Classic Audiobook Collection - Mobilizing Woman-Power by Harriot Stanton Blatch ~ Full Audiobook [history]

Episode Date: May 3, 2024

Mobilizing Woman-Power by Harriot Stanton Blatch audiobook. Genre: history In Mobilizing Woman-Power, suffrage leader and reformer Harriot Stanton Blatch lays out a bold, practical argument for turning women's daily work into organized public power. Writing in the tense, fast-changing America of the early twentieth century, Blatch moves from kitchens, factories, farms, schools, and offices to city streets and legislative halls, insisting that the nation cannot afford to treat half its people as political bystanders. With the eye of a strategist, she examines how women already sustain families, industries, and communities, then asks what would happen if that scattered energy were coordinated through unions, civic associations, and the ballot. Blatch highlights the realities of wage work, the constraints of tradition, and the ways economic dependence is enforced, while also celebrating the ingenuity and resilience women show in the face of limited options. Part manifesto, part social analysis, the book is driven by a central conflict between entrenched legal customs and a rising demand for full citizenship. Clear, urgent, and grounded in lived experience, Mobilizing Woman-Power speaks to themes of labor, democracy, and the hard work of building collective change. For ad-free listening try our premium subscription Chapters (Approximate) (00:00:00) Chapter 00 (00:08:13) Chapter 01 (00:23:39) Chapter 02 (00:45:54) Chapter 03 (01:00:32) Chapter 04 (01:14:54) Chapter 05 (01:37:05) Chapter 06 (01:52:49) Chapter 07 (02:06:07) Chapter 08 (02:19:00) Chapter 09 (02:42:36) Chapter 10 (03:03:05) Chapter 11 (03:17:10) Chapter 12 (03:29:51) Chapter 13 (03:44:19) Chapter 14 (04:00:36) Chapter 15 (04:13:45) Chapter 16 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Chapter 1 Our Fo The nations in which women have influenced national aims face the nation that glorifies brute force. America opposes the exaltation of the glittering sword, opposes the determination of one nation to dominate the world, opposes the claim that the head of one ruling family is the direct, and only representative of the creator and above all america opposes the idea that might makes right

let us admit the full weight of the paradox that a people in the name of peace turns to force of arms the tragedy for us lay in their being no choice of ways since pacific groups had failed to create machinery to adjust vital international differences and since the allies each in turn we the last had been struck by a foe determined to settle disagreements by force never did a nation make a crusade more just than this of ours we were patient too long patient perhaps with challenges we seek no conquest We fight to protect the freedom of our citizens. On America's standard is written democracy. On that of Germany, autocracy. Without reservation, women can give their all to attain our end. There must be a cleavage between the German people and the ruling class.

It may be that our foe is merely the military caste. Though I am inclined to believe that we have the entire German nation on our hand, The supremacy of might may be a doctrine merely instilled in the minds of the people by its rulers. Perhaps the weed is not indigenous, but it flourishes nevertheless. Rabbits did not belong in Australia, nor pondweed in England, but there they are, and dominating the situation. Arrogance of the strong towards the weak, of the better placed towards the less well-placed is part of the government teaching in Germany. The peasant woman harries the

dog that strains at the market card. Her husband harries her as she helps the cow drag the plow. The petty officer. Harry's the peasant when he is a raw recruit and the young lieutenant harries the petty officer. And so it goes up to the highest. A well-planned system on the part of the superior to bring the inferior to a high point of material efficiency. The propelling spirit is devotion to the fatherland. Each believes himself a cog in the machine chosen of God to achieve his purposes on earth. The world hears of the kaiser's Ich und Gat of his mailed fist breaking down his enemies. But those who have lived in Germany know that exactly the same spirit, reigns in every class. The strong and chastising his inferior has the conviction that since might

makes right, he is the direct representative of deity on the particular occasion. The overbearing spirit of the Prussian military caste has drilled a race to worship might. Men are overbearing towards women, women towards children, and the laws reflect the cruelties of the strong towards the weak. As the recent petition of German suffragists to the Reichstag states, their country stands in the lowest rank of nations as regards women's rights. It is a platitude just now worth repeating that the civilization of a people is indicated by the position accorded to its women. On that head, then, the Teutonic culture stands challenged. An English friend of mine threw down the gauntlet 30 years ago.

She had married a German officer. After living at Army Post all over the Empire, she declared, What we foreigners take as simple childlikeness in the Germans is merely lack of civilization. This canaan analysis came from a woman trained as an investigator, and equipped with perfect command of the language of her adopted country. Lack of civilization. Perhaps that explains my having seen again and again, officers striking the soldiers they were drilling,

and journeys made torture through witnessing slapping and browbeating of children by their parents. The memory of a father's conduct toward his little son will never be wiped out. He twisted the child's arm, struck him savagely from time to time, and for no reason, but that the child did not sit bolt upright and keep absolutely motionless. The witnesses of the brutality smiled approvingly at the man, and scowled at the child. My own protest being met with amazed silence, and in no way regarded, I left the compartment. I was near Eisenach, and I wished some good fairy would put in my hand that ink pot which Luther threw at the devil. Severity towards children is the rule. The child,

for wheel or woe, is in the complete control of its parents, and corporal punishment is allowed in the schools. The grim-saying Zorovaken-Frofesta seems to express the pedagogic philosophy. The only trouble is that nature does not give this attitude her sanction. For Germany reveals to us that figure, the most pathetic in life, the child's suicide. The man responding to his stern upbringing is, in turn, cruel to his inferiors, and full of subterfuge in dealing with equals. He is at home in the intrigues which have startled the world. In such a society, the frank and gentle go to the wall, or get into trouble and emigrate. We have profited, let us not forget it, by the plucky German emigrants who threw off the yoke

and who now have the satisfaction of finding themselves fighting shoulder to shoulder with a man of their adopted country to free the fatherland of the taskmaster. The philosophy of might quite naturally reflects itself in the education of girls. Once when I visited a Hoheer-Tacht-Shul, the principal had a class in geometry recite from my edification. I soon saw that the young girl who had been chosen as the star pupil to wrestle with the pawns asinorum was giving an exhibition of memorizing and not of mathematical reasoning. I asked the principal if my surmise were correct. He replied without hesitation, yes, it was entirely a feat of memory. memory. Females have only low reasoning power. I urged that if this were so, it would be well to

train the faculty, but he countered with the assertion, we Germans do not think so. Women are happier and more useful without logic. It would be difficult to surpass in its subtle cruelty the etiquette at a military function. The lieutenant and his wife come early. This is expected of them. For a few moments, they play the role of honored guests. The wife is shown by her hostess to the sofa and is seated there as a mark of distinction. Then arrive the captain and his wife. They are immediately the distinguished guest. The wife is shown to the sofa and the lieutenant's little frow must get herself out of the way as best she can. My speculation often indulged in as to what would happen if the Major's wife did not move from the sofa when the Colonel's wife appeared ended an assurance that a severe punishment would be

meted out to her. When I heard from an officer the story of the way his regiment dealt with a woman who ignored another bit of military etiquette, a debutante once honored by being asked, to dance with an officer at a ball, must never, it seems, demean herself by accepting a civilian partner. But in a town where my friend's regiment was stationed, a very pretty and popular young girl who had been taken, so to speak, to the bosom of the regiment, danced one night at the Kerr House early in the summer season with a civilian, distinguished, undeniably, but unmistakably, civilian. The officers of the regiment met, weighed the mighty question of the girl's offense, and solemnly resolved never again to ask the culprit for a dance.

I protested at the cruelty of a body of men deliberately turning a pretty young thing into a wall flower for an entire season. The officer took my protest as an added reason for congratulation upon their conduct. They meant to be cruel. My words proved how well they had succeeded. Another little straw showing the set of the wind. We were sitting, four Americans, one lovely early summer day, in a restaurant, a twine wound.

We had the window open, looking out over the sea. At the next table were some officers, one of whom, with an S-Z, but not with a by-your-leave, came over to our table and shut the window with a bang. The gentleman with us asked if we wanted the window closed, and on being assured we did not, quietly rose and opened it again. No one who does not know Prussia can imagine the threatening atmosphere which filled the cafe. We met the officers the same night at the Kerr House dance.

They were introduced, and almost immediately one of them brought up the window incident, and said most impressively that if ladies had not been at the table, our escort would have been called out. We could see they regarded us as unworthy of being even transient participants of culture. When we opined that no American man would accept a challenge, and if so unwise as to do so, his womenfolk would lock him up until he reached a sounder judgment. The swords rattled in their sabers when the frivolous member of our party said with a tone of finality,

You see, we wouldn't like our men's faces to look as if they had got into their mother's chopping bowls. Although I had often lived months on end with all these petty tyrannies of the mailed fist, and although life had taught me later that peoples grow by what they feed upon, yet when I read the Bryce report, German frightfulness seemed too inhuman for belief, While still holding my judgment in reserve, I met an intimate friend, a Prussian officer. He happened to mention letters he had received from his relatives in Berlin and at the front, and when I expressed a wish to hear them, kindly ask whether he should translate them or read them in German as they stood. Laughingly, I ventured on the German, saying I would at least find out how much I had forgotten.

So I sat and listened with ears pricked up. Some of the letters were from women folk and told of war conditions in the capital. They were interesting at the time, but not worth repeating now. Then came a letter from a nephew, a lieutenant. He gave his experience in crossing Belgium, told how in one village his man asked a young woman with a tiny baby on her arm for water, how she answered resentfully, and then how he shot her, and her baby. I exclaimed, thinking I had lost the thread of the letter, not the baby. And the man, I supposed I knew as civilized, replied with a cruel smile.

Yes, discipline. That was Frank. Frank as a child would have been, with no realization of the self-revelation of it. The young officer did the deed, wrote of it to his uncle, and the uncle, without vision and understanding, perverted by his training, did not feel shame and bury the secret in his own heart, but treasured the evidence against his nephew and laid it open before an American woman. I believed the Bryce report, every word of it. And I hate the system that is so bent and crippled a great grace. Revenge we must not feel. That would be to inoculate ourselves, with the enemy's virus but let us be awake to the fact that might making right cuts athwart our ideals german culture through worship of efficiency cramps originality and initiative while our aim Why not be frank about it, is the protection of inefficiency, which means sympathy with childhood

and opportunity for the spirit of art. German culture fixes an inflexible limit to the aspirations of women, while our goal is complete freedom from the mothers of men. The women of the Allies can fight for all that their men fight for, for national respect, for protection of citizens, for the sacredness of international agreements, for the rights of small nations, for the security of democracy. And then our women can be inspired by one thing more, the safety and development of all those things which they have won for human welfare at a long and bloodless battle. Women fight for a place in the sun for those who hold rights.

above might. End of chapter one. Section 2 of Mobilizing Woman Power. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Winning the War

The Group of Nations that Can Make the Greatest Savings will be victorious, counsels one. The group that can produce the most food and nourish the population best will win the war, urges another. But whatever the prophecy, whatever the advice, all paths to victory lie through labour power.

Needs are not answered in our day by manner dropping from heaven, whether it is food or big guns that are wanted, ships or coal, we can only get our heart's desire by toil. Where are the workers who will win the war? We are a bit spoiled in the United States. We have been accustomed to rub our Aladdin's lamp of opportunity, and the good genie have sent us workers.

But suddenly, no matter how great our efforts, no one answers our appeal. The reservoir of immigrant labour has run dry. We are in a sorry plight, for we have suffered from emigration too. Thousands of alien workers have been called back to serve in the armies of the Allies. In my own little village on Long Island, the industrious Italian colony was broken up by the call to return to the colours in Piedmont. Then, too, while Europe suffers loss of the war. of labour, as do we when men are mobilised, our situation is peculiarly poignant.

For when our armies are gone, they are gone. At first this was true in Europe. Men entered the army and were employed as soldiers only. After a time it was realised that the war would not be short, that fields must not lie untilled for years, nor men undergo the deteriorating effects of trench, French warfare continuously. The Fallow Field and the Stale Soldier were brought together. We have all chanced on photographs of European soldiers helping the women plough in springtime and reap the harvest in the autumn. Perhaps we have regarded the scene as a mere pastoral episode in a happy leave from the

battlefront, instead of realizing that it is a snapshot illustrating a well-organized plan of securing labor. The soldiers are given a furlough and are sent where the agricultural need is pressing. But the American soldier will not be able to lend his skill in giving the home fields a rich seat time and harvest. The two needs,

the field for the touch of the human hand and the soldier for labor under calm skies, cannot in our case be coordinated. scarcity of labour is not only certain to grow, but the demands upon the United States for service are increasing by leaps and bounds. America must throw manpower into the trenches, must feed herself, must contribute more and ever more food

to the hungry populations of Europe, must meet the old industrial obligations, and respond to a whole range of new, business requirements. And she is called upon for this effort at a time when national prosperity is already making full use of manpower. When Europe went to war, the world had been suffering from depression a year and more. Immediately on the outbreak of hostilities, whole lines of business shut down. Unemployment became serious. There were idle hands everywhere. Germany, of all the belligerents, rallied most quickly to meet war conditions.

Unemployment gave place to a shortage of labour, sooner there than elsewhere. Great Britain did not begin to get the pace until the middle of 1915. The business situation in the United States upon its entrance into the war was the antithesis of this. For over a year, depression had been superseded by increased index. high wages and greater demand for labour. The country, as measured by the ordinary financial signs, by its commerce, by its labour market, was more prosperous than it had been for years. Tremendous requisitions were being made upon us by Europe,

and to the limit of available labour, we were answering them. Then, into our economic life with industrial forces already working at high pressure were injected the new demands arising from changing the United States from a people as unprepared for effective hostilities as a baby in its cradle into a nation equipped for war. There was no unemployment but on the contrary shortage of labour. The country calls for everything and all at once like the spoiled child on suddenly waking. It must have, and without delay, ships, coal, cars, cantonments, uniforms, rules, and food, food, food. How can the needs be supplied, and with a million and a half men

dropping work besides? By woman power, or coolly labour. Those are the horns of the dilemma presented to puzzled America. The Senate of the United States directs its Committee of Agriculture to ponder well the Kuli problem, for men hesitate to have women put their shoulder to the wheel. Trade unionists are right in urging that a republic has no place for a disfranchised class of imported toilers. Equally true is it that as a nation we have shown no gift for dealing with less developed race. and yet labour we must have. Will American women supply it?

Will they, loving ease, favour contract labour from the outside? Or will they accept the optimistic view that lack of labour is not acute? The procrastinator queries, Can not American manpower meet the demand? It can for a time, perhaps, if the draft for the army for the army goes as slowly in the future as it has in the past. However, at any moment a full realization may come to us of the significance of the fact that while the United States is putting only 3% of its workers into the fighting forces,

Great Britain has put 25% and is now combing its industrial army over to find an additional 500,000 men to find an additional 500,000 men to the army. to throw on the French front. It is probable that it will be felt by this country in the near future that such a contrast of fulfilment of obligation cannot continue without serious reflection on our national honour. Roughly speaking, Great Britain has twenty million persons in gainful pursuits. Of these, five million have already been taken for the army.

The contribution of France is still greater. Her military force has reached the appalling proportion of one-fifth of her entire population. But we, who have 35 million in gainful occupations, are giving a paltry 1,500,000 in service with our allies. The situation is not credible to us, and one of the things which stands in the way of the United States reaching a moment of more worthy position is reluctance to see its women shouldering economic burdens. While it is quite true that shifting of manpower is needed, mere shuffling of the cards, as labour leaders suggest, won't give a bigger pack. 52 cards it remains, though the jack may be put into a more suitable position. The man behind the counter should, of course, be moved

to a muscular employment, but we must not interpret his dalliance with tapes and ribbons as proof of a superfluity of men. The latest reports of the New York State Department of Labor reflect the meagerness of the supply. Here are some dull figures to prove it. Comparing the situation with a year ago, we find in a corresponding month

only 1% more employees this year, with a wage advance of 17%. Drawing the comparison between this year and two years ago, there is an advance of 15% in employees and 51% in wages, and an increase of 30% in employees and 87% in wages if this year is compared with the conditions when the world was suffering from industrial depression. The state employment offices

report 8,376 requests for workers, against 7,6 650 applicants for employment, and of the latter, only 73% were fitted for the grades of work open to them, and were placed in situations. The last records of conditions in the Wilkes-Barre coal regions confirm the fact of labour scarcity. There are 100, 52,000 men and boys at work today in the anthracite fields. 25,000 less than the number employed in 1916. These miners, owing to the prod of the highest wages ever received, the skilled man earning from $40 to $75 a week, and to appeals to their patriotism, are individually producing

a larger output than ever before. It is considered that production with the present labour force is at its maximum. And if a yield of coal commensurate with the world's need is to be attained, at least 70% more men must be supplied. This is a call for manpower, in addition to that suggested by the fuel administrator, to the effect that lack of coal is part of the power. lack of cars and that back of the transportation shortage lies labour shortage an order was sent out by the Director General of Railways soon after his appointment that

mechanics from the repair shops of the West were to be shifted to the East to supply the call for help on the Atlantic border suggestive of the cause of all this shortage float the service flags of the mining and railway companies the hundreds of glowing stars telling their tale of men gone to the front, and of just so many stars torn from the standards of the Industrial Army at home. The shipping board recently called for 250,000 men to be gradually recruited as a skilled army for work in shipyards. At the same time, the Congress passed an appropriation of $50 million for building houses,

to accommodate ship labour. Six months ago, only 50,000 men were employed in shipbuilding. Today, there are 145,000. This rapid drawing of men to new centres creates a housing problem so huge that it must be met by the government, and it need hardly be pointed out

shelter can be built only by human hands. One state official, prompted, no doubt, by a wise hostility to coolly labour, and dread of woman labour, has gone so far as to declare publicly that any employer who will pay adequate wages can get all the labour he requires. This view suggests that we may soon have to adopt the methods of other belligerents and stop employers by law from stealing a neighbour's working force. I know of a shipyard with a normal payroll of 500 hands, which in one year engaged and lost to nearby munition factories 13,000 labourers. Such shifting, hiding as it does shortage of manpower,

leads to serious loss in our productive efficiency and should not be allowed to go unchecked. The manager of one of the New York City Street Railways met with complete denial the easy optimism that adequate remuneration will command a sufficient supply of men. He told me that he had introduced women at the same wage as male conductors, not because he wanted women, but because he now had only five applications by fit men, to thirty or forty. formally. There were men to be had, he said, and at lower wages than his company was paying, but they were not of the class capable of fulfilling the requirements of the position. The Labour Administration announced on its creation that its policy would be to prevent woman labour in positions for which men are available, and one of the deputy commissioners of the Industrial Commission of the State of New York,

declared, quite frankly, at a Labour conference, that, if he could, he would exclude women from industry altogether. We may try to prevent the oncoming tide of the economic independence of women, but it will not be possible to force the business world to accept permanently the service of the inefficient in place of that of the alert and intelligent. To carry on the economic life of a nation with its labor flotsam and jetsam is loss at any time.

In time of storm and stress, it is suicide. Manpower is short, seriously so. The farm is always the best barometer to give warning of scarcity of labour. The land has been draught. of its workers. A fair wage would keep them on the farm. This is the philosophy of laissez-faire. Without stopping to inquire as to what the munition works would then do, we can still see that it is doubtful whether the farm can act as magnet. Even men, let us venture the suggestion, like change for the mere sake of change. A middle-aged man who had taken up

at Bridgeport said to me, I have mulled around on the farm all my days. I grabbed the first chance to get away. And then there's a finer spirit prompting the desertion of the hoe. A man of 33 gave me the point of view, my brother is over there, and I feel as if I were backing him up by making guns. The only thing that can change the idea that farming is mulling around and making a gun backs up the man at the front more thoroughly than raising turnips, is to bring the farm new workers, who realize the vital part played by food in the winning of the war. As the modern industrial system has developed, with its marvels of specialized machinery, its army of employees gathered and dispersed on the stroke of the clock,

and strong organizations created to protect the interests of the worker, the calm and quiet process of agriculture have in comparison grown colourless. The average farmhand has never found push and drive and group action on the farm, but only individualism

to the extreme of isolation. And now in wartime, when in addition to its usual life of stirring contacts, the factory takes on an intimate and striking relation to the intense experience of the battlefront, the work of the farm seems as flat as it is likely to be unprofitable. The man in the furrow has no idea that he is backing up the boy in the trench.

