure of the province. by England, as the rupture with her was now certain. But there was perhaps another cause. The States had already been on the point of seizing the province from Spain, which had interfered with

their trade. Intence United States, page 435, and Thier, Tom 4, page 320. Of the sum to be paid, 20 million were to go to the states to cover the illegal seizures of American ships by the French Navy, a matter which was not settled for many years later. The remaining 80 million were employed in the preparations for the invasion of England, C tier, Tom 4, pages 320 and 326, and L'Enfrey, Tom 3, page 48. The transaction is a remarkable one, as forming the final withdrawal of France from North America, with the exception of some islands on the Newfoundland coast, where she had once held such a proud position. It also eventually made an indebted. to the number of slave states. End footnote. They cost more than they produce, and they will

escape from us sometime or other, as all colonies ultimately do from their parent country. Our whole colonial system is absurd. It forces us to pay for colonial produce at a rate nearly double that for which it may be purchased from our neighbours. When Lord Hawkesbury consented to evacuate Malta, on condition that it should be independent of France and Great Britain, he must have been aware that such a condition would never be fulfilled. He cared little for the order of St John, and he should have put by way of Post-Script at the bottom of his note, We will keep Malta in spite of you. I always told the First Consul that if he were in the position of the English, he would act the same part, and it did not require much sagacity to foretell

that Malta would be the principal cause of the rupture of peace. He was of my opinion, but at that moment he thought everything depended on concluding the negotiations. and I entirely agreed with him. It happened, as was foreseen, that Malta caused the renewal of war. The English, on being called upon to surrender the island, eluded the demand, shifted about, and at last ended by demanding that Malta should be placed under the protection of the King of Naples, that is to say, under the protection of a power entirely at their command, and to which they might dictate what they pleased. This was really too cool a piece of irony.

I will here notice the quarrel between the First Council and the English newspapers and give a new proof of his views concerning the freedom of the press. However, Liberty of the Press did once contribute to give him infinite gratification, namely when all the London journals mentioned the transports of joy manifested in London on the arrival of General Louriston, the bearer of the ratification of the preliminaries of peace. The First Council was at all times the declared enemy of the liberty of the press, and therefore he ruled the journals with a hand of iron. Footnote, an incident illustrative of the great irritation

which Bonaparte felt at the plain speaking of the English press also shows the important character of Coleridge's writings in the Morning Post. In the course of a debate in the House of Commons, Fox asserted that the rupture of the truce of Amiens had its origin in certain essays which had appeared in the Morning Post and which were known to have proceeded from the pen of Coleridge. But Fox added an ungenerous and malicious hint that the writer was at Rome within the reach of Bonaparte.

The information reached the years for which it was uttered and an order was sent from Paris to compass the arrest of Coleridge. It was in the year 1806 when the poet was making a tour in Italy. The news reached him at Naples through a brother of the illustrious Humboldt, as Mr Gilman says, or in a friendly warning from Prince Jerome Bonaparte, as we have it on the authority of Mr Cottle. and the Pope appears to have been reluctant to have a hand in the business,

and in fact to have furnished him with a passport, if not with a carriage for flight. Coleridge eventually got to Leghorn, where he got a passage by an American ship bound for England. But his escape, coming to the years of Bonaparte, a lookout was kept for the ship, and she was chased by a French cruiser, which threw the captain into such a state of terror, that he made Coleridge throw all his journals and papers overboard. Andrew's History of Journalism, Volume 2, Page 28, end footnote. I have often heard him say, Where I to slacken the reins, I should not continue three months in power.

He unfortunately held the same opinion, respecting every other prerogative of public freedom. The silence he had imposed in France, he wished, if he could, to impose in England. He was irritated by the calumnies and libels so liberally cast upon him by the English journals, and especially by one written in French called L'ambigué, conducted by Peltier, who had been the editor of the Act des Apotres in Paris. The Ambigué was constantly teeming with the most violent attacks on the First Council and the French nation.

Bonaparte could never, like the English, bring himself to despise newspaper libels, and he revenged himself by violent articles, which he caused to be inserted in the Monitor. He directed Monsieur Otto to remonstrate, in an official note against a system of calumny which he believed to be authorised by the English government. Besides this official proceeding, he applied personally to Mr. Addington, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, requesting him to procure the adoption of legislative measures against the licentious writings complained off.

And, to take the earliest opportunity of satisfying his hatred against the liberty of the press, the First Consul seized the moment of signing the preliminaries to make this request. Mr. Addington wrote a long answer to the First Consul, which I translated for him. The English minister refuted with great force all the arguments which Bonaparte had employed against the press. He also informed the First Consul that, though a foreigner, it was competent in him to institute a complaint in the courts of law, but that in such a case he must be content to see all the scandalous statements of which he complained, republished in the report of the trial. He advised him to treat the liables with profound contempt, and do as he and others did, who attached not the slightest importance to them.