The farmer, in his turn, does not find himself part of the wider relations that attract and support the manufacturer. crops are not grown on order. The marketing is as uncertain as the weather. The farmer could, by higher wages, attract more labour, but as the selling of the harvest remains a haphazard matter, the venture might mean ruin all the more certain and serious, were wage outlay large.

In response to a call for food and an appeal to his patriotism, the farmer has repeatedly made unusual efforts to bring his land to the maximum fertility only to find his crops often a dead loss as he could not secure the labour to harvest them i saw one summer acres of garden truck at its prime ploughed under in connecticut because of a shortage of labour i saw fruit left rotting by the bushel in the orchards near rochester because of a scarcity of pickers and a doubt of the reliability of the market. The industry which means more than any other to the well-being of humanity at this crisis is the sport of methods outgrown and of servants who lack understanding and inspiration. The war may furnish the spark for the needed revolution. Manpower is not available.

woman power is at hand. A new labour force always brings ideas and ideals peculiar to itself. May not women, as fresh recruits in a land army, stamp their likes and dislikes on farm life. Their enthusiasm may put staleness to rout, and the group system of women land workers, already tested in the crucible of experience, may bring to the farm,

the needed antidote to isolation. To win the war, we must have manpower in the trenches sufficient to win it with. To win, every soldier, every sailor must be well fed, well-clothed, well-equipped. To win, behind the armed forces

must stand determined peoples. To win, the people of America and her allies must be heartened. by care and food. The sun shines on the fertile land. The earth teems with forests, with coal, with every necessary mineral and food. But labor, labor alone,

can transform all to meet our necessities. Manpower, unaided, cannot supply the demand. Women in America must shoulder, as nobly as have the women of Europe this duty. They must answer their country's call. Let them see clearly that the desire of their men to shield them from possible injury exposes the nation and the world to actual danger. Our winning of the war depends upon the full use of the energy of our entire people.

Every muscle, every brain must be able to be. be mobilized if the national aim is to be achieved. End of Section 2. Section 3 of Mobilizing Woman Power. This is a Librevox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org, read by Stacey M. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch.

Mobilizing Women in Great Britain, Part 1. In no country have women reached a mobilization so complete and systemized as in Great Britain. This mobilization covers the whole field of war service, in industry, business, and professional life, and in government administration. Women serve on the Ministry of Food and are included in the membership of 25 of the important government committees, not auxiliary or advisory, but administrative committees, such as those on war pensions, on disabled officers and men, on education after the war, and the Labor Commission to deal with industrial unrest.

In short, the women of Great Britain are working side by side with men in the initiation and execution of plans to solve the problems which confront the nation. Four committees, as for instance those making investigations and recommendations on women's wages and drink among women are entirely composed of women. And great departments, such as the Women's Land Army, the Women's Army, the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps are officered throughout by them. Hospitals under the War Office have been placed in complete control of medical women. They take rank with medical men in the Army and receive the pay going with their commissions.

When Great Britain recognized that the war could not be won by merely sending splendid fighters to the front and meeting the wastage by steady drafts upon the manhood of the country, she began to build an efficient organization of industry at home. To the call for labor power, British women gave instant response. In munitions, a million are mobilized. In the land army, there have been drafted and actually placed on the farms over 300,000. And in the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, 14,000 women are working in direct connection with the fighting force. And an additional 10,000 are being called out for service each month. In the clerical force of the government departments,

some of which had never seen women before in their sacred precincts, over 199,000 are now working. and the women's civil servants are not only engaged in indoor service, but outside too. Most of the carrying of mail being in their hands. Women are dock laborers, some 7,000 strong. 4,000 act as patrols and police. 40,000 are in banks and various financial houses. It is said that there are in Great Britain scarce a million women, and they are mostly occupied as housewives,

who could render greater service to their country than that which they are now giving. The wide inclusion of women in government administration is very striking to us in America. But we must not forget that the contrast between the two countries and the participation of women in political life and public service has always been great. The women of the United Kingdom have enjoyed the municipal and county franchise for years. For a long time, large numbers of women have been called to administrative positions. They have had thorough training in government, as poor law guardians, district and county counselors, members of school boards. No women, the whole world over, are equipped as those of Great Britain

for service to the state. In the glamour of the extremely striking government service of British women, we must not overlook their non-official organizations. Perhaps these offer the most valuable suggestions for America. They are near enough to our experience to be quite understandable. The mother country is not under regimentation. Originality and initiative have full play. Perhaps it was well that the government failed to appreciate what women could do and neglected them so long. Most of the effective work was started in volunteer societies and had proved a success before there was an official laying on of hands. Anglo-Saxons, it is our strong point. Always work from below, up. A glance at any account of the mobilization of woman power in Great Britain,

Ms. Frazier's admirable women and war work. For instance, we'll reveal a printed page dotted thick with the names of volunteer associations. A woman with sympathy sees a need. She gets an idea and calls others about her. Quickly, there being no red tape, the need begins to be met. What more admirable service could have been performed than that inaugurated in the early months of the war under the Queen's Work for Women Fund.

When work was secured for the women in luxury trades, which were collapsing under war pressure, 130 firms employing women were kept running. What more thrilling example of courage and forth has been shown then by the Scottish Women's Hospitals in putting on the Western Front the first X-ray car to move from point to point near the lines. It put adds to the appeal of the work

that those great scientists, Mrs. Ayrton and Madam Curie, selected the equipment. It was a non-official body, the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, which opened before the war, was two weeks old, the Women's Service Bureau, and soon placed 40,000 women as paid and volunteer workers. It was this bureau that furnished the government with its supervisors for the arsenals.

The Women's Farm and Garden Union was the forerunner of the official land army, and to it still has left the important work of enrolling those women who, while willing to undertake agricultural work, are disinclined to sign up for service, for the duration of the war. Not only have unnumbered voluntary associations achieved miracles in necessary work, but many of them have gained untold discipline in the ridicule they have had to endure from a doubting point. public. I remember hunting in vain all about Oxford Circus for the tucked-away office of the Women's Signalling Corps. My inquiries only made the London Bobby's grin. Everyone laughed at the idea of women's signaling. But today, the members are recognized officially, one holding an important appointment in the College of Wireless Telegraphy, how Scotland Yard smiled at first at Miss Damer Dawson and her women police service. But now the Metropolitan Police are calling for the help of her splendidly trained and reliable force.

And the Women's Reserve Ambulance Corps? I climbed and climbed to an attic to visit their headquarters. There was the Commandant, in her khaki, very gracious, but very upstanding and maintaining the strictest discipline. No member of the Corps entered or left her office without clapping heels together and saluting. The ambulance about which the Corps revolved, I often met in the streets, empty. But those women had vision. They saw that England would need them someday.

They had faith in their ability to serve. So on and on they went, training themselves to higher efficiency in body and mind. And today, while theirs is always the first ambulance on the spot to care for the injured in the air raids, the scoffers have remained to pray. If Britain has a lesson for us, it is an all hail to non-official societies, and encouragement to every idea, a blessing on every effort which has behind it honesty of purpose. Great Britain's activities are as refreshingly diversions. as her talents. They are not all under one hat. In the training for new industrial openings,

the same spirit of non-official service showed itself. In munitions, for instance, private employers were the first to recognize that they had in women workers a labor force worth the cost of training. The best of the skilled men in many cases were told off to give the necessary instruction. The will to do was in the learner. She soon mastered even complex processes, and at the end of a few weeks was doing even better than men in the light work, and achieving commendable output in the heavy. The suffrage organizations, whenever a new line of skilled work was open to women, established well-equipped centers to give the necessary teaching, not until it became apparent that the new labor power only needed training to

reach a high grade of proficiency did county councils establish, at government's expense, technical classes for girls and women. Equipment of the army. was obviously the first and pressing obligation. Fields might lie fallow, for food in the early days could easily be brought from abroad, but men had to be registered, soldiers clothed, and equipped. It was natural then that the new workers were principally used in registration work and in making military supplies. But in the second year of the war came the conviction that the contest was not soon to be ended, and that the matter of raising food at home must be met. Women were again appealed to. A land army mobilized by women was created. At first, this work was carried on

under a centralized division of the National Service Department. But there has been decentralization, and the land army is now a department of the Board of Agriculture. It is headed by Ms. M. Talbot as director. Under this central body are women's agricultural committees in each county, with an organizing secretary whose duty it is to secure full-time recruits. The part-time workers in a locality are obtained by the wife of the squire or vicar acting as a volunteer registrar. Many of these part-time workers register to do the domestic work of the lusty young village housewife or mother while she is absent from home performing her allotted task on a nearby farm. The full-time recruits are not only secured by the organizers, but through registrations at

every post office. Any woman can ask for a registration card and fill it out, and the postmaster then forwards the application to the committee. The next step is that likely applicants are called to the nearest center for examination and presentation of credentials. When finally accepted, they are usually sent for six weeks or three months training to a farm, belonging to some large estate. The landlord contributes to the training, and the government gives the recruit her uniform and 15 shillings a week to cover her board and lodging. At the end of her course, she receives an armlet signifying her rank in the Land Army and is ready to go wherever the authorities send her. The farmer in Great Britain no longer needs to be converted to the value of the new workers.

He knows they can do every kind of farm work as well as men, and are more reliable and conscientious than boys. And he is ready, therefore, to pay the required minimum wage of 18 shillings a week, or above that amount if the rate ruling in the district is higher. Equally well organized is the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, familiarly known as the WAC. The director is Mrs. Chalmers Watson. A would-be whack goes to the center in her county for examination and then is assigned to work at home or somewhere in France, according to training and capacity. She may be fitted as a cook, a storekeeper, a telephone or telegraph operator, or for signaling or salvage work. Let us not say she will supplant a man, but rather set a man free for fuller

service. My niece, a slip of a girl, felt the call of duty at the beginning of the war. Her brothers were early volunteers in Kitchener's Army. They were in the trenches and she longed for the sensation of bearing a burden of hard work. She went to Woolwich Arsenal and toiled 12 hours a day. She broke under the strain, recuperated, and took up munition work again. She became expert and was in time an overseer told off to train other women, but she was never satisfied and always anxious to be nearer the great struggle. She broke away one day and went to Southampton for her.

whack examination, and found herself one of a group of 150 gentlewomen all anxious to enter active service, and all prepared for some definite work. They stood their tests, and Dali, that's the little niece's pet name, given to her because she is so tiny, is now working as an engine fitter, just behind the fighting lines. Dainty Dali, whom we have always treated as a fragile bit of severus china, clad in breeches and puttees, under the booming of the great guns, is fitting patiently, part to part, the beating engine which will lift on wings, some English boy in his flight, through the blue skies of France. But it must not be supposed that the magnificent service of British women devoted, efficient, and well-organized from top to bottom,

realized itself without friction any more than it will here. There were certainly two wars going on in Great Britain for a long time, and the internal strife was little less bitter than the international conflict. The most active center of this contest of which we have heard, so little was an industry, and the combatants were the government, trade unions, and women. The unions were doing battle because of fear of unskilled workers, especially when intelligent and easily trained, the government in sore need of munition hands, was bargaining with the unskilled for long hours and low pay. Finally, the government and the unions reluctantly agreed that women must be employed. Both wanted them to be skillful, but not too skillful,

and above all to remain amenable. It has been made clear, too, that women enter their new positions for the war only. At the end of hostilities, international hostilities, women are to hand over their work and wages to men and go home and be content. Will the program be fulfilled? The wishes of women themselves may play some part. How do they feel? Obviously, every day the war lasts, they get wider experience of the sorrows and pleasures

of financial independence. women are called the practical sex, and I certainly found them in England facing the fact that peace will mean an insufficient number of breadwinners to go around, and that a maimed man may have low earning power. The women I met were not dejected at the prospect. They showed, on the contrary, a spirit not far removed from elation in finding new opportunities of service. After I had sat and listened to speech after speech at the annual conference of the National Union of Women Workers, with delegates from all parts of the country, presided over by Mrs. Creighton, widow of the late Bishop of London, there was no doubt in my mind that British women desired to enter paid

fields of work, and regarded as permanent the great increase in their employment. No regrets or hesitations were expressed in a single speech, and the solutions of the problems inherent in the new situation all lay in the direction of equality of preparation and equality of pay with Men. End of Section 3. Section 4 of Mobilizing Woman Power. This is a Librevox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org, read by Stacey M. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Mobilizing Women in Great Britain, Part 2. The strongest element in the women's trade unions takes the same stand. The great rise in the employment of women is not regarded as a war measure.

And all the suggestions made to meet the hardships of readjustment, such as a minimum wage for all unskilled workers, men as well as women, are based on the idea of the new workers being permanent factors in the labor market. The same conclusion was reached in the report presented to the British Association by the Committee appointed to investigate the replacement of male by female labor. The committee found itself in entire disagreement with the opinion that the increased employment of women was a passing phase, and made recommendations bearing on such measures as improved technical training for girls as well as for boys, a minimum wage for unskilled men as well as women, equal pay for equal work, and the abolition of half-timers. But while it was obvious that the

greatest asset of belligerent nations is the labor of women, while learned societies and organizations of women, laid down rules for their safe and permanent employment, the British government showed marked opposition to the new workers. If the cabinet did not believe the war would be brief, it certainly acted as if Great Britain alone, among the belligerents, would have no shortage of male industrial hands. At a time when Germany had 500,000 women in munition factories, England had but 10,000. There is no doubt that the country was at first organized merely for a spurt. Boys, girls were pressed into service. Wages were cut down for women. Hours lengthened for men. Government reports read like the Shaftesbury attacks on the conditions of early factory days.

We hear again of beds that are never cold, the occupant of one shift, succeeding the occupant of the next, of the boy sleeping in the same bed with two men, and three girls in a cot in the same room. Labor unrest was met at first by the Munitions War Act, prohibiting strikes and lockouts, establishing compulsory arbitration, and suspending all trade union rules, which might hamper production. Under the law, a voluntary army of workers signed up as ready to go anywhere if their labor was needed, and local munition committees became labor courts, endowed with power to change wage rates, to inflict fines on slackers, and on those who broke the agreements of the voluntary army. To meet the threatening rebellion, a health of munition workers committee

under the Ministry of Munitions was appointed to consider and advise on questions of industrial fatigue, hours of labor, and other matters affecting the physical health and physical efficiency of workers in munition factories and workshops. On this committee, there were distinguished medical men, labor experts, members of Parliament, and two women, Ms. R. E. Squire of the factory department, and Mrs. H.J. Tenant. The committee was guided by a desire to have immense quantities of munitions turned out. and faced squarely the probability that the war would be of long duration. Its findings, embodied in a series of memoranda, have lessons for us, not only for wartimes, but for peace times, for all time.

On a seven-day week, the verdict was that if the maximum output is to be secured and maintained for any length of time, a weekly period of rest must be allowed. Overtime was advised against, a double or triple shift being recommended. In July 1916, the committee published a most interesting memorandum on experiments in the relation of output to hours. In one case, the output was increased 8% by reducing the weekly hours from 68 to 59, and it was found that a decrease to 56 hours per week gave the same output as 59. It need hardly be said that there was no change in machinery, tools, raw material, or workers. All elements except hours of work were identical.

27 workers doing very heavy work increased their output 10% by cutting weekly hours from 61 to 55. In a munition plant employing 36,000 hands, it was found that the sick rate ranged from 5 to 8% when the employees were working overtime, and was only 3% when they were on a double shift. The war has forced Great Britain to carry out the findings of this committee and to consider more seriously than ever before, and for both men and women, the problem of

industrial fatigue, the relation of accidents to hours of labor, industrial diseases, housing, transit, and industrial canteens. The munition worker is as important as the soldier, and must have the best of care. While the friction in the ranks of industrial women workers was still far from being adjusted, the government met its Waterloo in the contest with medical women. The service which they freely offered their country was at first sternly refused. Undaunted, they sought recognition outside the mother country. They knew their skill and they knew the soldiers need. They turned to hospitable France and received official recognition. On December 14, 1914, the first hospital at the front under British Medical Women was opened in Abaye Royimont, near Creole.

It carries the official designation Apateluxiliar 301. The doctors, the nurses, the cooks are all women. One of the capable chauffeurs I saw running the ambulance when I was in Creel, she was getting the wounded as they came down from the front. The French government appreciated what the women were doing and urged them to give more help. At Trau, another unit gave the French army its first experience of nursing under canvas. After France had been profiting by the skill of British women for months,

Sir Alfred Keough, Medical Director General, wisely insisted that the war office yield and place a hospital in the hands of women. The war hospital in Endel Street, London, is now under Dr. Flora Murray, and every office, except that of gateman, is filled by women. From the doctors who rank as majors, down to the cooks who rank as non-commissioned officers, everyone connected with Endel Street has military standing. It indicated the long, hard road these women had traveled to secure official recognition, that the doctor who showed me over the hospital told me as a matter for congratulation that at night the police brought in drunken soldiers to be sobered.

Every war hospital must receive them, she explained, and we are glad we are not passed over, for that gives the stamp to our official standing. It was a beautiful autumn day when I visited Endell Street. The great court was full of convalescence, and the orderlies in khaki, with veils floating back from their close-fitting tokes, were carefully and seen. skillfully lifting the wounded from an ambulance. I spoke to one of the soldier boys about the absence of men doctors and orderlies, and his quick query was, and what should we want men for? It seems that they always take that stand after a day or two. At first, the patient is puzzled. He calls the doctor's sister and the orderly nurse, but ends by being an enthusiastic champion of the new order. Not a misogynist did I find. One poor fellow who had been wounded again and again, and had been in many hospitals declared, I don't mean no flattery, but this place leaves

no think wanting. The first woman I met on my last visit to England upset my expectation of finding that war pushed women back into primitive conditions of toil, crushed them under the idea that physical force rules the world, and made them subservient. I chanced upon her as she was acting as ticket puncher at the Yarmouth station. She was well set up, alert, efficient, helpful in giving information, and above all, cheerful. There were two capable young women at the bookstall, too. One had lost a brother at the front, the other her lover. I felt that they regarded their loss as one item in the big national accounting. They were heroically cheerful in doing their bit. Throughout my stay in England, I searched for but could not find the self-effacing spinster of

former days. In her place was a capable woman, bright-eyed, happy. She was occupied and bustled at her work. She jumped on and off moving vehicles with the alertness, if not the unconsciousness, of the expert male. She never let me stand in omnibus or subway, but quickly gave me her seat, as indeed she insisted upon doing for elderly gentlemen as well. The British woman had found herself and her muscles. England was a world of women, women in uniforms. There was the army of nurses, and then the messengers, porters, elevator hands, tram conductors, bank clerks, bookie, shop attendants. They each seem to challenge the humble stranger. Superfluous? Not I. I'm a recruit for national service. Even a woman doing time-honored womanly work moved with an air of distinction.

She dusted a room for the good of her country. Just one glimpse was I given of the old-time daughter of Eve when a ticket collector at reading said, I can't punch your ticket. Don't you see I'm eating an apple? One of the reactions of the wider functioning of brain and muscle, which struck me most forcibly, was the increased joyfulness of women. They were happy in their work, happy in the thought of rendering service, so happy that the poignancy of individual loss was carried more easily. This cheerfulness is somewhat gruesomely voiced in a cartoon in Punch, touching on the allowance given to the soldier's wife. She remarks, This wars Evin 25 shillings a week, and no husband bothering about. We have always credited

punch with knowing England. Truth stands revealed by a thrust, however cynical, when softened by challenging humor. There was no discipline in the pension system. No work was required. The case of a girl I met in a country town was common. She was working in a factory earning 11 shillings a week. A day or two later, I saw her, and she told me she had stopped work, and she had married a soldier, and ease gone to France. And I get 12 and 6 separation allowance a week. Never did the strange English name, separation allowance,

seem more appropriate for the wife's pension than in this girl's story. Little wonder was it that in the early months of the war, there was some riotous living among soldiers' wives. And the comments of women of influence on the drunkenness and waste of money on foolish finery were as striking to me as the sordid condition itself. The woman chairman of a board of poor,

law guardians in the north of England told me that when her fellow members suggested that Parliament ought to appoint committees to disperse the separation allowances, she opposed them with the heroic philosophy that women can be trained in wisdom only by freedom to err, that a sense of responsibility had never been cultivated in them, and the country would have to bear the consequences. In reply to my inquiry as to how the guardians received these theories, I learned that they knew she was right and dropped their point. plan. The faith of leading women that experience would be the best teacher for the soldier's wife has been justified. A labor leader in the Midlands told me that an investigation by his trade union

showed that only 100 women in the 10,000 cases inquired into were misspending their allowances. And when I was visiting a board school in a poor district of London and remarked to the head teacher that the children looked well cared for, she told me that never had they been so well-fed and clothed. There seemed no doubt in her mind that it was best to have the family budget in the hands of the mother. In the sordid surroundings of the mean streets of great cities, there is developing in women practical wisdom and a fine sense of individual responsibility. Perhaps of greater significance than just how separation allowances are being spent is the fact that women have discovered that their work as housewives and mothers has a value recognized by governments in hard

cash. It makes one speculate as to whether wives and the warring nations will step back without a murmur into the old-time dependence on one man, or whether these simple women may contribute valuable ideas towards the working out of sound schemes of motherhood pensions. The women of Great Britain are experiencing economic independence. They are living in an atmosphere of recognition of the value of their work as housewives and mothers. Women leaders in all classes give no indication of regarding pensions or remuneration in gainful pursuits as other than permanent factors in social development. And much of the best thought of men as well as women is centered on group experiments in domestic cooperation, in factory canteens, in municipal

kitchens, which are a natural concomitant to the wider functioning of women. Great Britain is not talking about feminism. It is living it. Perhaps nothing better illustrates the national acceptance of the fact, then the widespread amusement, touched with derision, caused by the story of the caloric gentleman, who, on being asked at the time of one of the government registrations, whether his wife was dependent upon him or not, roared in rage. Well, if my wife isn't dependent on me, I'd like to know what man she is dependent on. Only second to Britain's lesson for us in the self-reliance of its women, and the thorough mobilization of their labor power and executive ability

is its lesson in protection for all industrial workers. It stands as one people against the present enemy and in its effort does not fail to give thought to race conservation for the future. End of Section 4. Section 5 of mobilizing woman power. This is a Librevox recording. All Librevox recordings are in the public domain.

For more information, or to volunteer, please visit LibreVox.org. Read by Amanda Batiano. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch Chapter 4. Mobilizing Women in France Compared with the friction in the mobilization of woman power in Great Britain, the readjustment in the lives of women in France was like the opening out of some harmonious pageant

in full accord with popular sympathy. But who has not said, France is different. It is different, and in nothing more so, than in its attitude towards its women. Without discussion with organizations of men, without hindrance from the government, women build the gaps in the industrial army. It was obvious that the new workers, being unskilled, would need training. The government threw open the technical schools to them. a spirit of hospitality, of helpfulness, a common sense, reigned.

And it was not only in industry that France showed herself wise, I found that the government had cooperated unreservedly with all the philanthropic work of women, and had given them a wide sphere in which they could rise above amateurish effort and carry out plans calling for administrative ability. When the Conséééééé Nacional Defame France, says, inaugurated its work to bring together the scattered families of Belgium and northern France, and when the Association for L'Eight Fraternal to Evacue Alessacian-Lorin began its work

for the dispersed peoples of the provinces, an order was issued by the government to every prefect to furnish lists of all refugees in his district to the headquarters of the women's societies in Paris. It was through this goodwill on the part of the central government that these societies were able to bring together 40,000 Belgian families and to clothe and place in schools or at work the entire dispersed population of the reconquered districts of Alsace-Lorraine. Nor did these societies cease work with the completion of their initial effort. They turned themselves into employment bureaus, and with the aid and sanction of the government, found work for the thousands of women who were thrown out of employment.

They had the machinery to accomplish their object. The Council, being an old established society, organized throughout the country, and the Association to Aid the Refugees from Alsace-Lorhen, a non-partisan name adopted, by the way, at the request of the Minister of the Interior, took over for the moment the patriotic work of the leading suffrage society, had active units in every prefecture.

One of the admirable private philanthropies was the canteen at the Saint-Lazar station in Paris. I am tempted to single it out because its organizer, Countess de Berkheim, told me that in all the months she had been running it, and it was open 24 hours of the day, not a single volunteer had been five minutes late. The canteen was opened in February 1915, with a reading and restroom. 600 soldiers a day have been fed. The two big rooms donated by the railway for the work were charming with their blue and white

chequered curtains, dividing kitchen from restaurant and restroom from reading room. The work is no small monument to the reliability and organising. faculty of French women. It was in France, too, that I found a group of women who realized that the permanent change which the war was making in the relation of women to society needed fundamental handling. Mademoiselle Valentin Thompson, founder of La Vie Feminine, held that not only was the war and economic struggle, and not only must the financial power of the combatants rest on the labor of women, but the future of the future of the war. the nations will largely depend upon the attitude which women take toward their new obligations.

Realizing that business education would be a determining factor in that attitude, Mademoiselle Thompson persuaded her father, who was then Minister of Commerce, to send out an official recommendation to the Chambers of Commerce to open the commercial schools to girls. The advice was very generally followed, but as Paris refused, a great group. group of women, backed by the ministry, founded a school in which were given courses of instruction in the usual business subjects and lectures on finance, commercial law and international trades. Mademoiselle Thompson herself turned her business gift to good use in a successful

effort to build up for the immediate benefit of artists and workers, the dull trade of which France was one supreme mistress. Exhibitions of the art, old and new, were held in many cities in the United States, in South America and in England. The dolls went to the hearts of lovers of beauty, and what promised sure of financial return, to the hearts of the children. To do something for France, that stood first in the minds of the initiators of this commercial project. They knew how people must be employed. And next, the desire to bring back charm to an old art prompted their efforts.

Mademoiselle Thompson fully realizes just what made in Germany signifies. The peoples of the world have had their taste corrupted by floods of the cheap and tawdry. Germany has been steadily educating us to demand quantity, quantity mountains high. There is promised that the doll, at least, will be rescued by France and made worth the child's devotion. In industry, as well as in all else, one feels that. that in France, there has not been so much a revolution as an orderly development. Women were in munition factories even before the war. The number has merely swelled. The women of the upper and lower bourgeois class always knew their husband's business.

The one could manage the shop, the other could bargain with the best of them as to contracts and output. Women were trained as bookkeepers and clerks under Napoleon I. He was trained wanted men as soldiers, and so the creed women should go into business. And the woman of the aristocratic class has merely slipped out of her seclusion, as if putting aside an old-fashioned garment, and now carries on her philanthropies in more serious and co-ordinated manner. We know the practical business experience possessed by French women, and so are prepared to learn that many a big commercial enterprise,

the owner, having gone to the front, is now directed by his capable wife. That is but a development, too, is it not? For we had all heard long ago of Madame Duval, even if we had not eaten at her restaurants. And though we had never bought a ribbon or a carpet at the Bon Marchet, we had heard of the woman who helped break through old merchant habits and give the world the department store. But nothing has been more successful.

significant in its growth during the war, than the small enterprises in which the husband and wife in the domestic munition shop, laboring side by side with a little group of assistance, have been turning out marvels of skill. The man is now in the trenches fighting for France, and the woman takes command and leads the industrial battalion to victory. She knows she fights for France. A word more about her business, for she is playing an evening. She is playing an economic part that brings us up at attention. She may be solving the problem of adjustment of home and work so puzzling to women. There are just such domestic shops doted all over the map of France. In the Paris district alone, there are over 1,800 of them. The conditions are so

excellent and the ruling wage is so high that the minimum wage low passed in 1915 applied only to the sweated homeworkers in the clothing trade, and not to the domestic munitions shops. A commission, which included in its membership, a trade unionist, sent by the British government in the darkest days to find why it was that France could produce so much more ammunition than England, found these tiny workshops with their primitive equipment, performing miracles. The output was huge and of the best. The woman, well, at the head seemed to turn out more than the man. She worked with such undying energy.

The commission said it was the spirit of France that drove the workers forward and renewed the flagging energies. But even the trade unionists refer to the absence of all opposition to women on the part of the organizations of men. Perhaps the spirit of France is undying because in it is a spirit of unity and harmony. It seemed to me there was one very practical explanation of the unmistakable energy of the French worker, both man and woman.

The whole nation has the wise custom of taking mealtime with due seriousness. The break at noon, in the great manufactories, as well as in the family workshop, is long, averaging one hour and a half and reaching often to two hours. The French never gobble, because food is necessary to animal life. They do not, in that account, take a pretenical view of it. They dare enjoy it in spite of its physiological bearing. They sit down to it, dwell upon it, get its flavor, and after the meal, they sit still and, as a nation, permit themselves unabashed to enjoy the sensation of Hungary peace.

That's the common-sense spirit of France. Of course, the worker is unyued, hurls herself on the work again with harder, and losing no time through fatigue, throws off an enormous output. Wages perform their material share in spurring the worker. Louis Bartou says that the woman's average is eight francs a day. Long ago, it seems long ago, she could earn at best five francs in the Paris district. She works on peacework now, getting the same rate as men, and think of it.

This must indeed be, because of the spirit of France, this woman does better than men on the light munition work, and equals, yes, equals, her menfolk on the heavy shells. I do not say this. A commission of men says it. A commission with a trade union member to boot. The coming of the woman worker in the spirit of win the war in her heart, is the same in France as elsewhere.

Only here, her coming is more gracious. Twelve hundred easily take up work on the Paris subway. They are the wives of mobilized employees. The offices of the post, the telegraph and the telephone bristle with women. Of course, for eleven thousand have taken the places of men. Some seven thousand fill up the empty positions on the railway, serving even as conductors on through trains. Their number has swollen to a few.

half million in munitions and to over half that number in powder meals and marine workshops. In civil establishments, over 300,000 rendered service, and even the conservative banking world welcomes the help of some 3,000 women. Out on the land, the tally is greatest of all. Every woman from the village bends over the bosom of France, urging fertility. The government called them in the first hours of the conflict. Viviani spoke the word. The departure of the army of all those who can carry arms leaves the work in the fields undone. The harvest is not yet gathered in. The vintage season is near. In the name of the entire nation united behind it, I make an appeal to your courage and to that of your children whose age alone and not their valor keeps them from the war.

I ask you to keep on the work. in the fields, to finish gathering in the year's harvest, to prepare that of the coming year. You cannot render your country a greater service. It is not for you, but for her, that I appeal to your hearts. You must safeguard your own living, the feeding of the urban populations, and especially the feeding of those who are defending the frontier, as well as the independence of the country, civilisation and justice. Up then, French women, young children. daughters and sons of the country, replaced on the field of work,

those who are on the field of battle. Srive to show them tomorrow, the cultivated soil, the harvest all gathered in, the fields sown. In hours of stress like the present, there is no ignoble work. Everything that helps the country is great.

Up, act, to work. Tomorrow, there will be glory for everyone. Long live the Republic, Long live France. Women instantly responded to the proclamation. Only the old men were left to help. Only decrepit horses rejected by the military requisition. More than once I journeyed far into the country,

but I never saw an able-bodied man. What a gap to be filled. But the French peasant woman filled it. She harvested that first year. She has sowed and garnered season by season ever since. men, horses, machinery were lacking. The debits yearned, but she piled up a credit to meet it by unflagging toil. With equal devotion and with initiative and power of organization, the woman of leisure has carried on the three great societies corresponding with our Red Cross, the Societ de Secours Oblissé, the Union de Femme de France and the Association de Dame Franceses,

established 1,500 hospitals with 115,000 beds and put 43,000 nurses in active service. Efficiency has kept pace with this superb effort, as is testified by many a war cross, many a medal, and the cross of the Legion of Honor. Up to the level of her means, France sets examples in works of human salvage, worthy of the imitation of all nations. The Mary in every arrondissement has become no less than a community centre. The 14 arrondissement in Paris is but the pattern for many. Here, the wife of the mayor, Madame Bruno, has made the stiff old building a human place. The card catalogue, carrying information about every soldier from the district, gives its overwhelming news each day gently to wife or mother.

through the lips of Madame Bruno or her women's assistants. The work of Les Amis des Orphelans de Guerre centers here the adopted child receiving from the good mere the gift in money and presents sent by the Americans who are generously filling the role of parents. The widows of the soldiers gather here for comfort and advice. And the Mary offers a spirit of experiment. It houses not only coroner,

and sympathy, but progress. The 14 has ventured on a cuisine popular under Madame Bruno's wholesome guidance, and so many other arrondissement have followed suit that Paris may be regarded as making great experiments in the municipal feeding of her people. It is not charity, the food is paid for. In the 14,500 persons eat a meal or two at the merry each day. The chart is 75-centim, 15 cents, and one gets a soup, meat and a vegetable and fruit. The world seems to be counselling us that if we wish to be well and cheaply fed, we must go where there are experts to cook, where buying is done in quantity, and where the manager knows about nutritive values.

If a word of praise is extended to the mayor of the 14 arrondissement for his very splendid work, an example to all France, He quickly urges, ah, but Madame Bruno. And so, it is always, if you exclaim, Oh, the spirit of the men of France, and a French man's ears catch your words, he will correct, ah, but the women. And the women do stand above all other women.

They have had such opportunity for heroism. Whose heart does not beat the fastest when the name's Suasson and Madame Machere, are spoken. The mayor and the council gone, she assumes the office and keeps order while German shells fall thick on the town. And then, the enemy enters and asks for the mayor, and she replies, Le Mere, it's me. And then, do we women not like to think of Mademoiselle Deletette, staying at her post in the telegraph office in Hooplein, in spite of German bombardments, and calmly pacing tormentors when they smashed her instruments and threatened her with death. One tenth of France in the enemy's hands and in each village and town some women staying behind to nurse the sick and wounded,

to calm the population when panic threatens, to stand invincible between the people and their conquerors. It is very splendid, the French man holding steady at the front, the French woman, an unyielding second line of the country, defense. But what of France? Words of praise must not swallow our sense of obligation. Let us, with our hundred millions of people, face the figures. The death rate in France, not counting the military loss, is 20 per thousand, with a birth rate of 8 per thousand. In Paris, for the year ending August 1914, there were 48,917 births. In the first, in the first of the year, in the year, The year ending in the same month, 1916, the birth dropped to 26,179.

The total deaths for that year in all France were 1,100,000, and the births 312,000. France is profoundly, infinitely sad. She has cause. I shall never forget, looking into the very depths of her sorrow when I was at Cray. A great drive was in progress. The wounded were being brought down from the front. Troops hurried forward. Four different regiments passed as I sat at Dijunet.

The restaurant, full of its noonday patrons, was a typical French cafe giving on the street. We could have reached out and touched the soldiers. They marched without music, without song, or word. Marched in silence. Some of the men were from this very very, their little sons, with set faces too, walked beside them and had brought them bunches of flowers. The people in the restaurant never spoke above a whisper, and when the troops passed, were as silent

as death. There was no cheer, but just a long, wistful gaze. The soldiers, looking into their eyes, they, into the soldiers. But France can bear her burden, can solve her problem, if we lift our full share of her pants shoulders. Her women can save the children if the older men, relieved by our young soldiers, come back from the trenches, setting women free for the work of child saving. France can rebuild her villages if her supreme architects, her skilled workers, are replaced in the trenches by our armies. France can renew her spirit and save her body If her experts in science

If her poets and artists Are sent back to her And our less great Bear their breasts to the hands End of Section 5 Section 6 of mobilizing woman power This is a Libravox recording All Libravox recordings are in the public domain

For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Read by Leslie Langston. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch Chapter 5. Mobilizing Women in Germany The military mobilization of Germany was no more immediate and effective than the call to arms for women.

On August 1, 1914, the Scyon The Commons went out, and German women were at once part of the smooth-running machine of efficiency. The world says the Kaiser has been preparing for war for 40 years. The world means that he has been preparing the fighting force. The sword and the guns were to be ready. But the military arm of the nation, the German government believes, is but the first line of attack. The people are the second line, and so they too, in all their life activities,

were not forgotten. The military aristocracy has never neglected the function of women in the state. The definition of their function may differ from ours, but that there is a function is recognized,

and it is related to other vital social organs. Slowly through the last half of the 19th century, there had grown up clubs among German women focusing on a definite bit of work or crystallizing about an idea. Germany even had suffrage societies.

Politics, however, were forbidden by the government. Women were not allowed to hang on the fringe of a meeting held to discuss men's politics. But the women of the fatherland were free to pull their ideas in philanthropic and hygienic corners and venture out at times on educational highways. The Frobel societies had many a contest with the government, for to the military mind, The gentle pedagogues theories seemed subversive of discipline as enforced by spurs and bayonets. These clubs, covering every trade and profession, every duty and every aspiration of women, were dotted over the German Empire.

At last they drew together in a federation. The government looked on. It saw a machine created, and believing in thorough organization, no doubt gave thought to the possibilities of the Bund-Deuts-Deutsche-Ferja-Fleged. At the outbreak of the war, Dr. Gertrude Bauman was president of the Bund. She was a leader of great ability, marshalling half a million of women. No other organization was so widespread and well-knit, except perhaps Der Faudelendichet Fraunféin, with its 2,150 branches. It was evangelical and military. The Empress was its patron. Its popular name is the Armée de Kaiserin. There the two great

national societies stood, one aristocratic, the other democratic, one appealing to the ruling class, the other holding in bonds of fellowship, the rich and the poor, the urban and the rural, the professional and the industrial woman. Every belligerent president or premier has faced exactly the same perplexity. What woman, what society, is to be recognized as leader? The question has brought beads of perspiration to the foreheads of statesmen. France solved the difficulty urbanely. It said yes to each and all.

It promised cooperation and kept the promise by affably, always affably and hospitably, accepting this service from one society, and suggesting another pressing need to its competitor, it sorted out capabilities and warded off duplication. Perhaps this did not bring the fullest efficiency, but the loss was more than made up, no doubt, by a free field for initiative.

Britain ignored all existing organizations of women, and after a year and a half of puzzlement, created a separate government department for their mobilization. America struck out still another course. It took the heads of several national societies, bound them in one committee to which it gave, perhaps with the idea of avoiding any danger of friction, neither power nor funds.