I congratulate myself on having, in some degree, prevented a trial taking place at that time. Things remained in this state for the moment, but after the peace of Amiens, the First Council prosecuted Peltier, whose journal was always full of violence and bitterness against him. Peltier was defended by the celebrated Macintosh, who, according to the accounts of the time, displayed great eloquence on this occasion, yet in spite of the of his counsel, he was convicted. The verdict, which public opinion considered in the light of a triumph for the defendant, was not followed up by any judgment, in consequence of the rupture of the peace occurring soon after. It is melancholy to reflect that this nervous susceptibility to the libeles

of the English papers contributed certainly as much as, and perhaps more than the consideration of great political interests to the renewal of hostilities. The public would be astonished at a great many things if they could only look under the cards. I have anticipated the rupture of the Treaty of Amiens that I might not interrupt what I had to mention respecting Bonaparte's hatred of the liberty of the press. I now return to the end of the year 1801, the period of the expedition against San Domingo. The First Council, after dictating to me during nearly the whole of one night, instructions for that expedition, sent for General Le Cther, and said to him in my presence, here, take your instructions, you have a fine opportunity for filling your purse,

go, and no longer tease me with your eternal requests for money. The friendship which Bonaparte felt for his sister, Pauline, had a good deal of influence in inducing him to take this liberal way of enriching her husband. The expedition left the ports of France on the 14th of December 1801, and arrived off Cape San Domingo on the 1st of February 1802. The fatal result of the enterprise is well known. but we are never to be cured of the folly of such absurd expeditions. In the instructions given to Leclerc, everything was foreseen,

but it was painful to know that the choice of one of the youngest and least capable of all the generals of the army left no hope of a successful result. The expedition to San Domingo was one of Bonaparte's great errors. Almost every person whom he consulted endeavored to dissuade him from it. He attempted a justification through the medium of his historians of St. Demoitte. St Helena. But does he succeed when he says that he was obliged to yield to the advice of his Council of State? He truly was a likely man to submit a question of war to the discussion of the Council of State, or to be guided in such an affair by any Council. We must believe that no other

motive influenced the First Council, but the wish by giving him the means of enriching himself to get rid of a brother-in-law who had the gift of specially annoying him. The First Council, who did not really much like this expedition, should have perhaps reflected longer on the difficulties of attempting to subdue the colony by force. He was shaken by this argument, which I often repeated to him, and he agreed with it, but the inconceivable influence which the members of his family exercised on him always overcame him. Leraparte dictated to me a letter for Toussaint, full of sounding words and fine promises, informing him that his two children, who had been educated in Paris, were sent back to him, offering him the title of

Vice-Govern, and stating that he ought readily to assist in an arrangement which would contribute to reconnect the colony with the mother country. Toussaint, who had at first shown a disposition to close with the bargain, yet feeling afraid of being deceived by the French, and probably induced by ambitious motives, resolved on war. He displayed a great deal of talent, but being attacked before the climate had thinned the French ranks. He was unable to oppose a fresh army, numerous and inured to war.

He capitulated and retired to a plantation, which he was not to leave without Leclair's permission. A feigned conspiracy on the part of the blacks formed a pretense for accusing Touss, and he was seized and sent to France. Tusson was brought to Paris in the beginning of August. He was sent in the first instance to the temple, where he was removed to the Chateau de Joux. His impression imprisonment was rigorous, few comforts were allowed him. This treatment, his recollection of the past, his separation from the world, and the effects of a strange climate, accelerated his death, which took place a few months after his arrival in France. The reports which spread concerning his death, the assertion that it was not a natural one, and that it had been caused by poison,

obtained no credit. I should add that Toussaint wrote a letter to Bonaparte, what I never saw in it the expression attributed to him, quote, the first man of the blacks to the first man of the whites, end quote. Bonaparte acknowledged that the black leader possessed energy, courage and great skill. I am sure that he would have rejoiced if the result of his relations with San Domingo had been something else than the kidnapping and transportation of Tucson. Lecler, after fruitless efforts to conquer the colony, was himself carried off by the yellow fever. Rochambeau succeeded him by right of seniority, and was as unsuccessful as most.

know had been in Egypt. The submission of the blacks, which could only have been obtained by conciliation, he endeavoured to compel by violence. At last, in December 1803, he surrendered to an English squadron and abandoned the island to Dissalim. When a part often experienced severe bodily pain, and I have now little doubt from the nature of his sufferings, that they were occasioned by the commencement of that malady which terminated his life at St. Helena. These pains of which he frequently complained, affected him most acutely on the night when he dictated to me the instructions for General Lecfair. It was very late when I conducted him to his apartment. We had just been taking a cup of chocolate, a beverage of which we always partook when our business lasted longer than