Germany faced the same critical moment for decision. The government wanted efficient use of woman power on the land, in the factory, in the home, and that quickly. It made use of the best existing machinery. Dr. Gertrude Bauma visited the Ministerium des Inern, and on August 1, she issued a call for the mobilization of women for service to the fatherland in the Nacionale Frowendins. Under the egos of the government,

with the national treasury behind her, Dr. Bauma summoned the women of the empire. By order, every woman and every organization of women, was to fall in line under the Frowendienst in each village and city for the duration of the war. In each Army district, the government appointed a woman as directress, and by order to town and provincial authorities, made the Frowendines part of local executive affairs. Among the immediate duties laid upon the Frowendienst by the authorities

was the task of registering all needy persons, of providing cheap eating places, opening workrooms, and setting up nurseries for children, especially for those who were motherless and those whose fathers had fallen at the front and whose mothers were in some gainful pursuit. With these duties went the administrative service of cooperating with the government in keeping up an even supply of foodstuffs and controlling the buying and selling of food. Germany anticipated, as did no other belligerent, the unemployment which would follow a declaration of war, and prepared to meet the condition. A great deal of army work, such as tent-sewing, belts for cartridges, bread sacks, and sheets for hospitals,

was made immediately available for the women thrown out of the luxury trades. In the first month of the war, the Frowendienst opened workrooms in all great centers. machinery was installed by magic, and through the six workrooms in Berlin alone, 23,000 women were given paid employment in one week. Such efforts could not, of course, absorb the surplus labor, for unemployment was very great. 80% of the women's hatmakers and milliners were out of work, 72% of the workers in glass, and 58% in China. The Fraundienst investigated two.

255,000 needy cases, and in Berlin alone found 60,000 women who had lost their employment. Charity had to render help. Here again, it is an example of the alertness of the organization and its close connection with the government, that the Berlin magistracy deputed to 23 Hilfskimoszjonen from the Fraundienst, the work of giving advice and charity relief to the unemployed. Knitting rooms were opened, clothing depots, mending rooms, where donated clothing was repaired, and in one month 56,000 orders for milk, 500,000 for bread, and 300,000 for meals were distributed for the city authorities. The adjustment to war requirements went on more quickly in Germany than any other country. Before a year had passed, the surplus hands had been

absorbed and a shortage of labor power was beginning to be felt. And now opens the war drama set with the same scene everywhere. Women hurry forward to take up the burden laid down by men, and to assume the new occupations made necessary by the organization of the world for military conflict. To tell of Germany is merely to speak in bigger numbers. Women in munitions? Of course, well over the million mark. Trolley conductors? Of course, 600 in Berlin alone

before the first Christmas. Women are making the fuses, fashioning the big shells, and at the same heavy machines used by the men. That speaks volumes, the same heavy machines. Great Britain and France

have in every case introduced lighter machinery for their women. But whatever the conditions, In Germany, the women are handling high explosives, sewing heavy saddlery, operating the heaviest drill machines. Women have been put on the hardest jobs hitherto filled by men. In the German Luxembourg Mining and Furnace Company at Diffadengen, they are found doing the work at the slag and blast furnaces, which had always required men of great endurance. They work on the same shifts as the men, received the

same pay, but are not worked overtime because they must go home and perform their domestic duties. One feels the weight of the German system. Patient women shoulder double burdens. They always did. In the post and telegraph department, there is an army of 50,000 women. The telephone service is directly in their hands and running more smoothly than formerly. Dr. Keita Schumacher declares comfortingly in the Kriegsfrau that one must not forget that these women know many important bits of information and keep silent. Women have learned to keep a secret. 180 nurses, experts with the X-ray, were in the front-line dressing stations in the early days of the war, and before a week of conflict had passed, women were in the field post.

and Frau Rimer, organizer of official chauffeurs, was on the western line of attack. Agriculture claims more women than any occupation in Germany. They were always on the farm. Perhaps they are happier there now since they themselves are in command. It is said that the peasants work in the boots and trousers of their husbands and ride in the saddle.

War has liberated women from the collar and put them on horseback. But strangest and most unexpected of all is the professional and administrative use of women. The government has sent women architects and interior decorators to plan and carry through reconstruction work. Over a hundred, to be exact,

116 at last accounts, have taken the places of men in administrative departments connected with the railways. Many widows who have shown capacity have been put in government positions of importance formerly held by their husbands. Women have become farm managers, superintendents of dairy industries,

and representatives of landed proprietors. The disseminating of all instruction and information for women on war economies was delegated to the League of Women's Domestic Science Clubs. The Berlin course was held in no less a place than the Abjord Nettenhouse, and the Heron House opened its doors wide on rural Women's Day when Agricultural Week was held at the capital. When the full history of the war comes to be written, no doubt one reason for Germany's marvelous power to stand so long against the world

will be found in her use of every brain and muscle of the nation. This has been for her no exclusive war, her entire people to their last ounce of energy have been engaged. And this supreme service on the part of German women seeks democratic expression. From them comes the clearest, bravest word that has reached us across the border. The most hopeful sign is this manifesto from the suffrage organizations to the government. Up to the present, Germany has stood in the lowest, ranks of nations as regards women's rights. In most civilized lands, women already have been given a large share in public affairs. German women have been granted nothing except within the most

insignificant limits. In New Zealand, Australia, and most American states, and even before the war in Finland and Norway, they had been given political rights. Today, Sweden, Russia, and many other countries give them a full or limited franchise. The war has brought a full victory to the women of England, Canada, Russia, and Denmark, and large concessions are with in sight in France, Holland, and Hungary. Among us Germans, not only the national but even the commercial franchise, is denied, and even a share in the industrial and commercial courts. In the demand for the democratization of German public life, our legislators do not seem to even admit the existence of women.

But during the war, the cooperation of women in public life has unostentatiously grown from year to year until today, the number of women engaged in various callings in Germany exceeds the number of men. The work they are doing includes all spheres of male activity. Without them, it would no longer be possible to support the economic life of the people.

Women have done their full share in the work of the community. Does not this performance of duty involve the right to share in the building up and extension of the social order? The women protest this lack of political right, in virtue both of their work for the community and of their work as human beings.

They demand political equality with men. They demand the direct, equal, and secret franchise for all legislative bodies, full equality in the communes and in legal representation of their interests. This first joint pronouncement on women's demands will be followed by others until the victory of our cause is won.

End of Section 6. Section 7 of Mobilizing Woman Power. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Chapter 6. Women Over the Top in America, Part 1

American Women Have Begun to Go Over the Top of America, Part 1. American Women have begun to go over the top. the top. They are going up the scaling ladder and out into all man's land. Perhaps love of adventure tempts them, perhaps love of money, or a fine spirit of service. But whatever the propelling motive, we are seeing them make the venture. There is nothing new in our day in a woman's being paid for her work, some of it. But she has never before been seen in America employed, for instance, as a section hand on a railway. The gangs are few and small as yet, but there the women are big and strong specimens of foreign birth. They trim the ballast and wield the heavy

tamping tool with zest. They certainly have muscles, and are tempted to use them vigorously at $3 a day. In the machine shops, where more skilled and strength is called for, the American element with its quick wits and deft fingers predominates. Young women are working at the lathe with so much precision and accuracy that solicitude as to what would become of the world if all its men marched off to war is, in a measure, assuaged. In the push and drive of the industrial world, women are handling dangerous chemicals

in making flashlights and TNT for high-explosive shells. The American College Girl is not, as yet, transmuting her prowess of the athletic field into work on the anvil, as is the university woman in England, but she has demonstrated her manual strength and skill on the farm with plow and harrow. Women and girls answer our call for messenger service, and their intelligence and courtesy are an improvement upon the manners of the young barbarians of the race. Women operate elevators, lifting us with safety to the seventh heaven, or plunging us with precision to the depths. There were those at first who refused to entrust their lives to such frail hands,

and there are still some who look concerned when they see a woman at the lever. But on the whole, the elevator girl has gained the confidence of her public, and has gained it by skill, not by feminine wiles, for even men won't shoot into space with a woman at the helm whose sole equipment is charm. With need of less skill than the elevator operator, but more patient, and tact in managing human nature, the woman conductor is getting her patrons into line. We are still a little embarrassed in her presence. We try not to stare at the well-set-up woman in her sensible uniform, while she, on her part, tries to look unconscious, and with much dignity accomplishes the common aim much more successfully than do we. She is so attentive to her duties,

so courteous and withal so calm and serious that I hope she will abide with us longer than the duration of the war. In short, America is witnessing the beginning of a great industrial and social change, and even those who regard the situation as temporary, cannot doubt that the experience will have important reactions. The development is more advanced than it was in Great Britain at a corresponding time, for even before the United States entered the conflict, women were being recruited in war industries. They have opened up every line of service. There is not an occupation in which a woman is not found. When men go a warring, women go to work. A distinguished general at the end of the Cuban war, enlarging upon the poet's idea of woman's weeping role in wartime, said, in a public speech,

When the country called, women put guns in the hands of their soldier boys and bravely sent them away. After the goodbyes were said, there was nothing for these women to do but to go back and wait, wait, wait. The excitement of battle was not for them. It was simply a season of anxiety and heart-rending inactivity. Now the fact is, when a great call to arms is sounded for the men of a nation, women enlist in the industrial army. If women did indeed sit at home and weep, the enemy would soon conquer. The dull census tells the thrilling story. Before our civil war, women were found in less than a hundred trades,

at its close in over 400. The census of 1860 gives 285,000 women in gainful pursuits, that of 1870, 1,836,000. Of the transvaal at war, this story, was told to me by an English officer. He led a small band of soldiers down into the boar country, on the north from Rhodesia, as far as he dared. He did not see a man, even boys' as young as 15 had joined the army, but at the post of economic duties stood the boar woman. She was tending the herds and carrying on all the work of the farm. She was the base of supplies. That was why the British

finally put her in a concentration camp. Her man could not be beaten with her at his back. War compels women to work. That is one of its merits. Women are forced to use body and mind. They are not, cannot be idlers. Perhaps that is the reason military nations hold sway so long. Their reign continues not because they draw strength from the conquered nation, but because their women are roused to exertion. Active mothers ensure a virile race. The peaceful nation, if its women fall victims to the luxury which rapidly increasing wealth brings, will decay. If there come no spiritual awakening, no sense of responsibility of service, then perhaps war alone can save it. The routing of idleness and ease by compulsory labor is the good, counterbalancing some of the evil.

The rapidly increasing employment of women today, then, is the usual and happy accompaniment of war. But the development has its opponents, and that is nothing new either. Let us look them over, one by one. The most mischievous objector is the person, oftenest a woman, who says, the war will be short, and fundamental changes, therefore, should not be made. This agreeable prophecy does not spring from a heartening belief in victory, but only from the procrastinating attitude, why get ready? To prepare for anything less certain than death seems folly to many of the sex, overtrained in patient waiting. Then there is the official who constantly sees the seamy side of industrial life, and who concludes, we can scarcely blame him, that it would be well if women were

excluded entirely from factory life. The bad condition of industrial surroundings bulks large in his mind, and the value of organized work to us mortals bulk small. We are all too inclined to forget that the need for work cannot be eliminated, but the unhealthy process in a dangerous trade can. Clean up the factory, rather than clean out the women, is a sound slogan. And then comes the objector who is exercised as to the the effect of paid work upon woman's charm. Solicitude on this score is often buried in a woman's heart. It was a woman, the owner of a large estate, who, when proposing to employ women, asked how many men she would have to hire in addition to dig, plow, and do all the hard work. On learning

that the college units do everything on a farm, she queried anxiously, but what about their corsets? To the explanation, they don't wear any, came the regret. What a pity to make themselves so unattractive. I have heard fear expressed, too, lest sex attraction be lost through work on army hats, the machinery being noisy and the operative if she talk, running the danger of acquiring a sharp, high voice. One could but wonder if most American women work on army hats. Among the women actually employed, I have found, without exception, a fine spirit of service. So many of them have a friend or brother over there that backing up the boys makes a strong personal appeal. But some of the women who have left factory life behind are adopting

an attitude towards the present industrial situation as lacking in vision as in patriotism. Throughout a long discussion in which some of these women participated, I was able to follow and get their point of view. To them, a woman acting as a messenger, an elevator operator, or a trolley conductor was anethma, and the tempting of women into these employments seemed but the latest, vicious trick of the capitalist. The conductor in her becoming uniform was most reprehensible, and her evidence satisfaction in her job suggested to her critics that she was merely trying to play a melodramatic part as a war hero. In any case, the conductor's occupation was one no woman should be in, crowded and pushed about as she is.

It was puzzling to know why it was regarded as right for a woman to pay five cents and be pushed, and unbecoming for another woman to be paid $18.90 a week and run the risk of a jolt when stepping outside her barrier. But the ideals of yesterday fail to make their appeal. It is not the psychological moment to urge, on the ground of comfort, the woman's right to protection. The contrast between the trenches and the streetcar or factory is too striking. But it is, however, the exact moment to plead for better care of workers, both women and men, because their health and skill are as necessary in attaining the national aim as the soldier's prowess and well-being. It is the time to advocate the protection of the

worker from long hours, because the experience of Europe has proved that a greater and better output is achieved when a short day is strictly adhered to, when the weekly half-holiday is enjoyed, and Sunday rest respected. The United States is behind other great industrial countries and legal protection for the workers. War requirements may force us to see, in the health of the worker, the greatest of national assets. Meanwhile, whether approved or not, the American American woman is going over the top. 400 and more are busy on airplanes at the Curtis works. The manager of a munition shop where today but 50 women are employed

is putting up a dormitory to accommodate 500, an index of expectation. 5,000 are employed by the Remington Arms Company at Bridgeport. At the International Arms and Fuse Company at Bloomfield, New Jersey, 2,800 are employed. the day i visited the place in one of the largest shops women had only just been put on the work but it was expected that in less than a month they would be found handling all of the twelve hundred machines under that one roof alone the skill of the women staggers one after a week or two they master the operations on the turret gauging and routing machines the best worker on the facing machine is a woman she is a peace worker as many of the women are and is paid at the same rate as men. This woman earned, the day I saw her, five dollars and forty cents. She tossed about the fuse parts and played with the machine as I would with a baby. Perhaps it was in somewhat the same spirit. She seemed to love her toy.

Most of the testers and inspectors are women. They measure the parts step by step and weigh the completed fuse, carrying off the palm for reliability. The manager put it, for inspection, the women are more conscientious than men. They don't measure or weigh just one piece, shoving along a half-dozen untouched and let it go with that. They test each. That did not surprise me, but I was not prepared to hear that the women do not have so many accidents as men, or break the machine so often. In explanation, the manager threw over an imaginary lever with vigor sufficient to shake the factory. Men put their whole strength on.

Women are more gentle and patient. End of Section 7. Section 8 of Mobilizing Woman Power. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Chapter 6.

Women Over the Top in America. nor are the railways neglecting to fill up gaps in their working force with women. The Pennsylvania Road, it is said, has recruited some 700 of them. In the Erie Railroad, women are not only engaged as work classifiers in the locomotive clerical department, but hardy Polish women are employed in the car repair shops. They move great wheels as if possessed of the strength of Hercules. And in the locomotive shops, I found women working on drill press machines with ease and skill. Just as I came up to one operator, she lifted an engine truck box to the table and started

drilling out the studs. She had been at the work only a month and explained her skill by the information that she was Swedish and had always worked with her husband in their auto repair shop. All the other drill press hands and the shapers too were Americans whose husbands, old employees, were now over there. Not one seemed to have any sense of the unusual. Even the little blonde check clerk seated in her booth at the gates of the works with her brass discs about her had, in a few months' time, changed a revolution into an established custom. She and the disc seemed old friends. Women are adaptable. But everywhere I gathered the impression that the men are a bit uneasy. A foreman in one factory pointed out a man who would not have voted for suffrage had he guessed that women were to

rush in and gobble everything up. I tried to make him see that it wasn't the vote that gave the voracious appetite, but necessity or desire to serve. And in any case, women do not push men out, they push them up. In not a single instance did I hear of a man being turned off to make a place for a woman. He had left his job to go into the army, or was advanced to heavier or more skilled work. As to how many women have supplanted men or poured into the new war industries, no figures are available. One guess has put it at a million, but that is merely a guess. I have seen them by the tens, the hundreds, the thousands. The number is large and rapidly increasing. We may know that something important is happening when even the government takes note.

The United States Labor Department has recognized the newcomers by establishing a division of women's work with branches in every state. It looks as if these bureaus of employment would not be idle, with a showing of 1,500 applicants the first week the New York office was opened. It is to be hoped that this government effort will save the round pegs from getting into the square holes. But even the round peg in the round hole brings difficulties. When Adam Smith asserted that, of all sorts of luggage, man was the most difficult to move, he forgot woman. The instant women are carried into a new industry, they bring with them puzzling problems. Where shall we put their coats and picture hats? How shall we cover up their hair? What shall we feed them with? They must have lockers and restrooms, caps and overalls, and above all, canteens.

The munition workers, the conductors, in fact, all women in active work get prodigiously hungry. They have made a regiment of dietitians think about calories. Here is what one of the street railways in New York City offered them on a given day. Tomato soup, 10 cents, or with an order, 5 cents. Roast like a veal, 16 cents. Beef, 16 cents. Lamb fricacy, 16 cents. Ham steak, 16 cents.

Liver and onions, 16 cents. Sirloin steak, 30 cents. Small steak, 20 cents. Ham and eggs, 20 cents. Ham omelet, 20 cents. Regular dinner. Soup, meat, vegetable, dessert, coffee, 25 cents. Rice pudding, 5 cents.

Pie, 5 cents. Cake, 5 cents. Banana or orange, 5 cents. The canteen is open every hour of the 24, and the women conductors at the end of each run usually take a bite, and then have a substantial meal during the long break of an hour and a half in the middle of the 10-hour day. Another problem brought to us by women in industry is, how can we house them? The war industries have drawn large numbers to new centers. The haphazard accommodation which men put up with won't satisfy women.

They demand more and get more. To attract the best type of women, the munition plants are putting up dormitories to accommodate hundreds of workers and are making their plants more attractive, with restrooms and hospital accommodation. Take, for instance, the Briggs and Stratton Company, which, in order to draw high-grade workers, built its new factory in one of the best sections of Milwaukee. The workrooms are as clean as the proverbial Dutchwoman's doorstep. From the top of the benches to the ceiling, the walls are glass to ensure daylight in every corner, and by night the system of indirect lighting gives such perfectly diffused light that not a heavy shadow falls anywhere.

And the hospital room and nurse, well, one would rejoice to have an accident daily. The factory may become the exemplar for the home. The professional woman is going over the top, and with a good opinion of herself. I can do this work better than any man, was the announcement made by a young woman from the Pacific coast as she descended upon the city hall in an eastern town, credentials in her hand, and asked for the position of city chemist. There was not a microbe she did not know to its undoing, or a deadly poison she could not bring from its hiding place. The town had suffered from graft, and the mayor, thinking a woman might scare the thieves as well as the bacteria, a

appointed the chemist who believed in herself, and she is just one of many who have been taking up such work. Formerly, two-thirds of the positions filled by the New York Intercollegiate Bureau of Occupations were secretarial or teaching positions. Now three-fourths of its applicants have been placed as physicists, chemists, office managers, sanitary experts, exhibit secretaries, and the like. The temporary positions used to outnumber the permanent placements. At present, the reverse is true. Of the women placed, four times as many as formerly get salaries ranging above $1,800 a year. The story told at the Employment Bureau's in connection with professional societies and clubs, such as the Chemist's Club, is the same.

Women are being placed not merely as teachers of chemistry or as routine laboratory workers in hospitals, but also as experimental and control chemists in industrial plants. In the great rolling mills they are testing steel. At the copper smelters, they are found in the laboratories. The government has thrown doors wide open to college-trained women. They are physicists and chemists in the United States Bureau of Standards, Mines, and Soils, Sanitary experts in military camps, research chemists in animal nutrition, and fertilizers at state experiment stations. But the industrial barrier is the one most recently scaled. Women are now found as analytical, research, or control chemists in the canneries, in dye and electrical works, in flower and paper mills, in insecticide companies, and cement works.