one o'clock in the morning. He never took a light with him when he went up to his bedroom. I gave him my arm, and we had scarcely got beyond the little staircase which leads to the corridor, when he was rudely run against by a man who was endeavouring to escape. as quickly as possible by the staircase. The first consul did not fall because I supported him. We soon gained his chamber, where we found Josephine, who, having heard the noise, awoke greatly alarmed. From the investigations which were immediately made, it appeared that the uproar was occasioned by a fellow who had been keeping an assignation and had exceeded the usual hour for his departure. On the 7th of January 1802, M. M. M. Moursel Orthens was married to Louis Bonaparte. As the custom

was not yet resumed of adding the religious ceremony to the civil contract, the nuptial benediction was on this occasion privately given by a priest at the house Rue de la Victoire. Bonaparte also caused the marriage of his sister, Caroline, footnote, the wife of Murat and the cleverest of Bonaparte's sisters, and footnote, which had taken place two years earlier before a mayor, to be consecrated in the same manner, but he and his wife did not follow the example. had he already then an idea of separating from Josephine

and therefore an unwillingness to render a divorce more difficult by giving his marriage a religious sanction. I am rather inclined to think from what he said to me that his neglecting to take a part in the religious ceremony arose from indifference. Bonaparte said at St Helena, speaking of Louis and Orteens, that, quote, they loved each other when they married, they desired to be united.

The marriage was also the result of Josephine's intrigues, who found her account in it. I will state the real facts. Louis and Ortonse did not love one another at all. That is certain. The First Consul knew it, just as he well knew that Ortonce had a great inclination for Duroque, who did not fully return it. The First Consul agreed to their union, but Josephine was troubled by such a marriage,

and did all she could to prevent it. She often spoke to me about it, but rather late in the day. She told me that her brothers-in-law were her declared enemies, that I well knew their intrigues, and that I well knew there was no end to the annoyances they made her undergo. In fact, I did know all this perfectly. She kept on repeating to me that, with this projected marriage, she would not have any support,

that D'Uroch was nothing except by the favour of Bonaparte, that he had neither fortune, fame nor reputation, and that he could be no help to her against the well-known ill-will of the brothers of Bonaparte. She wanted some assurance for the future. She added that her husband was very fond of Louis, and that if she had the good fortune to unite him to her daughter, this would be a counterpoise to the calumnies and persecutions of her other brothers-in-law.

I answered her that she had concealed her intentions too long from me, and that I had promised my services to the young people, and the more willingly, as I knew the favourable opinion of the First Consul, who had often said to me, My wife has done well, they suit one another, they shall marry one another. I like Duroc. He is of good family. I have rightly given Caroline to Murat and Pauline to Lucver. And I can well give Orteens to Duroc, who is a fine fellow. He is worth more than the others. He is now general of a division. There is nothing against this marriage. Besides, I have other plans for Louis. In speaking to Madame Bonaparte, I added that her daughter burst into tears when spoken to about her marriage with Louis.

The First Council had sent a brevet of General of Division to D'Uroch by a special courier who went to Holland, through which the newly made general had to pass on his return from St. Petersburg, where, as I have already said, he had been sent to compliment the Emperor Alexander on his accession to the throne. The First Council probably paid this compliment to D'Uroch in the belief that the marriage would take place. During D'Oach's absence, the correspondence of the lovers passed by their consent through my hands. Every night I used to make one in a party at billiards, at which Ortonce played very well. When I told her in a whisper that I had got a letter for her, she would immediately leave off playing and run to her chamber, where I followed and gave her D'Roc's epistle.

When she opened it, her eyes would fill with tears, and it was some time before she could return to the salon. All was useless for her. Josephine required a support in the family against the family. Seeing her firm resolution, I promised to no longer oppose her wishes, which I could not disapprove, but I told her I could only maintain silence and neutrality in these little debates, and she seemed satisfied. When we were at Malmaison, those intrigues continued. At the Twilié, the same conduct was pursued, but then the probability of success was on Do Rock's side.

I even congratulated him on his prospects, but he received my compliments in a very cold manner. In a few days after, Josephine succeeded in changing the whole face of affairs. Her heart was entirely set on the marriage of Louis with her daughter, and prayers, entreaties, caresses, and all those little arts which she so well knew how to use, were employed to win the first consul to her purpose. On the 4th of January, the first consul, after dinner, entered our cabinet where I was employed. Where is Durok? he inquired. He has gone to the opera, I believe. Tell him as soon as he returns that I have promised Ortonce to him, and he shall have her.

But I wish the marriage to take place in two days at the latest. I will give him five hundred thousand francs and name him commandant of the eighth military division, but he must set out the day after his marriage with his wife for too long. We must live apart. I want no son-in-law at home. As I wish to come to some conclusion, let me know tonight whether this plan will satisfy him. I think it will not. Very well, then she shall marry Louis.

Will she like that? She must like it. Bonaparte gave me these directions in a very abrupt manner, which made me think that some little domestic warfare had been raging, and that to put an end to it, he had come to propose his ultimatum. At half-past ten in the evening, Duroc returned. I reported to him word for word the proposition of the First Consul.

Since it has come to that, my good friend, said he, tell him he may keep his daughter for me. I am going to see the blank. And with an indifference for which I cannot account, he took his hat and went off. Footnote. Dugok eventually married a Mamsal Irvea de Almanara, the daughter of a Spanish banker,

who was later minister of Joseph, and was created Marquess of Abruanara. The lady was neither handsome nor amiable, which he possessed a vast fortune, and Bonaparte himself solicited her hand for his aide-de-can. After the death of D'Uroch, his widow married a Monsieur Fabier, and Napoleon gave his Duchy of Friol to his daughter. End footnote. The first council, before going to bed, was informed of D'Roc's reply, and Josephine received from him the promise that Louis and Ortonce should be married. The marriage took place a few days after, to the great regret of Orton's, and probably

to the satisfaction of Douroch. Louis submitted to have forced on him as a wife, a woman who had hitherto avoided him as much as possible. She always manifested as much indifference for him as he displayed repugnance for her, and those sentiments have not been effaced. Footnote. The marriage of Louis Bonaparte took place on the 7th of January.

The bride and bridegroom were exceedingly dull, and Mamselle Orthons, wept during the whole of the ceremony. Josephine, knowing that this union, which commenced so inauspiciously, was her own work, anxiously endeavored to establish a more cordial feeling between her daughter and son-in-law. But all her efforts were vain, and the marriage proved a very unhappy one. Memoir de Constant Napoleon III was the son of the Queen of Holland, Orton's Poirney. End footnote.

Napoleon said at St Helena that he wished to unite Louis with a niece of Talleyrand. I can only say that I never heard a word of this niece, either from himself, his wife or his daughter. And I rather think that at that time, the First Council was looking after a Royal Alliance for Louis. He often expressed regret at the precipitate marriages of his sisters. It should be recollected that we were now in the year which saw the consulship for life established, and which consequently gave presage of the empire. Napoleon said truly to the companions of his exile that, Louis's marriage was a result of Josephine's intrigues.

But I cannot understand how he never mentioned the intention he once had of uniting Ortonce to Do Rock. It has been erroneously stated that the First Council believed that he had reconciled the happiness of his daughter with his policy. Ortense did not love Louis and dreaded this marriage. There was no hope of happiness for her, and the event has proved this. As for the policy of the First Council, it is not easy to see how it was concerned with the marriage of the marriage of the marriage.

Louis to Ortonce, and in any case, the grand policy which professed so loudly to be free from all feminine influences would have been powerless against the intrigues of Josephine, for at this time, at the Tuileries, the boudoir was often stronger than the cabinet. Here, I am happy to have it in my power to contradict most formally and most positively certain infamous insinuations which have prevailed respecting Bonaparte and Ortonce. Those who have asserted that Bonaparte ever entertained towards Orton's any other sentiments than those of a father-in-law for a daughter-in-law have, as the ancient knights used to say, lied in their throats. We shall see farther on what he said to me on this subject,

but it is never too soon to destroy such a base calumny. Authors unworthy of belief have stated without any proof that not only was there this criminal liaison, but they have gone so far as to say that Bonaparte was the father of the eldest son of Orton's. It is a lie, a vile laugh. and yet the rumour has spread through all France and all Europe. Alas, as calumny, such powerful charms that, once they are submitted to, their yoke cannot be broken. Footnote, Burien's account of this marriage and his denial of the vile calumny about Napoleon

is corroborated by Madame Remoisin. After saying that Ortonse had refused to marry the son of Rubel and also the Compton Nain, she goes on, quote, a short time afterwards, Durok, then Ed de Com to the consul, and already noted by him, fell in love with Ortonce. She returned the feeling, and believed she had found that other half of herself which she sought. Bonaparte looked favourably on their union, but Madame Bonaparte in her turn was inflexible. My daughter, said she, must marry a gentleman or a Bonaparte. Louis was then thought of. He had no fancy for Ortonce, detested the Boerney family,

and had a supreme contempt for his sister-in-law. But as he was silent, he was believed to be gentle, and as he was severe by character, he was believed to be upright. Madame Louis told me afterwards that, at the news of this arrangement, she experienced violent grief. Not only was she forbidden to think of the man she loved, but she was about to be given to another, of whom she had a secret distrust. Remosat, Tom 1, page 156. For the cruel treatment of Orton's by Louis, see the succeeding pages of Remosat. As for the vile scandal about Orte's and Napoleon, there is little doubt that it was spread by the Bonapartist family for interested motives. Madame Louis became en-saint soon after her marriage.