They test the steel that will carry us safely on our journeys. They pass upon the chemical composition of the flavor in our cake. As heads of departments in metal refining companies, they determine the kind of copper battery we shall use, and they have a finger in our liquid glues, household oils, and polishes. And the awakened spirit of social responsibility has opened new callings. The college woman not only is beginning to fill welfare positions inside the factory, but is acting as protective officer in town's near military camps. Perhaps one of the newest and most interesting positions is that of Employment Secretary.

The losing of employees has become so serious and general that big industries have engaged women who devote their time to looking up absentees and finding out why each worker left. And so we see, on all hands, women breaking through the old accustomed bounds. Not only as workers, but as voters the war has called women over the top. Since that fateful August 1914, four provinces of Canada and the Dominion itself have raised the banner of votes for women. Nevada and Montana declared for suffrage before the war was four months old, and Denmark enfranchised its women before the year was out. And when America went forth to fight for democracy abroad, Arkansas, Michigan, Vermont, Nebraska, North Dakota, Rhode Island,

began to lay the foundations of freedom at home, and New York, in no faltering voice, proclaimed full liberty for all its people. Lastly, Great Britain has enfranchised its women, and surely the Congress of the United States will not lag behind the mother of parliaments. The world is facing changes as great as the breaking up of the feudal system. Causes as fundamental, more widespread, and more cataclysmic are at work than at the end of the Middle Ages. Among the changes, none is more marked than the intensified development in what one may call, for lack of a better term, the woman movement. The advance and political freedom has moved steadily forward during the past quarter of a century, but in the last three years, progress has been intense and striking.

The peculiarity in attainment of political democracy for women has lain in the fact that, while for men economic freedom invariably preceded political enfranchisement, in the case of Women, the conferring of the vote in no single case was related to the stage which the enfranchised group had attained in the matter of economic independence. Nowhere were even those women who were entirely lacking in economic freedom excluded on that account for many extension of suffrage. Even in discussions of the right of suffrage, no reference has ever been made in dealing with women's claim to the relation, universally recognized in the case of men,

of political enfranchisement to economic status. Serfdom gave way to the wage system before democracy developed for men, and the colored man was emancipated before he was enfranchised. For this reason, the coming of women as paid workers over the top may be regarded as epic-making. In any case, self-determination is certainly a strong element in attaining any real political freedom. Complete service to their country,

in this crisis may lead women to that economic freedom which will change a political possession into a political power. But the requirement is readiness to do and to do well the task which offers. Manpower must give itself unreservedly at the front. Women must show not only eagerness but fitness to substitute for manpower. It will hearten the nation, help to make the path clear if individual women declare that, though the call to them has not yet come for a definite service, the time of waiting will not be spent in compliant, nor yet in foolish busyness, but in careful and conscientious training for useful work. Each woman must prepare so that when the nation's need arises, she can stand at salute and

say, here is your servant, trained and ready. Women are not driven over the top. Through self-discipline, they go over and of their own accord. End of Section 8. Section 9 of Mobilizing Woman Power. This is a Laborvox recording. All Labor Vox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibraVox.org. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch.

Eve's Pay Envelope. No woman is a cross between an angel and a goose. She is a very human creature. She has many of man's sins and some virtues of her own. Moving up from slavery through all the various forms of serfdom, attachment to the soil, confinement to a given trade, exclusion from citizenship, payment and kind, on to full economic freedom, men have shown definite reactions at each step. Women respond to the same stimuli. The free man is a better worker than slave or serf. So is the free woman.

All the old jibes at her ineptitudes have broken their points against the actualities of her ability as a wage worker. The free man is more alert to obligation, more conscientious in performance than the bond servant. So is the free woman. With pay envelope or pension, Eve is a better helpmate and mother than ever before. The free man carries a lighter heart than the villain. So does the free woman. Men have always borne personal grief more easily than women. Observers remarked the fact. The reason is the same, an absorbing occupation, ordered and regarded as important,

which brings a return allowing the recipient to patronize what he or she thinks wise. That brings happiness, not boisterous, but dignified. It may be a Holocaust, through which Eve gains that pay envelope, but the material possession brings gratification nevertheless. It is a tiny straw showing the set of the wind that leisure-class British women, however large their unearned bank account, show no reluctance to accept pay for their work, and full responsibility and their new position of employee.

women are supposed to have liked to serve for mere love of service, for love of child, love of husband. There is, of course, many a subtle relation which can't be weighed and paid for, but toil, even for one's very own hearthstone, can be valued in hard cash. The daughters of Eve, no less than the sons of Adam, react happily to a recognition that expresses itself in a fair wage. The verdict comes from all sides that women were never more content. Of course they are content. The weight of suppression is being lifted. For many, their drudgery is for the first time paid for. Is not that invigorating? The pay envelope is equal to that of men. Is not that a new experience giving self-respect? Eve often finds her pay envelope heavier than that of the man working at her side. Right there in her hand then, she holds proof that the old prejudice against her as an inferior

worker is ill-founded. Women are finding themselves. Even America's Eve discovers that pains and aches are not woman's lot. She is under no curse in the 20th century. With $18 a week for ringing up fairs, and a possible 35 for facing fuse parts, nothing can persuade her to be poor-spirited. She radiates the atmosphere, I am needed. Doors fly open to her. She is welcome everywhere. No one seems to be able to get too many of her kind. Politicians compete for her favor. employers quarrel over her. It makes her breathe deep to have the Secretary of the Navy summon her to the United States arsenals, pay her for her work, and call her a patriot. And with the pay envelope, women remain clearly human. Their purchases often reflect past denials,

rather than present needs or even tastes. When set free, one always buys what the days of dependence deprived one of. One of Boston's leading merchants told me that Selfridge in London was selling more jaunty ready to wear dresses than ever before. It was part of John Bull's discipline in antebellum dependent days to keep his women folk Dowdy. The Lancashire Lass with head shawl and patents, the wearer of the universal sailor hat, in these days of independence and pounds, shillings, and pence are taking note of the shop windows, and John is not turning his eyes away from his womenfolk in their day of self-determination.

but it is not to be concluded that it is all beer and skittles for Eve. With a pay envelope and a vote come responsibilities, public sympathy has backed up laws cutting down long hours of work for women. The trade unions, with a thought to possible competitors, have favored protecting them from night work. Has Eve been a bit sort of, spoiled? Has she let herself too easily be classed with children and allowed a line to be drawn between men and women in industry? Is it a bit of woman's proverbial logic to demand special

protection and at the same time insist upon equal pay for equal work? The hopelessness of attaining the promise of the slogan is well illustrated in the case of a gray hair woman I once met in a London printing shop. In her early days, she had been one of the women taken on by the famous printing firm of McCorkidale. This was before protective legislation applied to women. She became a highly skilled printer, earning more than any man in the shop. When there was pressure of work, she was always one of the group of experts chosen to carry through the rush order. That meant on occasion, overtime, or night work. Then she went on to tell me how her skill was checked in her very prime. Regulations as to women's labor were gradually

fixed in the law. All the printers in the shop, she said, favored the laws limiting her freedom, but not theirs. Soon her wages reflected the contrast. Her employer called her to his office one day and explained, I cannot afford to pay you as much as the men any longer. You are not worth as much to me, not being able to work Saturday afternoon at night or overtime. She was put on lower grade work and her pay envelope grew slight. This woman was not discussing the value of shorter working hours. She was pointing out that equal pay cannot rule for an entire group of workers when restrictions apply to part of the group and not to the whole body. We meet here not a theory, but an incontrovertible fact. Pay is not equal.

and cannot be where conditions are wholly unequal. Protection for the woman worker means exactly what it would mean for the alien man if by law he were forbidden to work Saturday afternoon, overtime or at night, while the citizen worker was without restriction. The alien would be cut off from advancement in every trade in which he did not, by overwhelming numbers, dominate the situation. He would be kept to lower grade processes. He would receive much lower pay than the unprotected worker. What common sense would lead us to expect in the hypothetical case of an alien man has happened for the woman worker. Oddly enough, she has not herself asked for this protection, but it has been urged very largely by women not of the industrial class.

Women teachers, doctors, lawyers, women of leisure are the advocates of special legislation for industrial women, and yet in their own case, they are entirely reasonable and ask no favors. The woman teacher, and quite truly, insists that she, works as hard and as long hours as the man in her grade of service, and on that sound foundation, she builds her just demand for equal pay. Women doctors and lawyers have never asked for other than a square deal in their professions. It would be well, perhaps, if industrial women were permitted to guide their own ship. They have knowledge enough to reach a safe harbor. There was was a hint that they were about to assume the helm when the rank and file of union workers voted down

at the conference of the Women's Trade Union League, the resolution proposing a law to forbid women acting as conductors. It was also suggestive when a woman rose and asked of the speaker on dangerous trades whether men did not suffer from exposure to fumes, acid, and dust. Women Men have so long been urging that they are people, that they have forgotten, perchance, that men are people also. Men respond to rest and recreation, as to human beings of the opposite sex. All workers need, and both sexes should have protection. But if only one sex in industrial life can have bulwarks thrown up about it, men should be the favored ones just now. They are few. They are precious. They should be wrapped in cotton wool.

The industrial woman should stand unqualifiedly for the exclusion of children from gainful pursuits. Many years ago, the British government had Miss Collette, one of the labor correspondence of the Board of trade, make a special study of the influence of the employment of married women on infant mortality. The object was to prove that there was direct cause and effect. The investigator, after an exhaustive study covering many industrial centers, brought back the report, not proven. But the statistics showed one most interesting relation. In districts where the prevailing custom permitted the employment of children as early as the law allowed, infant mortality was high, and in districts where few children were employed, infant mortality was low.

No explanation of this striking revelation was made in the report, but many who commented on the tables pointed out that the widespread employment, of the population in its early years, sapped the vitality of the community to such an extent that its offspring were weakened. In other words, the employment of the immature child, more than the employment of that child when grown and married,

works harm to the race. The woman with a pay envelope must not then be willing to swell the family budget, by turning her children into the wage market. For if she does, she creates a dangerous competitor for herself and puts in certain jeopardy the virility of her nation. But in this wartime, women have secured more than new and larger pay envelopes, for each belligerent has reckoned up the woman's worth as mother in coin of the realm.

It is enough to turn Eve's head. Pay and pensions accorded her all at once. Allowances to dependents are more, however, than financial expedients. They are part of the psychological stage setting of the Great War. The fighting man must be more than well-fed, well-clothed, well-equipped, more than assured of care if ill or wounded, he must have his mind undisturbed by conditions at home. Governments now know that there must be no just cause for complaint in the family at the rear if the man at the front is to be fully effective.

In the interest of the fighting line, governments dare not leave the home to the haphazard care of charity. And so the great belligerents have adopted systems for an uninterrupted flow of money aid to the hearthstone. The wife feels dependence on the nation for which she and her man are making sacrifices. The soldier has a sense of closer relationship with the country's cause for which he fights. Content at home and sense of gratitude in the trenches build up loyal to. everywhere. The state allowance answers an economic want and a psychological necessity. It is part of our national lack of technique that we were slow to make provision for the dependence of enlisted men, and even then were not wholehearted. It may have been our inherited

distrust of the conscript that led us to feel that only by his volunteering something will a precious antidote be administered to the spirit of the drafted man. To protect his individualism from taint, the United States soldier must bear part of the financial burden. Europe, on the other hand, is working on a basis of reciprocity. The nation exacts service from the man and gives complete service to his dependence. In America, the man is bound to serve the community, but the community is not bound to serve him. And yet, in our case, there is peculiar need of this even exchange of obligations. The care of parents in the United States falls directly upon their children, while some of our allies had, even before the war,

carefully devised laws regulating pensions to the aged. But first, let us get the simple skeleton of the various allowance laws in mind. The scale of the allowance in different countries adapts itself to national standards and varying cost of living. The Canadian allowance seems the most generous. At least one half of the soldier's pay is given directly to his dependence. The government gives an additional $20 and the donation of the soldiers' pay is given directly to his dependents. The government gives an additional $20, and the donation of the patriotic fund bring up the monthly allowance of a wife with three children to $60. The allowance, as might be expected, is low in Italy. The soldier's wife gets eight-tenths of a lira a day, each child four-tenths lira, and either a father or mother alone,

8 tenths lira, or if both are living, one and three-tenths lira together. The British allowance is much higher, the wife getting 12 shillings and 6 pence a week. If she has one child, the weekly allowance rises to 19 and 6 pence. If two children, to 24 and 6 pence. If 3 to 28 shillings, and if there are 4 or 4. or more children, the mother receives three shillings a week for each extra child. Between the extremes of Italy and England stands France. The wife receiving one franc 25 centimes a day, each child under 16 years of age, 25 centimes, and a dependent parent 75 centimes.

Japan grants no government allowance. A Japanese official, in response to my inquiry, wrote, Relations, the first and friends, the next try to help the dependence as far as possible. But if they have neither relatives nor friends who have sufficient means to help them, then the association consisting of ladies or the municipal officials afford subvention to them. under the law passed by Congress in October 1917, an American private receiving $33 a month when on service abroad must allot $15 a month to his wife, and the government adds to this $25, and if there is one child, an additional $10, with $5 for each additional child. secure an allowance from the government of $10 a month to a dependent parent, if he allots $5 a month. Such are the bare bones of the allowance schemes of the Allies on the Western Front. In the United States,

the general policy of exemption boards, as suggested by the central authorities, is most disciplinary as regards women. Their capacity for self-support is rigidly inquired. into. Our men are definitely urging women to a position of economic independence. The aim is, while securing soldiers for the army, to relieve the government of the expense of dependency on the part of women. There is no doubt that our men, at least, are faced toward the future. No less indicative is it of a new world that the allowance laws of all the Western belligerents recognize common law marriages. In our own law, marriage is, presumed if the man and women have lived together in the openly acknowledged relation of husband and wife during two years immediately preceding the

date of the Declaration of War. And the illegitimate child stands equal with the legitimate, provided the father acknowledges the child or has been judiciously ordered or decreed to contribute to the child's support. Men are feminist. Their hearts have softened even toward the wife's relatives. For the word parent is not only broad enough to cover the father, mother, grandparents, or stepfather and mother of the man, but of the spouse also. thus passeth the curse of the mother-in-law. One need not be endowed with the spirit of prophecy to foretell that allowances in wartime will broaden out into motherhood pensions in peace times. It would be an ordinary human reaction should the women enjoying a pension refused to give up on the day peace is declared,

her quickly acquired habit of holding the purse strings. That would be accepting international calm at the expense of domestic differences. The social value of encouraging the mother's natural feeling of responsibility toward her child by putting into her hands a state pension is being, let us note, widely tested, and may demonstrate the wisdom and economy

of devoting public funds to mothers rather than to crutches and juvenile asylylums. The allowance laws may prove the charter of women's liberties. Her pay envelope may become her contract securing the right of self-determination. End of Section 9, read by Bookbard. Section 10 of Mobilizing Woman Power. This is a Librevox.

recording. All Librevox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librivox.org. Read by Jennifer Beckett Wood. Mobilising Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Chapter 8, Pooling Brains Employ them. This was the advice given to a large conference of women met to discuss business opportunities for their sex. The advice was vouchsaved by a young lawyer after the problem of opening wider fields to women in the legal profession had been looked at from every angle, only to end in the question, What can we do to increase their practice?

She spoke with animation, as if she had found the key to the situation. Employ them. Perhaps more self-accusation than determination to mend their ways was round. by the short and pointed remark. The advice has wider application. Taking 30 names of women at random, I learned in response to an inquiry that only four had women physicians,

two had women lawyers, and only one, a woman dentist. Twenty-five women of large real estate holdings had never even for the most unimportant work secured the services of an architect of their own sex. Further inquiry brought out the fact that of a long list of women's clubs and associations which have built or altered property for their purposes, only one had engaged a woman architect. Perhaps it is indicative of a lack of nothing more serious than a sense of humour that we women

unite and, apparently without embarrassment, demands that masculine presidents, governors, mayors and legislatures shall appoint women, which, women to office. This unabashed faith in the goodwill of men seems not displaced, for not only do public men show some confidence in the official capacity of women, but to my inquiry as to whom was due their opportunities to get on, business women invariably replied, to men. However, the loyalty of women to women is increasing, and their solidarity on sound lines of service is a thing of steady growth. thoughtful women for instance do not wish a woman put in a position of responsibility simply because she is a woman but they are even more opposed to having a candidate of peculiar fitness overlooked merely because she is not a man while the conscientious and poised women are not willing to urge any and every woman for a given office they do tenaciously hold that there are positions which cry aloud for women and for which the right women should be found In conquering a fair field, women will have to pool their brains even more effectively than they have in the past. Our efforts of combination are a mere mushroom growth compared with the generations of training our big brothers have had in pooling brains. War and the chase gave them their first lessons in cooperation.

Nor has war been a bad teacher for women. Just as the Crimean War and our civil war put flowers. Lawrence Nightingale and Clara Barton and the trained nurse on the map, this war is bringing the medical woman to the four. Women surgeons and doctors, unlike many other groups, offer themselves fully trained for service. They know they have something to give, and they know the soldiers need. According to an official statement, the emergency call of the army for men, physicians and surgeons fell 2,000 short of being answered. the necessity of the soldier and the skill of the women will no doubt in the end be brought effectively together for although the government of the united states like great britain in the early days of the war has left to ever far-seeing france the honour of extending hospitality to american women doctors their strong national organisation with a membership of four thousand will in time no doubt persuade uncle sam to take his plucky women doctors over the top under the stars and stripes

organization crystallized about an unselfish desire and skilled ability to serve is irresistible the pooling of the brains of women that has been going on on a country-wide scale for more than a half century bears analyzing these associations have almost invariably centred about a service to be rendered even the first petition for political enfranchisement urged it as the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves the elective franchise. Unselfishness draws numbers as a magnet draws steel filings. The spirit of service lying at the heart of the great national organisations made possible quick response to new duties immediately upon our entrance into the war. The suffragists said,

We wish to serve and we are ready for service. The government used their widespread net of local centres for purposes of registrations and war appeals. Naturally, there were many efforts more foolish than effective in the universal rush to help. America was not peculiar in this, nor for the matter of that were women. War! It does make the blood course through the veins. Every generous citizen cries aloud, What can I do?

Perhaps men are a little more voluble than women, their emotions not finding such immediate and approved vent, along clicking needles and tangle skeins of wool on the whole the initiative and organizing ability of women has stood out supremely of the two departments of the red cross which are still left in the command of women the bureau of nursing with miss delano at its head mobilized immediately three thousand of the fourteen thousand nurses enrolled the first red cross medical unit with its full quota of sixty-five nurses completely equipped, stood on European soil before an American soldier was there. Of the 49 units ready for service, 12, with from 65 to 100 nurses each, are now in France. Two of the five units organized for the Navy, each with its 40 active nurses and 20 reserves, are established abroad, and 230 nurses are already in active naval service here. Mr. Lano holds constant,

in reserve, 1,500 nurses as emergency detachments, a reservoir from which some 800 have been drawn for cantonment hospitals. An inflow of nearly 1,000 nurses each month keeps the reservoir ready to meet the drain. The chapter workrooms sprang up at a call in the night. No one can help admiring their well-ordered functioning. There may be criticism, grumbling, but the workroom is moving irresistibly like a well-oiled machine, and women are the motive power from start to finish. The chapters, with their five million members joined in 3,000 units over the United States, are so many monuments to the ability of women for detail. Once mobilised, the women have thus far been able to serve 2,000 war hospitals with surgical dressings, and to send abroad 13 million

separate articles packed carefully, boxed, labelled, and accounted for on their books. Not only does this directing of manual work stand to the credit of the chapters, but they have given courses of lectures in home nursing and dietetics to 34,000 women, and in first aid, 10,000 classes have been held and 75,000 certificates issued to the proficient. Certainly one object of the Red Cross, to stimulate the volunteer, work of women has been accomplished. It is difficult to understand why, with such examples of women's efficiency before it, the Red Cross, founded by Clara Barton, places merely two bureaus in the hands of a woman,

has chosen no woman as an officer, has put but one woman on its central and executive committee, and not a single woman on its present controlling body, the War Council. It may be that the protest against the centralised, of all volunteer effort in the Red Cross, in spite of President Wilson's appeal, was due to the fact that women feared that their energies, running to other lines than nursing and surgical dressings, would be entirely sidetracked. The honour of the splendid war work of the Young Women's Christian Association belongs to women.