The Bonapartists, and especially Madame Murat, Caroline, had disliked this marriage, because Joseph, having only daughters, it was foreseen that the first son of Louis and the grandson of Madame Bonaparte would be the object of great interest. They therefore spread the revolting story that this was the result of a conflict of a conflict. connection of the First Council with his daughter-in-law, encouraged by the mother herself. Quote, the public willingly believed this suspicion, and quote, Madame Morat told Louis, and so on. Remusat, Tom 1, page 169. This last sentence is corroborated by Miette de Milito, Tom 2, page 170, who, speaking of the later

proposal of Napoleon to adopt this child, says that Louis, quote, remembered the damaging stories which ill will had tried to spread among the public concerning Orton's Bor'Anne before he married her. And although a comparison of the date of his marriage with that of the birth of his son must have shown him that these tales were unfounded, he felt that they would be revived by the adoption of this child by the First Council. Thus, this wretched story did harm in every way. The contact of Josephine must be judged with leniency, engaged as she was in a desperate struggle to maintain her own marriage, a struggle she kept up with great skill. See Metternich, Tom 2, page 296. Quote, she baffled all the calculations, all the manoeuvres of her adversaries, end quote.

But she was foolish enough to talk in her anger, as if she believed some of the disgraceful rumours of Napoleon. Quote, had he not seduced his sisters, one after the other? End quote. Remusseh, Tom 1, page 204. As to how far this scandal was really believed by the the brothers of Napoleon, see Jung's Lucien, Tom 2, pages 268 and 269, where Lucien describes Louis as coming three times to him for advice as to his marriage with Ortonce, both brothers referring to this rumour. The third time Louis announces he is in love with Ortonce. You are in love? Why the devil then do you come to me for advice? If so, forget what has been rumoured and what I

have advised you. Marry, and may God bless you. Te'a, Tom 3, page 300. follows Burrien's account. Josephine, alluding to Louis Bonaparte, said, quote, His family have maliciously informed him of the disgraceful stories which have been spread on the conduct of my daughter and on the birth of her son. Hate assigns this child to Napoleon, end quote.

Grimasa, Tom 1, page 206. The child in question was Napoleon Scharle, 1802 to 1807. End of Section 9. Section 10 of Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte. Volume 5 by Louis Antoine Fovale de Bourienne. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, read by Gillian Henry. Chapter 8, 1802 to 1803 Bonaparte, President of the Swiss Alpine Republic,

meeting of the deputation at Lyon, Malta and the English, My Immortality, Fet given by Madame Murat, erasures from the immigrant list, restitution of property, General Sebastiani, Lord Whitworth, Napoleon's first symptoms of disease,

Corvissar, influence of physical suffering on Napoleon's temper, articles for the Monitour, General Andriosi, Monsieur Taleran's plan, Jerome Bonaparte, extravagance of Bonaparte's brothers, Monsieur Colot and the Navy contract. Bonaparte was anxious to place the Salpin Republic on a fitting of harmony with the government of France. It was necessary to select a president who should perfectly agree with Bonaparte's views,

and in this respect, no one could be so suitable as Bonaparte himself. The two presidencies united would serve as a transition to the throne. Not wishing to be long absent from Paris, and anxious to avoid the trouble of the journey to Milan, he arranged to meet the deputation halfway at Lyon. Before our departure, I said to him, Is it possible that you do not wish to revisit Italy, the first scene of your glory, and the beautiful capital of Lombardy, where you were the object of so much homage? I certainly should, replied the First Consul, but the journey to Milan would occupy too much precious time. I prefer that the meeting should take place in France. My influence over the deputies will be more prompt and certain at Lyon than at Milan, and then I should be glad to see the noble wreck of the army of Egypt, which is collected.

at Lyon. On the 8th of January 1802 we set out Bonaparte, who was now ready to ascend the throne of France, wished to prepare the Italians for one day crowning him King of Italy, in imitation of Charlemagne, of whom in anticipation, he considered himself the successor. He saw that the title of President of the Salpin Republic was a great advance towards the sovereignty of Lombardy, as he afterwards found that the consulate for life was a decisive step towards the throne of France. He obtained the title of President without much difficulty on the 26th of January 1802. The journey to Lyon and the conferences were only matters of form, but high-sounding words and solemn proceedings were required for the public mind.

The attempts which had been made on the life of the First Council gave rise to a report that he took extraordinary precautions for his safety during this journey to Lyon. I never saw those precautions, and Bonaparte was at all times averse to adopt any. he often repeated that whoever would risk his own life might take his. It is not true that guards preceded his carriage and watched the roads. The consul travelled like a private person, and very rarely had arms in his carriage. Footnote, Bonaparte may have been careless of his own safety, but that he took great pains in regard to his brothers may be inferred from the following letter,

written a few years later. Quote, take care that your valley de chambre, your cooks, the guards that sleep in your apartments and those who come during the night to awaken you with dispatches are all Frenchmen. No one should enter your room during the night except your aide-de-con, who should sleep in the chamber that precedes your bedroom. Your door should be fastened inside, and you ought not to open it even to your aid-de-con, until you have recognised his voice. He himself should not knock at your door until he has locked that of the room which he is in, to make sure of being alone, and of being followed by no one. These precautions are important. These precautions are important,

they give no trouble and they inspire confidence. Besides, they may really save your life. You should establish these habits immediately and permanently. You ought not to be obliged to have resourced to them on some emergency, which would hurt the feelings of those around you. Do not trust only to your own experience. The Neapolitan character has been violent in every age, and you have to do with a woman, not Queen of Naples, and not,