The Warwork Council of the National Board of Young Women's Christian Associations shows an example of how immediately efficient and established organisation can be in an emergency. As one sees its great war fund roll up, one exclaims, what money raises women are? The immediate demands upon the fund

offer hostess houses at cantonment, where soldiers can meet their women visitors, dormitories providing emergency housing for women employees at certain army centres, the strengthening of club work among the younger girls of the nation, profoundly affected by war conditions, and the sending of experienced organisers to cooperate with the women leaders of France and Russia, and to install nurses' huts at the base hospitals of France.

It makes one's heart beat high to think of women spending millions splendidly, they who have always been told to save pennies frugally. Well, those hard days were times of training. Women learned not to waste. A very worthy pooling of brains, because springing up with no tradition behind it, was the National League for Women's Service. In six months, it drew to itself 200,000 members and built organisations in 39 states, established classes to train women for the new work opening to them, opened recreation centres and canteens at which were entertained on a single Sunday at one centre, 1800 soldiers and sailors.

So excellent was its Bureau of Registration and Information for Women Workers that the United States Department of Labor took over not only the files and methods of the Women's League for Service, but the entire staff with Miss Obernauer at its head. If imitation is the sincerest flattery, what shall we say of complete adoption of work and workers with an honourable, by your leave, and outspoken praise. And nothing could show a finer spirit of service than this yielding up of work initiated by a civil society and the willing passing of it into government hands.

Not only the Labour Department has established a special women's division with a woman at its head, but the Ordinance Office of the War Department has opened in its industrial service section, a woman's division, putting Miss Vary, Van Cleek in charge. But still our government lags behind our allies in

mobilizing women's power of initiative and her organizing faculty. The Women's Committee of the Council of National Defence, appointed soon after the outbreak of war, still has no administrative power. As one member of the committee says, we are not allowed to do anything

without the consent of the Council of National Defence. There is no appropriation for the Women's Committee. We are furnished with headquarters, stationary, some printing and two stenographers, but nothing more. It is essential that we raise money to carry on the other expenses.

The great trouble is that now, as always, men want women to do the work while they do the overseeing. Perhaps holding the helm has become second nature to men, simply because they have held the helm so long, but I am inclined to think they have a very definite desire to have women help steer the ship. Surely the readiness with which they are sharing their political power with

women would seem to indicate their wish for cooperation on a plan of perfect equality. In any case, it is not necessary to hang on the skirts of government. America has always shown evidence of greater gift in private enterprise than state action. Perhaps women will demonstrate the national characteristic. It was far-sightedness and enterprise that led the intercollegiate bureaus of occupations, societies run for women by women, to strike out in this crisis and open up new callings for their clients, and still better to persuade colleges and schools to modify curricula to meet the changed demands. Women are often passed over because they are not prepared. The bureaus have found the demand for women in industrial chemistry and physics, for instance,

to be greater than the supply, because the graduates of women's colleges have not been carried far enough in mathematics, and in chemistry have been kept too much to theoretical textbook work. For example, the head of a certain industry was willing to give the position of chemist at his works to a woman. He needed someone to suggest changes in process from time to time, and to watch waste. He set down eight simple problems such as might arise any day in his factory for candidates to answer. Some of the women, all college graduates, who had specialised in chemistry, could not answer a single problem, and none showed that grip of the science, which would enable them to give other than rule of thumb solutions. He engaged a man. In answering the

questionnaire which the New York Bureau of Occupations sent to 125 industrial plants, the manager in almost every case replied, in regard to the possibility of employing women in such positions as research or control chemists, that applicants were badly prepared. As hand-workers, too, women are handicapped by lack of knowledge of machinery. In this tool age, high school girls are cut off from technical education, although they are destined to carry on in large measure are skilled trades. I am told that in Germany many factories had to close because only women were available as managers, and they had not been fitted by business and technical schools for the task. If women individually are looking for a soft place, if they are afraid, as one manager

expressed it, to put on overalls and go into a vat, even when their country is so in need of their service, it is futile for them to ask collectively for equal opportunity and equal pay. If they individually fail to prepare as for a life work regarding themselves as but temporarily in business or a profession, their collective demand upon the world for a fair field and no favour will be as ineffective as illogical. The doors stand wide open. It rests with women themselves as to whether they shall enter in. To the steady appeals of the employment bureaus, backed by the stern facts of life, the colleges are yielding. On examination I found that curricula are already being modified.

None but the sorriest pessimist could doubt the nature of the final outcome on realising the pooling of brains which is going on in such associations as the Intercollegiate Bureau of Occupations and the League for Business Opportunities. They work to the end of having young women Not only soundly prepared for the new openings, But sensitive to the demands of a world Set towards stern duty. Not only is their call for a pooling of brains

To look after the timid and unready, But there is need of combination to open the gates For the prepared and brave. Few who cheered the Red Cross nurses, As they made their stirring march on Fifth Avenue, knew that those devoted women would, would on entering the military nurse corps, find themselves the only nurses among the allies without a position of honour. The humiliation to our nurses in placing them below the

orderlies in the hospitals is not only a blow to their esprit de corps, but a definite handicap to their efficiency. A nurse who was at the head of the nursing staff in a state hospital wrote from the front, there is one thing the nursing committee needs to work for, and work hard too, and that is, to make for nurses the rank of lieutenant. The Canadians have it? Why not the Americans? You will find that it will make a tremendous difference. You see, there are no officers in our nursing personnel.

One of our staff says we are the hired extras. It is really a great mistake. Uncle Sam may merely be waiting for a concentrated drive of public opinion against his tardy representatives. and why should it be necessary to urge that while scores of young men are dashing to death in endeavours to learn to fly, there are women unmovilised who know how to soar aloft in safety? They have never, it is true, been submitted to laboratory tests in twirlings and twistings, but they reach the zenith. Two carried off the records in long-distant flights,

but both have been refused admission to the Flying Corps. Will it need a campaign to secure for our army, this efficient service? Must women pull their brains to have Ruth law spread her protecting wings over our boys in France? To anyone who realizes the significance of the military situation as it stands, and who is cognizant of the contrast between Germany's use of her entire people in her national effort, and the slow mobilization of women power among the allies, an entire lack of anything worthy the name of mobilisation of the labour power of women in the United States, there will come a determination to bury every jealousy between woman and woman, all prejudice in men, to cut red tape in government

with the one object of combining all resources. The full power of our men must be thrown into military effort, and then, if as a nation we have brains to pool, we will not stand niggling, but will throw women doctors in to render their service, grant to the nurse core what it needs to ensure efficiency, throw open the technical schools to girls as well as to boys, modify the college course to meet the facts of life. Each woman unprepared is a national handicap. Each prejudice blocking the use of woman power is treachery to our cause.

As to the final outcome of united thought and group action among women, no one can doubt. Contacts will rub off angles, capable service will break down sex prejudice and overcome government opposition. But there is not time to wait for the slow development of final outcomes. Women must pull their brains against their own shortcomings, and in favour of their own ability to back up their country now and here. End of Section 10. Section 11 of Mobilizing Womanpower This is a Libravox recording. All LibraVox recordings are in the public domain.

For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Platch. Chapter 9. Business as usual. It is a platitude to say that America is the most extravagant nation on earth. The whole world tells us so. and we do not deny it, being indeed a bit proud of the fact. Who is there among us, who does not respond with sympathetic understanding to the defense of the bride reprimanded for extravagance by her mother-in-law?

Women have mothers-in-law. John and I find we can do without the necessities of life. It's the luxuries we must have. One of the obstacles to complete mobilization of our country is extravagance, and at the center of this national failing sits the American woman enthroned. Europe found it could not allow old-time luxury trades to go on if the war was to be won. Business as usual is not in harmony with victory. I remember the first time I heard the slogan and how it carried me and everyone else away.

The Zeppelins had visited London the night before. A house in Red Lion Muse was crushed down to its side. a heap of ruins. Every pane of glass was shattered in the hospitals surrounding Queens Square, and plowed deep, making a great basin in the center of the grass lay the remnants of the bomb that had buried itself in the heart of England. The shops along Theobald's road were wrecked, but in the heaps of broken glass and in each show window were improvised signs, such as, don't sympathize with us, buy something. The sign which was displayed, oftenest, read business as usual. The first I noticed was in the window of a print shop, the owner, a woman. I talked to her through the

frame of the shattered glass. She looked very pale, and her face was cut, but she and everyone else was calm, and no one was doing business as usual more composedly than a wee tot, trudging along to school with a nasty scratch from a glass splinter on her chubby cheek. Business as usual expressed the fine spirit, the courage, the determination of a people. As the sporting motto of an indomitable race, it was very splendid, but war is not a sport. It is a cold, hard science, demanding every energy of the nation for its successful pursuit. In proportion, as our indulgence in luxury has been greater than that of any European nation, our challenge to every business must be the more insistent. There must be a straight answer to two questions. Does this enterprise render direct war service?

Or if not, is it essential to the well-being of our citizens? But the discipline will not come from the gods, nor will our government, readily turned taskmaster. The effort must come largely as self-discipline, growing into group determination to win the war, and the conviction that it is impossible to achieve victory and conserve the virility of our people if any considerable part of the community devotes its time, energy, and money to creating useless things. A nation can make good in this cataclysm only if it centers its whole power on the two objects in view. military victory, and husbanding of life and resources at home.

Let me hasten to add that the act of creating a thing does not include only the processes of industry. The act of buying is creative. The riot of luxury trades in the United States will not end, so long as the American woman remains a steady buyer of luxuries. The mobilization of women as workers is no more essential to the triumph of our cause than the mobilization of women for thrift. The beginning and end of saving in America rests almost entirely in the hands of women.

They are the buyers in the working class and in the professional class. Among the wealthy, they set the standard of living. Practically every appeal for thrift has been addressed to the rich. I am not referring to the supply of channels into which to pour savings, but to appeal to make the economies

which will furnish the means to buy stamps or bonds. Those appeals are addressed almost wholly to the well-to-do, as, for example, suggestions as to reducing courses at dinner or cutting out that fourth meal. Self-denial, no doubt, is supposed to be good for the millionaire soul, but to such it is chiefly recommended, I think, as an example sure of imitation. What the rich do other women will follow is the idea, but the steady insistence that we fight in the war for democracy has put into the minds of the people very definite demands for independence and for freedom. In such a democratic world, the newly adopted habits of the wealthy will not prove widely convincing. Economy needs other than an aristocratic

stimulus. I do not mean to underestimate the value of economy in the well-to-do class. There is no doubt that shop windows on Fifth Avenue are a severe commentary upon our present intelligence and earnestness of purpose. No one, I think, would deny that it would be a service if the woman of fashion ceased to drape fur here, there, and everywhere on her gowns, except where she might really need the thick pelt to keep her warm, and instead save the price of the garment, which serves no purpose but that of display, and gave the money in liberty bonds to buy a fur-lined coat for some soldier, or food for a starving baby abroad, and overburdened, as the railways are with freight and ordinary passenger traffic, I am sure the general public will not fail to appreciate, to the full,

a self-denial which leads patrons of private cars, Pullman, and dining coaches to abandon their self-indulgence. Undoubtedly, economy among the rich is of value. I presume few would gainsay that it would have been well for America if the use of private automobiles had long since ceased, and the labor and plants used in their making turned to manufacturing much-needed trucks and ambulances. But while not inclined to belittle the work of any possible savings and self-sacrifice on the part of those of wealth,

It seems to me that the most fruitful field for war economy lies among simple people. Thrift waits for democratization. We, of limited means, hug some of the most extravagant of habits. The average working-class family enjoys none of the fruits of cooperation. We keep each to our isolated family group. While the richer a person is, the more does she gather under her roof representatives of other families. Her cook may come from the Berry family, the waitress may be in Anderson, the nurse in O'Hara. The poor might well practice the economy of fellowship.

The better-off live in apartment houses where the economy of central heating is practiced, while the majority of the poor occupy tenements, where the extravagance of the individual stove is indulged in. The savings of coal is urged, but the authorities do not seek to secure for the poor the comfort of the true method of fuel-saving. The richer a family is, the more it saves by the use of skilled service. The poor, clinging to their prejudices and refusing to trust one another, do not profit by cooperative buying or by central kitchens run by experts. Money is wasted by amateurist selection of food and clothing. The nutritive values are squandered by poor cooking. Unfortunately, Uncle Sam does not suggest how many war savings stamps could be bought as a result of economy along these lines.

The woman with the pay envelope may democratize thrift. She knows how hard it is to earn money and has learned to make her wages reach a long way. Then, too, she has brought it home to her each payday that health is capital. She finds that it is economy to keep well. For lost time brings a light pay envelope. Each woman who keeps herself in condition is making a war-saving. There has been no propaganda as yet appealing to women to value dress, according to durability and comfort, rather than according to its prettiness,

or bow to no fashion, which means the lessening of power. To corset herself as fashion dictates, to proper self on high heels, means to a woman just so much lost efficiency. and even the most thoughtless, if appealed to for national saving, might learn to turn by preference in dress and habits in recreation to the simple things. The Japanese, I am told, make a ceremony of going out from the city to enjoy the beauties of a moonlit night. We go to a stuffy theater and applaud a night set. Nature gives her children the one, and the producer charges his patrons for the other,

a propaganda of democratic war economy would teach us to delight in the beauties of beauty of nature. In making the change from business as usual to economy, Europe suffered hardship, because although the retrenchments suggested were fairly democratic, it had not created channels into which savings might be thrown with certainty of their flowing onto safe expenditures. Europe was not ready with its great thrift schemes, nor had the adjustments been made, which would enable a shop to turn out a needed uniform, let us say, in place of a useless dress. Definite use of savings has been provided for in the United States. The government needs goods of every kind to make our military effort successful. Camps must be built for training the soldiers,

uniforms, guns, and ammunition supplied. Transportation on land and sea is called for. The government needs money to carry on the industries essential to winning the war. If a plucky girl who works in a button factory refuses to buy an ornament, which she at first thought of getting to decorate her belt, and puts that 25 cents into a war-saving stamp, all in the spirit of backing up her man at the front, she will not find herself thrown out of employment. Instead, while demands for unnecessary ornamental fastenings will gradually cease, she will be kept busy on government orders. Profiting by the errors of those nations who had to blaze out new paths, the United States knit into law a few months after the declaration of war, not only the quick drafting of its manpower for military service,

but methods of absorbing the people's savings. If we neither waste nor hoard, we will not suffer as Europe from widespread unemployment. There is more work to be done than our available labor power can meet. There is nothing to fear from the curtailment of luxury. Our danger lies in lack of a sound definition of extravagance. Uncle Sam could get more by appeals to simple folk than by homilies preach to the rich. The Great War is a conflict between the ideals of the peoples. Tis a people's war, and with women as half the people. The savings made to support the war must needs, then be made by the people for the people. There has spend no compelling propaganda to that end. The suggestion of mere cutting down may be a valuable goal set for the well-to-do, but it is not a mark to be hit by those already down to bedrock.

The only savings possible to those living on narrow margins is by cooperation, civil or state. It is a mad extravagance, for instance, to kill with autos children at play in the streets. A saving of life could easily be achieved through group action by securing children's attendance, by opening playgrounds on the roofs of churches and public buildings, by shutting off streets dedicated to the sacred right of children to play. This would be a war-saving, touching the heart and the enthusiasm of the people. Central Municipal Heating is not a wild dream, but a recognized economy in many places. Municipal kitchens are not vague surmising, but facts achieved in the towns of Europe, they are forms of warthrift.

In America, no such converting examples of economy are as yet given, and not an appeal has been made to women to save through solidarity. Uncle Sam has been commendably quick and wise in offering a reservoir to hold the tiny savings, but slow in starting a democratic propaganda suggesting ways of saving the pennies. If business as usual is a poor motto, so is life as usual, habits as usual. End of Section 11, read by Kimberly Bonin. Section 12 of Mobilizing Women Power. This is the Librevox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain.

For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libre Vox.org. Mobilizing women power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Chapter 10 As Mother Used to Do It Man's admiration for things as Mother used to do them is a great obstacle as business as usual in the path of winning the war and husbanding the race. The glamour surrounding the economic feats of Mother in the past hides the shortcomings of today.

I once saw one of her old fortresses, a manor home, where in bygone days, she had reigned supreme. In the courtyard was the smokehouse where she cured meat and fish. In the cellar were the cauldrons and vats where long ago she tried tallow and brewed beer. And there were all the utensils for dealing with flax. In the garret, I saw spindles for spinning cotton and wool and the handlooms for weaving the homespun. In her day, Mother was a great creator of wealth. But then an economic earthquake came. Foundations were shaken.

The roof was torn off her domestic workshop. Steam and machinery, like cyclones, carried away her industries, and nothing was left to her but odds and ends of occupations. Toiling in the family circle from the days of the cave dwellers, mother had become so intimately associated in the tribal mind with a heartstone that the home was called her sphere. Around the segregation accumulated accretions of opinion, layer on layer emanating from the mind of her mate. Let us call the accretions the atomistic theory.

Its authors happen to be the government and could use the public treasury in furtherance of publicity for their ideas set forth in hieroglyphics cut in stone, or written in plain English and printed on the front page of an American Daily. One of the few occupations left to Mother after the interruption of her sphere at the end of the 18th century was the preparation of food. In the minds of men, food, from its seed, sewing up to its mastication, has always been associated with women. Mentioned food and the average man thinks of mother,

that is the atom in him. And so, quite naturally, one must first consider this relation of women to food in the atomistic theory. When the world under war conditions asked, be fed, Adam, running true to his theory, pointed to mother as the source of supply, and declared with an emphasis that came of implicit faith that the universe need want for nothing. If each woman would eliminate waste in her kitchen and become a voluntary and obedient reflector of the decisions of state and national food authorities.

This solution presupposed a highly developed sense of community devotion in women running hand in hand with entire lack of gift for community action. Woman, it was expected, would display more than her proverbial lack of logic by embracing with enthusiasm, state direction, and at the same time remain an exemplar of individualistic performance. The atomistic scheme seems still further to demand for its smooth working that the feminine group show self-abnegation and agree that it is not itself suited to reason out general plans. It is within the range of possibility, however, that no comprehensive scheme of food conservation or effective saving in any line can be imposed on women without consulting them. The Negro, who agreed that the color folk should be kept in the place,

touched a fundamental note in nature, overrunning sex as well as racial boundaries. And when he added, and the colored folk must do the place in, it might seem to run counter to this bit of wisdom for women to be told that the welfare of the world depends on them. and then for no woman to be given administrative power to mobilize the group. But the contest between man's devotion to the habits of his ancestry in the female line and the ideas of his very living woman folk is as trying to him as it is interesting to the outside observer. The conflicting forces illustrate a universal fact. It is always true that the ruling class, when a discipline and a sacrifice, are recognized as.

as necessary, endeavors to make it appear that the new obligation should be should be shouldered by the less powerful. For instance, to take an illustration quite outside the domestic circle, when America first became convinced that military preparation was incumbent upon us, the ruling class would scarcely discuss conscription, much less adopt universal service. That is, it vetoed self-discipline. In many states, laws were passed putting off upon children in the schools the training which the voting adults knew the nation needed. In the same way, when food falls short and the vittling of the world becomes a pressing duty, the governing class adopts a thesis that a politically less favored group can, by saving in small and painful ways, accumulate the extra food necessary

to keep the world from starving. The ruling class seeks cover in primitive ideas, accuses Eve of introducing sin to the world, and calls upon her to mend her wasteful ways. Man, of course, know intellectually that much food is a factory product in these days, but emotionally they have a picture of mother, still supplying the family in a complete, secret, and silent manner. This atomistic emotion takes command at the crisis, for when human beings are suddenly faced with a new and agitating situation, primitive ideas sees them. Mother, it is true, did create goods for immediate consumption, and so the sons of Adam, in a spirit of admiration, doffing their helmets, so to speak, to the primitive woman. Turn in times of stress

and call confidently upon Eves' daughter to create and save. The confidence is touching, but perhaps the feminine reaction will not be, and perchance, odds, and perchance, not to be just such as Adam expects. Women have passed in aspiration and, to some extent, in action, out of the ultra-individualistic stage of civilization. The food propaganda reflects the hiatus in Adam's thought. I have looked over hundreds of publications issued by the agricultural departments and colleges of the various states. They tell housewives what to put in the garbage pail, what to keep out of the garbage pail, what to substitute for wheat, how to make soap, but, with a single exception, not a single word suggests to women any saving through group action.

This exception, which stood out as a beacon of light in an ocean of literature worthy of the Stone Age, was a small pamphlet issued by the Michigan Agricultural College on luncheons in rural schools. Sound doctrine was preached on the need of the children for substantial and warm news, meals and the comparative ease and economy with which such luncheons could be provided at the schoolhouse. Children can, of course, be better and more cheaply fed as a group than as isolated units supplied with a cold, home-prepared lunchbox. And yet, with the whole machinery of the state in his hands, Adams' commissions, backed by the people's money, goad mother on the isolated endeavor. She plants and weeds and harvests. She dries and cans, preserves and pickles, then she calculates and perchance

finds that her finished product is not always of the best and has often cost more than if purchased in the open market. It may be the truest devotion to our allies to challenge the individualistic role recommended by Adam to mother, for it will hinder, not help, the feeding of the world to put women back under 18th century conditions. Food is short and expensive because labor is short. And even when the harvest is ripe, the saving of food cannot be set as a separate and commendable goal and the choice as to where labor shall be expanded as negligible. It is a prejudice devotion to mother and her ways which leads Adam in his food pamphlets to advise that a woman shall sit in her chimney corner and spend time peoply.

a peach very thin when hundreds of bushels of peaches wrought in the orchards for lack of hands to pick them. Just how wide Adam's Eve has opened the gate of Eden and looked out into the big world is not entirely clear, but probably wide enough to glimpse the fact that all the advice Adam has recently given to her runs counter to man's method of achievement. Men have preached to one another for a hundred years and more in practiced so successful. the concentration in industry of unlimited machinery with a few hands, that even mother knows some of the truths in regarding to the creation of wealth in the business world, and she is probably not capable of drawing a conclusion from her own experience in the transfer

of work from the home to the factory. If they are city dwellers, women have seen bread and preserves transferred. If farm dwellers, they have seen the curing of meat and fish transferred, the making of butter and cheese. They know that because this transfer, the home is cleaner and quieter, more people better fed and clothed, and the hours of the factory worker made short than those mothers used to work. With half an eye, women cannot fail to note that the labor which used to be occupied in the home in interminable hours of spinning, baking, and preserving has come to occupy itself for regulated periods in the school and business in factory or cannery. And lo, Eve finds herself with a pay envelope able to help support the quieter, cleaner home. All this is a commonplace to the

businessman who knows that the evolution has gone so far that 10% of the married women of America are in gainful pursuits, and that capital ventured on apartment hotels brings attempting return. But the atomistic theory is based on the dream that women are contentedly and efficiently conducting in their flats many occupations, and longing to receive back into the life around the gas log, all those industries which in years gone by were drawn from the fireside and established as money-making projects in mill or workshop. And so, Adam addresses an exhortation to his eve. Don't buy bread, bake it. Don't buy flour. Grind it yourself. Don't buy soap, make it. Don't buy canned, preserved or dried food. Carry on the processes yourself. Don't buy fruits and vegetables.

Raise them. Not a doubt seems to exist in Adam's mind as to the efficiency of functioning woman power in this way. According to the atomistic theory, work as mother used to do it is unqualifiedly perfect. This flattering faith is naturally bombed to women's hearts, and yet there are skeptics among them. When quite by themselves, women speculate as to how much of the fruit and vegetables now put up in the home will work. End of Section 12. Read to you by J.P. Liao, Vancouver, Canada, January 10, 2023. Section 13 of Mobilizing Women Power. This is a Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain.

For more information or to volunteer, please visit Libravox.org. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Chapter 10, Part 2 of As Mother Used to Do It. A smile when the hope is expressed that the quality will rise above the old-time domestic stand. The home of the past was a beehive in which women drudged and little children were weary toilers, and the result was not of a high grade. Statistics have shown that 75% homemade bread of America was a poor product.

I lived as a child in the days of homemade bread. Once in so often, the batch of bread went sour, and there seemed to be an unfailing supply. of stale bread, which must be eaten first. Those who cry out against a city of baker's bread have never lived in a country of the homemade loaf. It is the atomistic philosophy so complimentary to Eve that leads us to expect that all housewives can turn out a product as good as that of an expert who has specialized to one end of making bread and, and who who will be able to. is supplied with expensive equipment beyond the reach of the individual to possess.

But there are rebellious consumers who point out that the baker is under the law, while the housewife is a law unto herself. Against the baker's shortcomings, such brave doubters assure us we have redress. We can refuse to patronize him. Against the housewife, there is no appeal. Her family must swallow her product to the detriment of digestion. It may be the brutal truth taking bread as the index that only a quarter of the processes carried on in the home turn out satisfactorily. While of the other three quarters, a just verdict may show that mother gets a little too much lie in the soap, cooks the preserves a little too hard, candies the fruit, just a little

bit, and grinds the flour in the mill, not quite fine enough. But perhaps even more than the quality of the product does the question of the economical disposition of labor power agitate some women. They are asking, since labor is very scarce, whether the extreme individualistic direction of their labor power is permissible. The vast majority of American homes are without servants. Those homes are the women working such short hours that they can without dropping important obligations. Take over preserving, canning, dehydrating, the making of bread, soap, and butter substitutes? Has the tenement house dweller accommodation suitable for introducing these industrial processes into her home? Would the woman in the small menage in the country be wise in cutting down time given, for instance,

to the care of her baby and to reading to the older children, and using the precious moments laboriously to grind wheat to flour, my observation convinces me that conscientious housewives in servantless or one-servant households, with work adjusted to a given end, with relative values already determined upon, are not prepared by acceptance of the atomistic theory to return to primitive occupations. But even if business and home life could respond to the change without strain, even if both could easily turn back on the road they have come during the last hundred years, commerce, yielding up to the home, re-adopting certain occupations,

we should carefully weigh the economic value of a reversion to primitive methods. The atomistic attitude is influenced, perhaps unconsciously, but no less certainly, by the fact that the housewife is an unpaid worker. If an unpaid person volunteers to do a thing, it is readily assumed that the particular effort is worthwhile. We get the labor for nothing. Puts to route all thought of valuation. No doubt Adam will have to give over thinking in this loose way.

Labor power, whether it is paid or not, must be used wisely or we shall not be able to maintain the structure of our civilization. Then, too, the animistic theory weighs and values the housewife's time as little as it questions the quality of the home product. Any careful reader of the various hints to housewives which have appeared will note that the simplifying of meals recommended would require nearly double the time to prepare. The simplification takes into consideration only the question of food substitutions, price and waste. mother is supposed to be woolly or largely unemployed and longing for unpaid toil. Should any housewife conscientiously follow the advice given to her by state and municipal authorities, she would be the drudge at the center of a home quite medieval in development.

Let's take a concrete example. In recently published and widely applauded cookbook put out by a whole committee of Adamistic philosophers, it is stated that the object of the book is to give practical hints as to the various ways in which economies can be affected and waste saved. And yet no saving of the woman's time. Nerves and muscles is referred to from cover to cover. The wife is told, for instance, to insist upon getting the meat trimmings. The fat can be rendered and then follows the process in soap making. Mother is to place the scraps of fat on the back of the stove. If she watches it carefully and does not allow it to get hot enough to smoke, there will be no odor. No doubt if she removes her watchful eye and turns to

bat her tenement will reek with smoking fat. She is to pursue this trying of fat and nerves day by day until she has six pounds of grease. Next, she is to stir it well, cool it, melt it again. She is then to pour in the lie. Slowly stirring all the time. Add ammonia. Then, stir the mixture constantly for 20 minutes or half an hour. In contrast to all this primeval elaboration is the simple common sense rule. Do not buy the trimmings.

Make the butcher trim meat before weighing. Insist that soap making shall not be brought back to defile the home, but remain where it belongs. a trade in which the workers can be protected by law, and its malodorousness brought under regulation. In the same spirit, the atomistic suggestion to Eve, to save coal by a heatless day, is met by the cold challenge of the riotous extravagance of cooking in 12 separate tenements, 12 separate potatoes, and 12 separate fires. The animistic theory, through its emphasis on the relation of food to Eve, and the most religious necessity of its manipulation at the altar of the home cook stove, has drawn thought away from the nutritive side of what we eat. While the child is in the streets is tossing about such words such as calories and carbohydrates,

with a glibness that comes from such hearing, physiology, and food values are destined to remain as far away as ever from the average family breakfast table. Segregating a sex in the home, it is true. Centralizes it in a given place, but it does not necessarily train the individual to function efficiently. Mother, as she used to do, cooks by rule of thumb. In fact, how could she do otherwise? Since she must keep one eye on her approving atom while the other eye glances over at the oven. The atomistic theory requires individualistic action and disapproves specialization in Eve. The theory also demands economic dependence in the home builder.

Mother's laborer is not on her own. She lives under the truck system, so to speak. She is paid in kind for her work. Influenced by the atomistic theory, the human animal is the only species in which sex and economic relations are closely linked. the only one in which the female depends upon the male for sustenance. Mother must give personal service to those about her, and in return the law ensures her keep according to the station of her husband,

that is, not according to her ability or usefulness, but according to the man's earning capacity. The close association of mother with home in the philosophy of her mate has circumscribed her most natural and modest attempts at reliance. Mothers' holiday is a thing to draw tears from those who contemplate it. The summer outing means carrying the family from one spot to another and making the best of new surroundings for the old group. The day off means a concentration of the usual toil into a few hours, followed by a hazy passing show that she is too weary to enjoy. The kindly farmer takes

his wife this year to the county fair. She's up at a hazy passing show that she is too weary to enjoy. She's up at four to get on with the work, she serves breakfast, gives the children an extra polish in honor of the day, puts on the clean frocks and suits with an admonition not to get all must up before the start. The farmer cheerily counsels haste in order that we may have a good long day of it. He does not say what it is, but the wife knows. At last, the house is ready to be left, and the wife and her brood are ready to settle down in the farm wagon. The fairgrounds are reached. Adam has prepared the setting. It has no relation to mothers' needs. It was a most thrilling innovation when in the summer of 1914, the woman's political union first set up big tents at country fairs, fitted with comfortable

chairs for mothers and cots and toys, nurses and companions for the children. The farmer's wife for the first time was relieved of care and can go off to see the sights with her mind at rest. If she desired anything more active than rocking lazily with the delicious sensation of having nothing to do. Women must not blame Adam for the lack of thoughtfulness. He cannot put himself in mother's place. She must do her own thinking or let women who are capable of thought to do it for her. Men are relieved when mother is independent and happy. The farmer approved the kresh tent at the county fairs. It convinced him that women have ideas to contribute to the well-being of the community. The venture proved the greatest of vote-getters or the suffragette referendum. In fact, men themselves are the chief opponents of the atomistic theory today. The majority want women to organize the home, and it is only a small minority who place obstacles in the way of the wider of women. It is Eve herself who likes to exaggerate the necessity of her personal service.

I have seen many a primitive housewife grow hot at the suggestion that her methods need modifying. It seemed like severing the silken cords by which she held her mate to challenge her pumpkin pie. But women are slowly overcoming Eve. Take the item of the care of children in city parks. The old way is for 50 women to look after 50 separate children, and thus waste the time of some 30 of them in keeping 50 miserable children in segregation. The new way, now successfully initiated, is to form play groups of happy children under the leadership of capable young women trained for such work. Salvaging New York City's food waste was a very splendid bit of cooperative action on the part of women. Mrs. William H. Lowe of the Women's University Club found on investigation that thousands of tons of good food are lost by condemnation, necessarily rough and ready by the Board of Health. She secured permission to have the sound and unsound fruits and vegetables separated, and with a large committee of women, saved the food for consumption by the community, by dehydrating and other preserving processes.

This was not as mother used to do. Mother's way are being investigated and discarded the whole world round. At last accounts, half the population of Hamburg was being fed through municipal kitchens and in Great Britain an order has been issued by Lord Rhoda, the food controller, authorizing local authorities to open kitchens as food distributing centers. The central government is to bear 25% of the cost of equipment and lend another 25% to start the enterprise. Mother's cook stove cannot bear the strain of war economies. Dropping their old segregation, women are going forth in fellowship with men to meet in new ways the pressing problems of a new world. End of Section 13. Read to you by J.P. Liao, Vancouver, Canada, January 3rd to you by J.P. Liao, Vancouver, Canada, January, 21st, 2003.

Section 14 of mobilizing woman power. This is a LibraVox recording. All LibraVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibraVox.org. Read by Betty B. Mobilizing Woman Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. A Land Army Great Britain, France, and Germany have mobilized a land army of women.

Will the United States do less? not if the farmer can be brought to have as much faith in American women as the women have in themselves. And why should they not have faith? The farmer's already tested them out and they have not been found wanting. In face of this fine accomplishment, the minds of some men still entertained doubt, or worse, obliviousness to the possible contribution of women to land service. The farmer knows his need and has made clear statement of the national dilemma in the form of a memorial to the President of the United States. In part, it is as follows. If food is to win the war, as we are assured on every side, the farmers of America must produce more food in 1918 than they did in 1917. Under existing conditions, we cannot equal the production of 1917, much less

surpass it, and this for reasons over which the farmers have no control. The chief causes which will inevitably bring about a smaller crop next year, unless promptly removed by national action, are six in number, of which the first is the shortage of farm labor. Since the war began in 1914, and before the first draft was made, there is reason to believe that more farm workers had left farms and there are men in our army and navy together. Those men were drawn away by the high wages paid in munitions plants and other war industries, and their places remain unfilled. In spite of the new classification, future drafts will still further reduce the farm labor supply. With a million and a half men drawn out of the country and $10 billion to be expended on war

material, making every ammunition factory a labor magnet, it seems like the smooth deceptions of prestidigitation to answer the cry. of the farmer with suggestion that men rejected by the draft or high school boys be paroled to meet the exigency. The farm can't be run with decrepit men or larking boys, nor the war won with less than its full quota of soldiers. Legislators, government officials, and farm associations by sudden shifting of labor battalions cannot camouflage the fact that the front-line trenches of the fighting army and labor force are undermanned. Women can and will be the substitutes if the experiments already made are signs of the times. Groups of women from colleges and seasonal trades have plowed and herald,

sowed and planted, weeded and cultivated, mowed and harvested, milked and churned at Vassar, Bryn Maw, and Mount Holyoke, at Newburgh and Milton, at Bedford Hills, and Mawaw. It has been demonstrated that our girls from college and city trade can do farm work and do it with a will. And still better, at the end of the season, their health wins high approval from the doctors and their work golden opinions from the farmers. Twelve crusaders were chosen from 33 students who volunteered for dangerous service during a summer vacation on the Vassar College farm. The 12 ventured out on a new enterprise that meant aching muscles, sunburn and blisters, but not not one of the 12 ever lost a day in their eight hours at hard labor, beginning at 4.30 each

morning for eight weeks during one of our hottest summers. They plowed with horses, they plowed with tractors. They sowed the seed. They thinned and weeded the plants. They reaped, they raked, they pitched the hay, they did fencing and milking. The Vassar farm had bumper crops on its 740 acres, and its superintendent, Mr. Lewis P. Gillespie said, a very great amount of the work necessary for the large production was done by our students. They hoed and cultivated 16 acres of field corn, 10 acres of ensilage corn, 5 acres of beans, 5 acres of potatoes, carried sheaves of rye and wheat to the shocks and shock them, and two of the students milked 7 cows at each milking time. In the garden, they laid out a strawberry bed of 2,000 plants, helped to plant corn and beans,

picked beans, and other vegetables. They took great interest in the work and did the work just as well as the average man and made good far beyond the most sanguine expectations. At first, the students were paid 25 cents an hour, the same rate as the male farmhands. The men objected saying that the young women were beginners. But by the end of the summer, the critics realized that brains tell and said the girls were worth the higher wage, though they had only been getting, in order to appease the masculine prejudice, 17 and a half cents an hour. There is no pleasing some people. If women are paid less, they are unfair competitors. If they are paid equally, they are being petted, in short, fair competitors. Mount Holyoke and Bryn Mare have made experiments, and like

Vassar demonstrated not only that women can and that satisfactorily work on the land, but that they will and that cheerfully. The groups were happy and they comprehended that they were doing transcendentally important work, were rendering a patriotic service by filling up the places left vacant by the drafted men. The women's agricultural camp, known popularly as the Bedford Unit, proved an experiment rich in practical suggestion. Barnard students, graduates of the Manhattan Trade School, and girls from seasonal trades formed the backbone of the group. They were housed in an old farmhouse, chaperoned by one of the Barnard professors, fed by student dieticians from the household arts department of Teachers College, transported from farm to farm by seven chauffeurs, and coached in the

arts of series by an agricultural expert. The day laborers as well as the experts were all women. In founding the camp, Mrs. Charles W. Short Jr. had three definite ideas in mind. First, she was convinced that young women could without ill effect on their health and should as a patriotic service do all kinds of agricultural work. Second, that in the present crisis, the opening up of new land with women as farm managers is not called for, but rather the supply of the labor power on farms already under cultivation is the need. Third, that the women laborers must, in groups, have comfortable living conditions without being a burden on the farmer's wife, must have adequate pay, and must have regulated hours of work.

With these sound ideas as its foundation, the camp opened at Mount Kisco, backed by the Committee on Agriculture of the Mayor's Committee of Women on National Defense of New York City, under the chairmanship of Virginia Gilderslave, Dean of Barnard College. At its greatest enrollment, the unit had 73 members. When the prejudice of the farmers was overcome, the demand for workers was greater than the camp could supply. practically the same processes were carried through as at vassar and the verdict of the farmer on his new helpers was that while less strong than men they more than made up for this by superior conscientiousness and quickness proof of the genuineness of his estimate was shown in his willingness to pay the management of the camp the regulation two dollars for an eight-hour working day and it indicated entire satisfaction with the experiment rather than abstract faith in woman, that each farmer anxiously urged the captain of the group at the end of his first trial to please bring the same young ladies tomorrow.

He was sure no other so good existed. The unit plan seems a heaven-born solution of many of the naughty problems of the farm. In the first place, the farmer gets cheerful and handy helpers, and his overworked wife does not find her domestic cares added to in the hot summer season. The new hands house and feed themselves. From the point of view of the worker, the advantage is that her food at the camp is prepared by trained hands and the proverbial farm isolation gives way to congenial companionship. These separate experiments growing out of the need of food production and the shortage of flavor

have brought new blood to the farm, have turned the college, girl on vacation, and what is more important being a solution of an industrial problem, the unemployed in seasonal trades, into recruits for an agricultural army. And by concentrating workers in well-run camps, there has been attracted to the land a higher order of helper. One obstacle in the way of the immediate success of putting such women on the land is a wholly mistaken idea in the minds of many persons of influence in agricultural matters that the new labor can be diverted to domestic work in the farmhouse. This view is urged in the following letter to me from the head of one of our best agricultural colleges. The farm labor shortage

is much more acute than is generally understood, and I have much confidence in the possibility of a great amount of useful work in food production being done by women who are physically strong enough and who can secure sufficient preliminary training to do this with some degree of efficiency. Probably the larger measure of service could be done by relieving women now on the farms of this state from the double burden of indoor work and the attempt to assist in farm operations and chores. If farm women would get satisfactory domestic assistance within the house, they could add much to the success of field husbandry. Women who know farm conditions, and who could largely take the place of men in the management of outdoor affairs can accomplish much more than will ever be possible by drafting city-bred women directly into garden or other forms of fieldwork.