who is the impersonation of crime, end quote. Napoleon to Joseph, May 31st, 1806 Duques, Tom 2, page 260. End footnote. At this time, when the ambition of Bonaparte every day took a farther flight, General Clark took it into his head to go into the box of the first consul at the Francais, and to place himself in the front seat. By chance, the first consul came to the theatre,

but Clark, hardly rising, did not give up his place. The first consul only stayed a short time. time, and when he came back, he showed great discontent at this affectation of pride and of vanity. Wishing to get rid of a man who he looked on as a blundering flasherer and a clumsy critic, he sent him away, as Charge de Ferre, to the young extemporised king of Eertruria, where Clark expiated his folly in a sort of exile. This is all the great disfavour, which has been so much spoken about. In the end, General Clark returned to favour.

Berlin knows and regrets it. On the 25th of March of the same year, England signed at Amiel a suspension of arms for 14 months, which was called a Treaty of Peace. The clauses of this treaty were not calculated to inspire the hope of a very long peace. It was evident, as I have already said, that England would not evacuate Malta, and that island ultimately proved the chief cause of the rupture of the Treaty of Amiel. But England, heretofore so haughty in her bearing to the First Council, and at length treated with him as the head of the French government.

This, as Bonaparte was aware, bode he well for the consolidation of his power. At that time, when he saw his glory and power augmenting, he said to me in one of our walks at Malmaison, in a moment of hilarity, and clapping me on the shoulder, Well, Berrien, you also will be immortal. Why, General? Are you not my secretary?

"'Tell me the name of Alexander's,' said I. "'Futnought. "'Bonaparte did not know the name of Alexander's secretary, "'and I forgot at the moment to tell him it was Colistinies. "'He wrote Alexander's memoirs, as I am writing Bonaparte. "'But, notwithstanding this coincidence, "'I neither expect nor desire the immortality of my name, Burien,' end footnot. "'Bunaparte then turned to me, and laughing, said,

"'Hem, that is not bad.' "'There was to be sure a little flattery conveyed in the my question, but that never displeased him, and I certainly did not, in that instance, deserve the censure he often bestowed on me for not being enough of a courtier and flatterer. Madame Murat gave a grand fit, in order of Bonaparte, at her residence at Nui. At dinner, Bonaparte sat opposite Madame Murat at the principal table, which was appropriated to the ladies. He ate fast, and talked but little. However, when the dessert was served, he put a question to each lady. This question was.

was to inquire their respective ages. When Madame Bourienne's turn came, he said to her, Oh, I know yours! This was a great deal for his gallantry, and the other ladies were far from being pleased at it. Next day, while walking with me in his favourite alley at Malmaison, he received one of those stupid reports of the police, which were so frequently addressed to him.

It mentioned the observations which had been made in Paris about a green livery he had lately adopted. Some said that green had been chosen, because it was the colour of the house of Artois. On reading that, a slight sneer was observable in his countenance, and he said, What are these idiots dreaming off? They must be joking, surely.

Am I no better than Monsieur d'Artois? They shall soon see the difference. Until the middle of the year 1801, the erasures from the immigrant list had always been proposed by the Minister of Police. The First Council, having been informed that intrigue and even bribery, I had been employed to obtain them, determined that in future, erasures should be part of the business of his cabinet.

But other affairs took up his attention, and a dozen or 15 erasers a week were the most that were made. After Te deum had been chanted at Malmaison for the Concordat and the Peace, I took advantage of that moment of general joy to propose to Bonaparte the return of the whole body of emigrants. You have, said I in a half-joking way, reconciled Frenchmen to, God, now reconcile them to each other. There have never been any real emigrants, only absentees, and the proof of this is that erasures from the list have always been, and will always be, made daily. He immediately sees the idea. We shall see, said he, but I must accept a thousand persons belonging to high families, especially those who are or have been,

connected with royalty or the court. I said, in the Chamber of Deputies, and I feel pleasure in repeating here, that the plan of the Sinatus Consulty, which Bonaparte dictated to me, accepted from restitution, only such mansions as were used for public establishments. These he would neither surrender nor pay rent for. With those exceptions,

he was willing to restore almost all that was possessed by the state and had not been sold. The First Council, as soon as he had finished this plan of a decree, convoked a Grand Council to submit it to their consideration. I was in an adjoining room to that in which they met, and, as the deliberations were carried on with great warmth, the members talking very loudly, sometimes even vociferating, I heard all that passed.