The opinions expressed in this letter are as generally held as they are mistaken. In the first place, the theory that the country-bred woman in America is stronger and healthier than the city-bred has long since been exploded. The assumption cannot stand up under the facts. Statistics show that the death rate in the United States is lower in city than in farm communities, and if any added proof were needed to indicate that the stamina of city populations overbalances the country, it was furnished by the draft records. Any group of college and Manhattan trade school girls could be pitted against a group of women from the farms and win the laurels in staying powers.

Nor must it be overlooked that we are not dealing here with uncertainties. The medal of the girls has been proved. In any case, the fact must be faced that these agricultural units will not do domestic work. Nine-tenths of the farmhouses in America are without modern conveniences. The well-appointed barn may have running water, but the house has not. To undertake work as a domestic helper on the average farm is to step back into quite primitive conditions. The farmer's wife can attract no one from city life, where so much cooperation is enjoyed to her extreme individualistic surroundings. A second obstacle to the employment of this new labor force is due to the government's failure to see the possibility of saving most valuable labor power and achieving an economic gain by dovetailing the idle months of young women in industrial life into the rush time of agriculture.

One department suggests excusing farm labor from the draft, as if we had already fulfilled our obligation and manpower to the battlefront of our allies. The United States Senate discusses bringing in coolly and contract labor, as if we had not demonstrated our unfitness to deal with less advanced peoples, and as if a republic could live comfortably with a class of disfranchised workers. The Labor Department declares it will mobilize for the farm an army of a million boys, as if the wise saw boys will be boys, did not apply with peculiar sharpness of flavor to the American vintage. God bless them, and as if it were not our plain duty at this world crisis to spur up rather than check civilizing agencies and keep our boys in school for the full term. Refusing to be in the least crushed by government neglect, far-seeing women determined to organize widely and carefully their solution of the farm labor problem.

To this end, the Women's National Farm and Garden Association, the Garden Clubs of America, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Women's Suffrage Party, the New York Women's University Club, and the Committee of the Women's Agricultural Camp, met with representatives of the Grange, of the Cornell Agricultural College, and of the Farmingdale State School of Agriculture, and formed an advisory council, the object of which is to stimulate the formation of a land army of women to take the places on the farms of the men who are being drafted for active service. This is to be on a nationwide scale.

The council has put lectures in the granges to bring to the farmer by the spoken word and lantern slides the value of the labor of women, and is appealing to colleges, seasonal trades and village communities to form units for the land army. It is asking the cooperation of the labor bureaus to act as media through which units may be placed where labor is most needed. This mobilization of woman power is not yet large or striking. The effort is entirely civil, but all the more is it praiseworthy. It shows on the part of women clear-eyed recognition of facts as they exist and vision as to the future. The mobilization of this fresh labor power should, of course, be taken in hand by the government.

Not only that, it should be led by women as in Great Britain and Germany. But the spirit in America today is the same as in England the first year of the war, a disposition to exclude women from full service. But facts remain facts in spite of prejudice, and the Woman's Land Army, with faith and enthusiasm in lieu of a national treasury, are endeavoring to bring woman power, and the untilled fields together. The proved achievement of the individual worker will win the employer. The unit plan with its solution of housing conditions and dreary isolation will overcome not only the

opposition of the farmer's wife, but that of the intelligent worker. When the seed time of the movement has been lived through by anxious and inspired women, the government may step in to reap the harvest of a nation's gratitude. The most Mobilization of woman power on the farm is the need of the hour, and the wise and devoted women who are trying to answer the need deserve and all hail from the people of the United States and her allies. End of Section 14. Section 15 of Mobilizing Women Power. This is a LibreVox recording. All LibraVox recordings are in the public domain.

For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibreVox.org. Mobilizing Women Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch Chapter 12 Women's Part in Saving Civilization Men have played, all honor to them, the major part in the actual conflict of the war. Women will mobilize for the major part of binding up the wounds and conserving civilization.

The spirit of the world might also be supposed to have been looking forward to this day and clearly seeing its needs. So well are women being prepared. to receive and carry steadily the burden which will be laid on their shoulders. For three quarters of a century, schools and colleges have given to women what they had to confer in the way of discipline. Gainful pursuits were opened up to them, adding training in ordered occupation and self-support. Lastly, has come to the Great War. With its drill and sacrifice

and economy, its larger opportunities to function and achieve its ideals of democracy, which have directly and quickly led to the political enfranchisement of women in countries widely separated. Fate has prepared women to share fully in the saving of civilization. Whether victory be ours in the immediate future, or whether the dangers rising so clearly on the horizon develop into fresh alignments leading to the years of war, Civilization stands in jeopardy. Political ideals and ultimate social aims may remain intact, but the immediate, practical maintenance of those standards of life

which are necessary to ensure strong and fruitful reactions are in danger of being swept away. We have been destroying the life, the wealthy and beauty of the world. The nobility of our aim in the war must not blind us to the awfulness and the magnitude of the destruction. In the fighting forces, there are at least 38 million men involved in international or civil conflict. Over 4 million men have fallen, and 3 million have been maimed for life. Disease has taken its toll of fighting strength and economic power.

In addition to all this human depletion, we have the loss of life and the destruction of health and initiative in harring peoples madly flying across our borders from invading armies. Starvation has swept across wide areas and steady underfeeding rules in every country in Europe and in the cities of America, letting loose malnutrition that hidden enemy whose ambushes are more serious than the attacks of an open foe. The world is sick and the world is poor. The nations have spent over 100 billions on the war. that is but part of the wealth which has gone down in the catastrophe. Thousands of square miles are plowed so deep with shot and shell and trench

that the fertile soil lies buried beneath unyielding clay. Orchards and forests are gone. Villages are wiped out. Cities are but skeletons of themselves. In the face of all the need of reconstruction, we must admit, however much we would wish to cover the fact the world is poor. And still, as in no other war, the will to guard human welfare has remained dominant. The country rose to a woman in most spirited fashion to combat the plan to lower

the standards of labor conditions in the supposed interest of war needs. With but few exceptions, the states have strengthened their labor laws. In its summary, the American Association for Labor legislation says. Eleven states strengthened their child labor laws by raising age limits, extending restrictions to new employments, or shortening hours. Texas passed a new general statute setting a 15-year minimum age for factories and Vermont provided for regulations in conformity with those of the Federal Child Labor Act. Kansas and New Hampshire legislated on factory safeguards.

Texas on fire escapes, New Jersey on scaffolds, Montana on electrical apparatus, Delaware on sanitary equipment, and West Virginia on mines. New Jersey forbade the manufacture of articles of food or children's wear in tenements. Workman's compensation laws were enacted in Delaware, Idaho, New Mexico, South Dakota, and Utah, making 40 states and territories which now have such laws, in addition to the federal government's compensation law for its own half-million civilian employees. In more than 20 additional states, existing acts were amended. The changes being marked by a tendency to extend the scope, shorten the working period, and increase provision for medical care.

The Great War, far from checking the movement for social welfare, has quickened the public sense of responsibility. That fact opens the widest field to women for work in which they are best prepared by nature and training. Many keen thinkers are concerned over the question of population. One of our most distinguished professors has thrown out a hint of a possibility that considering the greater proportion of women to men, some form of plurality of wives may become necessary. The disturbed balance of the sexes is a thing that will write

itself in one generation. Need of population will be best answered by efforts to salvage the race. The United States loses each year 500,000 babies under 12 months of age from preventable causes. An effort to save them would seem more reasonable than a demand for more children to neglect. Life will be so full of drive and interest that the woman who has given no hostages to fortune will find ample scope for her powers outside of motherhood. The old maid of tomorrow will have a mission more honored and important than was hers in the past. But whatever the conclusions as to the wisest method of building up population, there is no doubt that government and individuals will make strict valuation of the essentials and non-essentials in

national life. In our poverty, we will test all things in the light of their benefits. to the race and hold fast that which is good. The opinions of women will weigh in this national accounting. There will be no money to squander, and women to a unit will stand behind those men who think a recreation field is of more value than a race track. That will be the woman's view, there being but one choice, that it is better to encourage fleetness and skill in boys and girls than in horses. If we have just so much money to spend, and the question arises as to whether there shall be corner saloons or municipal kitchens,

public sentiment made in good measure by women, will eschew the saloon. The things that lend themselves to the husbanding of the race will draw as a magnet those who have borne the race. The tired world will need for its rejuvenation a broadened and deepened medical science. Women are too wise to permit sanitation and research to fall to a low level. On the contrary, they will wish them to be more thorough. There will be economy along the less essential lines to meet the cost. The flagging spirit needs the inspiration of art and music. To secure them in the future, state and municipal effort will be demanded. Women are born economizers. They have been trained to pinch each penny. With their advent into political life, roads and public buildings will cost less. Through careful

savings, funds will be made available for the things of the spirit. One of the men conductors on the New York Street Railways somewhat reproachfully remarked to me, no one ever came to look at the recreation room and restaurant at the car barns until women were taken on. Men don't seem to count. Is the reproach deserved? Have women been narrow in sympathy? Perhaps we have assumed that men can look out for themselves. They could, but in private life, they never do. Women have to do the mothering. A trade unionist is ready enough to regulate wages and hours, but he gives not a thought to surroundings in factory and workshop. An act of protection generally starts with solicitude about a woman or child.

Factory legislation took root in their needs. There was no mercy for the man-worker. His only chance of getting better conditions was when women entered his occupation, and the regulation meant for her benefit indirectly served, his interest. Men suffer more than women in dangerous trades, but I did not suppose you were generous enough to care anything about them, came in answer to an inquiry at a labor conference at the end of a most admirable paper on women in dangerous traits, given by one of the doctors in the New York City Department of Health. He was speaking to an audience of working women. I doubt if his hearers had given

a thought to men workers. Perhaps this is natural, since there has been going on at the same time with the development of factory legislation in America a strong propaganda directed, especially at political freedom for women. We have been laying stress on the wrongs of women and demanding very persistently and convincingly her rights. The industrial needs and rights of the man have been overlooked, with increasing numbers of women entering into the industrial world, with ever-widening extensions of the vote to women, and the consequent quickening of public responsibility, together with the recent experience of Europe demonstrating the importance of care for all workers, both men and women, there is ground for hope that even

the United States, where protective legislation is so retarded, in development will enter upon wide and fundamental plans for conservation of all our human resources. Protection of the worker, housing conditions, the feeding of factory employees and school children, playgrounds and recreation centers will challenge the world for first consideration. These are the social processes which command most surely the hearts and minds of women. The churning which the war has given humanity has roused in women a realization that upon them rests at least half the burden of saving civilization from wreck. Here is the world with such and such needs for food, clothing, shelter, with which and such needs for sanitation, hospitals, and above all, for education, for science, for the arts, if not to fall back. into the conditions of the Middle Ages.

How can women aid in making secure the national position? Certainly not by idleness, inefficiency, an easy policy of laissez-faire. They must labor, economize, and pool their brains. Women can save civilization only by the broadest cooperative action, by daring to think, by daring to be themselves. The world is entering, and heroic age calling for heroic women. End of Chapter 15, read to you by J.P. Lial, Macuver, Canada, January 22, 2023.

Section 12 of Mobilizing Women Power. This is the Libravox recording. All Libravox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit Librevox.org. Mobilizing Women Power by Harriet Stanton Blatch. Chapter 10 As Mother Used to Do It Man's admiration for things as Mother used to do them

Is a great obstacle as business as usual In the path of winning the war and husbanding the race The glamour surrounding the economic feats of Mother in the past hides the shortcomings of today I once saw one of her old fortresses A manor home where in bygone days she had reigned supreme In the courtyard was the smokehouse where she cured meat and fish. In the cellar were the cauldrons and vats, where long ago she tried tallow

and brewed beer. And there were all the utensils for dealing with flax. In the garret, I saw spindles for spinning cotton and wool, and the handlooms for weaving the homespun. In her day, mother was a great creator of wealth. But then an economic earthquake came. Foundations were shaken, the roots. The roof was torn off her domestic workshop. Steam and machinery, like cyclones, carried away her industries, and nothing was left to her but odds and ends of occupations. Toiling in the family circle from the days of the cave dwellers, mother had become so intimately associated in the tribal mind with a heartstone

that the home was called her sphere. Around this segregation accumulated accretions of opinion. layer on layer emanating from the mind of her mate. Let us call the accretions the atomistic theory. Its authors happen to be the government and could use the public treasury in furtherance of publicity for their ideas set forth in hieroglyphics, cut in stone, or written in plain English and printed on the front page of an American Daily.

One of the few occupations left to mother after the interruption of her sphere at the end of the 18th century was the preparation of food. In the minds of men, food, from its seed, sewing up to its mastication, has always been associated with women. Mentioned food and the average man thinks of mother, that is, the atom in him. And so, quite naturally, one must first consider this relation of women to food in the atomistic theory. When the world under war conditions, asked, be fed, Adam, running true to his theory, pointed to mother as the source of supply, and declared with an emphasis that came of implicit faith that the universe need want for nothing, if each woman would eliminate waste in her kitchen and become a voluntary

and obedient reflector of the decisions of state and national food authorities. This solution presupposed a highly developed sense of community devotion in women running hand in hand with entire lack of gift for community action. Woman, it was expected, would display more than her proverbial lack of logic by embracing with enthusiasm, state direction, and at the same time remain an exemplar of individualistic performance. The atomistic scheme seems still further to demand for its smooth working that the feminists, and group show self-abnegation and agree that it is not itself suited to reason out general plans. It is within the range of possibility, however, that no comprehensive scheme of food conservation

or effective saving in any line can be imposed on women without consulting them. The negro, who agreed that the color folk should be kept in their place, touched a fundamental note in nature, overrunning sex as well as racial boundaries, and when he, added, and the colored folk must do the place in, it might seem to run counter to this bit of wisdom for women to be told that the welfare of the world depends on them, and then for no woman to be given administrative power to mobilize the group. But the contest between man's devotion to the habits of his ancestry in the female line and the ideas of his very living woman folk is as trying to him as it is interesting to the outside observer.

The conflicting forces illustrate a universal fact. It is always true that the ruling class, when a discipline and a sacrifice are recognized as necessary, endeavors to make it appear that the new obligation should be should be shouldered by the less powerful. For instance, to take an illustration quite outside the domestic circle, when America first became convinced that military preparation was incumbent upon us, the ruling class would scarcely discuss conscription, much less adopt universal service.

That is, it vetoed self-discipline. In many states, laws were passed putting off upon children in the schools, the training which the voting adults knew the nation needed. In the same way, when food falls short and the vittling, of the world becomes a pressing duty, the governing class adopts a thesis that a politically less favored group can, by saving in small and painful ways, accumulate the extra food necessary to keep the world from starving. The ruling class seeks cover in primitive ideas, accuses Eve of introducing sin to the world, and calls upon her to mend her wasteful ways. Man, of course,

know intellectually that much food is a factory product in these days, but emotionally they have a picture of mother, still supplying the family in a complete secret and silent manner. This atomistic emotion takes command at the crisis, for when human beings are suddenly faced with a new and agitating situation, primitive ideas sees them. Mother, it is true, did create goods for immediate consumption, and so the sons of Adam, in a spirit of admiration, doffing their helmets, so to speak, to the primitive woman,

turn in times of stress and call confidently upon Eves' daughter to create and save. The confidence is touching, but perhaps the feminine reaction will not be, and perchance ought not to be just such as Adam expects. Women have passed in aspiration, and to some extent in action, out of the ultra-individualistic stage of civilization. The food propaganda reflects the hiatus in Adam's thought. I have looked over hundreds of publications issued by the agricultural departments and colleges of the various states. They tell housewives what to put in the garbage pail, what to keep out of the garbage pail,

what to substitute for wheat, how to make soap, but, with a single exception, not a single word suggests to women any saving through group act. action. This exception, which stood out as a beacon of light in an ocean of literature worthy of the Stone Age, was a small pamphlet issued by the Michigan Agricultural College on luncheons in rural schools. Sound doctrine was preached on the need of the children for substantial and warm new meals, and the comparative ease and economy with which such luncheons could be provided at the schoolhouse. Children can, of course, be better and more children. Children can, of course, be better and more children. cheaply fed as a group, then as isolated units supplied with a cold, home-prepared lunchbox.

And yet, with the whole machinery of the estate in his hands, Adams' commissions, backed by the people's money, goad mother on the isolated endeavor. She plants and weeds and harvests. She dries and cans, preserves and pickles. Then she calculates, and perchance finds that her finished product is not always of the best, has often cost more than if purchased in the open market. It may be the truest devotion to our allies to challenge the individualistic role recommended by Adam to mother,

for it will hinder, not help, the feeding of the world to put women back under 18th century conditions. Food is short and expensive, because labor is short. And even when the harvest is ripe, the saving of food cannot be set as a separate end-client. commendable goal and the choice as to where labor shall be expanded as negligible. It is a prejudice devotion to mother and her ways which leads Adam in his food pamphlets to advise that a woman shall sit in her chimney corner and spend time peeling a peach very thin

when hundreds of bushels of peaches wrought in the orchards for lack of hands to pick them. Just how wide Adam's Eve has opened the gate of Eden and looked out into the big world is not entirely clear, but probably wide enough to glimpse the fact that all the advice Adam has recently given to her runs counter to man's method of achievement. Men have preached to one another for a hundred years and more and practiced so successfully the concentration in industry of unlimited machinery with a few hands, that even Mother knows some of the truths in regarding to the creation of wealth in the business world. And she is probably not capable of drawing a conclusion from her own experience in the transfer of work from the home to the factory.

If they are city dwellers, women have seen bread and preserves transferred. If farm dwellers, they have seen the curing of meat and fish transferred, the making of butter and cheese. They know that because this transfer, the home is cleaner and quieter. More people better fed and clothed. and the hours of the factory worker made short than those mothers used to work. With half an eye, women cannot fail to note that the labor which used to be occupied in the home in interminable hours of spinning, baking, and preserving has come to occupy itself for regulated periods

in the school and business in factory or cannery. And lo, Eve finds herself with a pay envelope able to help support the cost, quieter, cleaner home. All this is a commonplace to the businessman who knows that the evolution has gone so far that 10% of the married women of America are in gainful pursuits, and that capital ventured on apartment hotels brings attempting return. But the atomistic theory is based on the dream that women are contentedly and efficiently conducting in their flats many occupations and longing to receive back into the life around the gas log, all those industries which in years gone by were drawn from the fireside and established as money-making projects in mill or workshop. And so Adam addresses an exhortation to his eve.

Don't buy bread, bake it. Don't buy flour. Grind it yourself. Don't buy soap, make it. Don't buy canned, preserved or dried food. Carry on the processes yourself. Don't buy fruits and vegetables. Raise them. Not a doubt seems to exist in Adam's mind as to the efficiency of functioning woman power in this way. According to the atomistic theory, work as mother used to do it is unqualifiedly perfect. This flattering faith is naturally

bombed to women's hearts, and yet there are skeptics among them. When quite by themselves, women speculate as to how much of the fruit and vegetables now put up. up in the home will work. End of Section 12.