The Revolutionary Party rejected all propositions of restitution. They were willing to call back their victims, but they would not part with the spoil. When the First Consul returned to his cabinet, dissatisfied with the ill success of his project, I took the liberty of saying to him, You cannot but perceive, General, that your object has been defeated, and your project unsuccessful. The refusal to restore to the immigrants all that the state possesses takes from the recall

all its generosity and dignity of character. I wonder how you could yield to such an unreasonable and selfish opposition. The revolutionary party, replied he, had the majority in the council. What could I do? Am I strong enough to overcome all those obstacles? General, you can revive the question. question again and oppose the party you speak of. That would be difficult, he said. They still have a high hand in these matters. Time is required. However, nothing is definitively arranged. We shall see what can be done. The Sinatus Consulti published on the 6th Floriao Year 10, 26th of April 1802, a fortnight after the above conversation took place is well known. Bonaparte

was then obliged to yield to the Revolutionary Party, or he, he would have adhered to his first proposition. Footnote. The Sinatus consultee retained the woods and forests of the emigrants and made their recall an amnesty. In the end, this retention of the forests was used by Napoleon with great dexterity as a means of placing them under personal obligation to him for restoring this species of property.

C. Tier, Tom 3, page 458. Livre 14. End footnote. Napoleon referred to this matter at St. Helena. He himself says that he would have been able. He should have said that he wished, to grant everything, that for a moment he thought of doing so, and that it was a mistake not to do so. This limitation on my part, he adds, destroyed all the good effect of the return of the immigrants. The mistake was the greater since I thought of doing it, but I was alone, surrounded by oppositions

and by spies. All were against your party. You cannot easily picture the matter to yourself. But important affairs hurried me, time pressed, and I was obliged to act differently. Afterwards he speaks of a syndicate he wished to form, but I have never heard a word of that. I have said how things really happened, and what has been just read confirms this. This was by no means the only time that Napoleon's wishes were opposed successfully in his council estate. On such occasions he used to describe himself as repulsed with losses. See the interesting work of Saint-Eller, Napoleon at Consai D'Eta. End footnote.

The royalists dissatisfied with the state of political affairs were not better pleased with the illiberal conditions of the recall of the emigrants. The friends of public liberty, on the other hand, were far from being satisfied with the other acts of the First Council, or with the conduct of the different public authorities, who were always ready to make concessions to him. Thus, all parties were dissatisfied. Bonaparte was much pleased with General Sebastiani's conduct when he was sent to Constantinople, after the peace of Amiel, to induce the Grand Signeur to renew amical relations with France. At the period he alluded to, namely before the news of the evacuation of Egypt, that country greatly occupied Bonaparte's attention. He thought that to send a man like Sebastiani, travelling through northern Africa, Egypt and Syria, might inspire the sovereigns of those countries with a more favourable idea of France, than he now entertained, and might remove the ill-impressions which England was endeavouring to produce.

On this mission, Sebastiani was accordingly dispatched. He visited all the Barbary states, Egypt, Palestine, and the Ionian Isles. Everywhere he drew a highly coloured picture of the power of Bonaparte and appreciated the glory of England. Footnot. This general, or Count Sebastiani, was afterwards ambassador for Louis-Philippe at our court, Ed footnot. He strengthened old connections and contracted new ones with the chiefs of each country. He declared to the authorities of the Ionian Isles that they might rely on the powerful protection of France. Bonaparte, in my opinion, expected too much from the labours of a single individual, furnished with but vague instructions. Still, Sebastiani did all that could be done.

The interesting details of his proceedings were published in the Monotour. The secret information, respected. the means of successfully attacking the English establishments in India, was very curious, though not affording the hope of speedy success. The published abstract of General Sebastiani's report was full of expressions hostile to England. Among other things, it was stated that Egypt might be conquered with 6,000 men, and that the Ionian Isles were disposed to throw off the yoke. There can be little doubt that this publication hastened the rupture of the Treaty of Amiens.

England suspended all discussions respecting Malta and declared that she would not resume them though the King of Great Britain should receive satisfaction for what was called an act of hostility. This was always put forward as a justification, good or bad, for breaking the Treaty of Amiel, which England had never shown herself very ready to execute. Bonaparte, waving the usual forms of etiquette,

expressed his wish to have a private conference with Lord Whitworth, the ambassador from London to Paris, and who had been the English ambassador at St. Petersburg previous to the rupture which preceded the death of Paul I. Bonaparte counted much on the effect he might produce by that captivating manner which he so well knew how to assume in conversation. But all was in vain. In signing the Treaty of Amiel,

the British Minister was well aware that he would be the first to break it. About the commencement of the year 1802, Napoleon began to feel acute pains in his right side. I have often seen him at Melmaison when sitting up at night, lean against the right arm of his chair, and unbuttoning his coat and waistcoat, exclaim, What pain I feel! I would then accompany him to his bedchamber, and have often been obliged to support him on the little staircase, which led from his cabinet to the corridor. He frequently used to say at this time, I fear that when I am forty, I shall become a great eater. I have a

foreboding that I shall grow very corpulent. This fear of obesity, though it annoyed him very much, did not appear to have the least foundation, judging from his habitual temperance and spare habit of body. He asked me who was my physician. I told him, Monsieur Corvissar, whom his brother Louis had recommended to me. A few days after, he called in Corvissar, who three years later was appointed first physician to the emperor. He appeared to derive much benefit from the prescriptions of Corvissar. who was open and good-humoured countenance at once made a favourable impression on him.

The pain which the First Consul felt at this time increased his irritability. Perhaps many of the acts of this epoch of his life should be attributed to this illness. At the time in question his ideas were not the same in the evening as they had been in the morning. And often in the morning, he would tear up, even without the least remark, not see had dictated to me at night and which he had considered excellent. At other times I took on myself not to send to the monitor, as he wished me to do, notes which, dictated by annoyance and irascibility, might have produced a bad effect in Europe. When the next day he did not see the article, I attributed this to the note being too late,

or to the late arrival of the courier. But I told him it was no loss, for it would be inserted the next day. He did not answer at once, but a quarter of an hour afterwards he said to me, do not send my note to the monitor without showing it to me. He took it and re-read it. Sometimes he was astonished at what he had dictated to me and amused himself by saying that I had not understood him properly. That is not much good, is it?

Upon my word, I don't quite know. Oh, no, it is worthless. What say you? Then he bowed his head a little and tore up the paper. Once, when we were at the Twillery, he sent me at two o'clock in the morning, a small note in his own writing, in which was To Burien, write to Marais to make him erase from the note which Flourio has read to the Tribunate,

the phrase, spelt F-R-A-S-E, concerning costats, and to soften as much as possible what concerns the reporter of the tribunate. This change, after time for reflection, arose, as often happened with him, from observations I had made to him and which he had at first angrily repulsed. after the piece of amiens the first consul wishing to send an ambassador to england cast his eyes for what reason i know not on general and iossi i took the liberty of making some observation on a choice which did not appear to me to correspond with the importance of the mission Bonaparte replied, I have not determined on it, I will talk to Tallinnon on the subject. When we were at Marizond in the evening,

Monsieur de Taléin came to transact business with the First Council. The proposed appointment of an ambassador to England was mentioned. After several persons had been named, the First Council said, I believe I must send Andriosi. Monsieur de Talignon, who was not much pleased with the choice, observed in a dry sarcastic tone, you must send André Hossi. I pray, who is this, André?

I did not mention any André. I said Andriosi. You know Andreossi? The general of artillery. Ah, true, Andreossi. I did not think of him. I was thinking only of the diplomatic men and did not recollect any of that name.

Yes, yes. Andriosi is in the artillery. The general was appointed ambassador and went to London after the Treaty of Amiens, but he returned again in a few months. He had nothing of consequence to do, which was very lucky for him. In 1802, Jerome was at breast in the rank of

Onsen de Vesou. Footnote, a rank in the Navy equivalent to that of our lieutenant, end footnote. He launched into expenses far beyond what his fortune or his pay could maintain. He often drew upon me for sums of money which the First Council paid, with much unwillingness. One of his letters, in particular,

excited Napoleon's anger. The epistle was filled with accounts of the entertainments Jerome was giving and receiving, and ended by stating that he should draw on me for 17,000 franc. To this Bonaparte wrote the following reply. I have read your letter, Monsieur L'Ancén de Vesso, and I am waiting to hear that you are studying

on board your corvette, a profession which you ought to consider as your road to glory. Die young, and I should. shall have some consolatory reflection. But if you live to 60, without having served your country, and without leaving behind you any honourable recollections, you had better not have lived at all. Jerome never fulfilled the wishes of his brother, who always called him a little profligate. From his earliest years, his conduct was often a source of vexation to his brother and his family. Westphalia will not soon forget that he was her king, and his subjects did not without reason,

surname him, Helio Gabulus in miniature. The First Council was harassed by the continual demands for money made on him by his brothers. To get rid of Joseph, who expended large sums at Martefontein, as Lucien did at Nui, he gave Monsieur Colo the contract for vitling the Navy, on the condition of his paying Joseph 1,600,000 from a year out of his profits. I believe this arrangement answered Joseph's purpose very well, but it was anything but advantageous to Monsieur Colombe. I think a whole year elapsed without his pocketing a single farthing.

He obtained an audience of the First Consul, to him he stated his grievances. His outlays he showed were enormous, and he could get no payment from the Navy office, upon which the consul angrily interrupted him, saying, Do you think I am a mere Capuchin? Decre must have 100,000 crowns. Du Roque, 100,000. Burien, 100,000. You must make the payment.

and don't come here troubling me with your long stories. It is the business of my ministers to give me accounts of such matters. I will hear decret, and that's enough. Let me be teased no longer with these complaints. I cannot attend to them. Bonaparte then very unceremoniously dismissed Monsieur Colot. I learned afterwards that he did not get a settlement of the business until after a great deal of trouble.

Monsieur Colot once said to me, if he had asked me for as much money as he would have built a frigate, he should have had it. All I want now is to be paid and to get rid of the business. Monsieur Colo had reason and honour on his side, but there was nothing but shuffling on the other. End off Section 10. End off Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, Volume 5, by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourienne.