Classic Audiobook Collection - Napoleon The First, An Intimate Biography by Walter Geer ~ Full Audiobook [biography]

Episode Date: December 15, 2023

Napoleon The First, An Intimate Biography by Walter Geer audiobook. Genre: biography Written a century after Napoleon's final defeat, Walter Geer's Napoleon The First, An Intimate Biography sets out to strip away both hero worship and demonization and to portray the man behind the legend. From a young Corsican outsider hungry for recognition, Napoleon Bonaparte rises through the upheavals of the French Revolution, wins startling victories that remake Europe, and learns to command not only armies but also opinion, law, and government. Geer follows the private pressures that shadow the public triumphs: the fierce pull of family, the complicated devotion to Josephine, the rivalries of brilliant subordinates, and the loneliness of a ruler who must trust few. As Napoleon forges an empire and then struggles to hold it together, every decision carries a personal cost, and every relationship becomes entangled with power. With a storyteller's pace and an eye for character, Geer balances campaign drama with court politics, showing how charisma, impatience, and relentless ambition can build a world and endanger it at the same time. The result is a portrait of strategy and temperament, and of a life that still provokes argument long after the cannons fall silent. For ad-free listening try our premium subscription Chapters (Approximate) (00:00:00) Chapter 00 (00:01:28) Chapter 01 (00:32:46) Chapter 02 (00:59:00) Chapter 03 (01:21:55) Chapter 04 (01:50:12) Chapter 05 (02:19:30) Chapter 06 (02:58:09) Chapter 07 (03:30:19) Chapter 08 (04:02:32) Chapter 09 (04:33:43) Chapter 10 (05:07:45) Chapter 11 (05:33:13) Chapter 12 (06:10:23) Chapter 13 (06:46:31) Chapter 14 (07:22:30) Chapter 15 (07:42:50) Chapter 16 (08:21:31) Chapter 17 (08:50:58) Chapter 18 (09:28:45) Chapter 19 (10:01:02) Chapter 20 (10:40:17) Chapter 21 (11:15:15) Chapter 22 (11:47:55) Chapter 23 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

napoleon the first an intimate biography by walter gear forward of books and memoirs about napoleon there is no end but there are comparatively few which give an unprejudiced picture of the man for the most part no judgment has been passed upon him but that either of profound antipathy or of blind admiration the books published about him during his life and for many years after his death have but little value the idolatry and hatred which he inspired survived him too long to allow an unbiased view. It has been his fate in death as in life to stir the hearts of men to their depths.

Now that 100 years have elapsed since the long-drawn agony of St. Alina, we think that the time has come for a more impartial estimate. Facts are clearer, motives are better known, much new evidence is available. Let us then endeavor

to depict Napoleon as he was, and nothing extenuate, nor set down Otten Malice. Walter Gear New York, May, 1921. End of Forward. Chapter 1 of Napoleon I, an intimate biography, by Walter Gear. This Librevox recording is in the public domain.

1.1769 to 1789. Early years. The life of Napoleon will always be associated with the names of three small islands. Corsica, where he was born, Elba where he was first sent into exile, and St. Helena, where he ended his days. Lying in a magnificent sight at the extremity of its azure gulf, with an amphitheater of mountains in the background, is situated the little city of Aaccio, the capital of Corsica. As the place first appears to the eye of the traveler on the small steamer from Marseille, he is enchanted by a scene of beauty only surpassed.

by that of the larger and grander Bay of Naples. The town glistenes like a white city against the green slopes of snow-capped Montedoro, which come down from the blue sky to meet the blue sea. At the end of the stone dock, the quay-Napoleon, at which the steamer ties up, is a wide, shady square surrounded by tall palms.

The street, the rue Napoleon, leads to the older part of the town back of the citadel. Almost in the center of the little city, and not more than five minutes walk from the cathedral in one direction, and from the citadel in another stands a four-story square stone house at the corner of a narrow street. Above the door a marble tablet bears the inscription in French. Napoleon was born in this house 15 August 1769. The old Bonaparte mansion was partly destroyed during the Revolution,

and later rebuilt by Cardinal Fesh. It has hardly been occupied since the family left Corsica in 1793. Napoleon's mother wield it to the king of Rome, but she outlived him and at her death it came into the possession of King Joseph.

Later it was acquired by the Empress Eugenie who owned so many of the family shrines. On the second floor adjoining the salon is a large chamber with one window overlooking the side street.

This is the room in which Napoleon was born. In 1762, in his celebrated book Le Contra Social, Jean-Jacques Rousseau wrote, There is still one country in Europe susceptible of molding by legislation,

the island of Corsica. The courage and steadfastness which enabled this brave people to regain and to defend its liberty will deserve that a sage should teach it how that blessing should be preserved. I have a presentiment that this little island will someday astonish Europe.

Seven years later, the prophecy of the philosopher was verified by the birth on this little island, of one whose genius was to astonish the whole world. For many centuries the Bonaparte family had lived in provincial obscurity in Tuscany, first at Florence, then at San Mineato, and later at Sarzana, a little isolated city of the state of Genoa. From father to son, there had been a long series of notaries and municipal syndics. In 1529, a Bonaparte came from Sarzana to settle in Corsica, and this little detached branch of the family took root in an

island not less Italian, but almost barbarous amidst the institutions, the manners and the passions of the early Middle Ages, though ruled in turn by Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals, by Pisa and finally by Genoa, the Corsicans had retained a striking individuality. The rock-bound coast and mountainous interior helped to preserve the essential features of a primitive existence. There life centered around the family. The state counted for little or nothing. Laws were of no account when they conflicted with the Code of Family Honor. The Vendetta was the chief law of the island. In such a life, says Rose, where commerce and agriculture were despised, where woman was merely a drudge and a man a conspirator, there grew up the typical Corsican temperament, moody and exacting,

but with all keen, brave and constant, which looked on the world as offensive. school for the glorification of the family and the clan. Of this type, Napoleon was to be the supreme exemplar, and the fates granted him as an arena, a chaotic France, and a distracted Europe. Napoleon's father was a handsome courtly gentleman of unusual culture and distinguished manners, but of a feeble and even frivolous character, too fond of pleasure to occupy himself with his affairs. The 2nd of June 1764, at the age of 18, he married Leticia Aramolino, four years younger than himself, a girl of remarkable beauty. Like her husband, she belonged to a good Florentine family which had settled in Corsica at the end of the 15th century. She lost her father at the age of five years, and her mother married a Captain Fesh of Swiss origin.

From this union was born in 1763, an only son, Joseph Fethe. afterwards cardinal who was there for Napoleon's uncle but only six years older than himself in a land of lovely women Letitia had borne from girlhood the title of the most beautiful woman of Corsica she was of medium height and of graceful carriage with the small hands and feet and ears the regular teeth the light brown hair the noble forehead the brilliant eyes the long well-formed nose the fine mouth and strong chin which Napoleon inherited from from her. Napoleon's mother, who was afterwards called Madame Mare, preserved her beauty till extreme old age. She was an extraordinary woman, and Napoleon derived from her many of his strongest qualities. She was full of courage and followed her husband through woods and mountains in the last days of Corsican independence just prior to Napoleon's birth. She was devoted to her children, but brought them up with severity.

Miss fortunes, privations, fatigues, said Napoleon. She supported all. Braved all. She had the head of a man upon the body of a woman. The devotion between mother and son which lasted throughout their lives is one of the most beautiful episodes in modern history. Some years prior to Napoleon's birth, Corsica, which since 1300 had belonged to Genoa, had risen in rebellion and endeavored to achieve its independence under the leadership of Paoli,

During the course of the seven years' war, Genoa sided with France, and Louis XIV, promised in return to support that Republic in its contest with Corsica. For three years, from 1756 to 1759, French troops occupied the three principal harbors of the island. Measures were then taken by France to secure possession of Corsica. Negotiations with Genoa resulted in a treaty in 1768 by the terms of which the King of France, was granted the sovereignty of the island under certain restrictive clauses which were generally understood to be only formal. Powley in vain protested that Genoa had no right to thus dispose of the Corsicans. He continued the unequal struggle, but was finally decisively defeated in May 1769 and left the island a month later.

Corsica thus became French only a few months before the birth of Napoleon. At the opening of the war with France, Charles Bonaparte had been an aide-de-con of Paoli. After the victory of the enemy, however, he became a zealous supporter of the new government and was a member of the deputation sent to sue for peace from the French. A cordial welcome was given to the foreigners at his house in Ayachro, where his beautiful young wife made a charming hostess, and the French commandant, Count Mabeuf, was a frequent visitor.

Nobility had not been recognized in Corsica before the French occupation, and the Genoese had done everything in the French. their power to debase the Corsican aristocracy, so that there was but little difference in the island between the manner of dress and life of nobles and peasants. The new French government pursued a different policy. They established a nobility accepting such titles as could be proved. The Bonaparts were assisted in their research by the Grand Duke of Tuscany. They bore accounts Coronet and their arms were guels, two Benz Argent between two stars of the second. The accounts of Napoleon's have been embellished with a number of stories which are entirely without foundation.

The most trustworthy narrative is derived from his mother. She tells us that he was very industrious and had a great capacity for mathematics. His first teachers were nuns, and he later went to a school formerly kept by the Jesuits. His power of inspiring and feeling deep affection was displayed in early childhood. At the same time, traces of an imperious disposition were not wanting. Napoleon, at a later date, frankly, admitted that as a boy he was turbulent, aggressive, and quarrelsome. He was afraid of no one, but bit and scratched without reference to inequality of size or age. Joseph, although the elder, was no match for him.

He was certainly the product of his island home. He sprang from a proud, warlike, vindictive race. Political conditions also profoundly influenced his mind during his earlier years. The history of Corsica, he wrote in 1789, is nothing but the chronicle of a perpetual struggle between a small people who wish to live in freedom and their neighbors who wish to oppress them. The final stage of the long struggle had been reached as we have seen just before his birth. I was born when my country was dying, he wrote to Pauley. The change of front on his father's part made no difference to the boy Napoleon. Corsican, he remained in his heart for many years, although a subject and a beneficiary of the French king.

He adored Paoli, and he detested the alien conquerors. At Brienne, in a moment of rage, he exclaimed to Borien, It is often futile and misleading to inquire into the direction and extent of the influence exercised upon a child by his home surroundings, but Napoleon was certainly his mother's son. Both mentally and morally she was a remarkable woman. She was conspicuous for her strength of character, her energy, her courage, her love of power, and her capacity for practical affairs.

But despite her occasional severity, her children both loved and respected her, and to her training and influence, Napoleon ascribed the development of his own character. The father was extravagant, careless, and in the words of his famous son, too fond of pleasure to occupy himself with us children. Their care thus devolved almost entirely upon their mother, and well she proved herself equal to the task. Until the age of nine, Napoleon's home was at a yacho, though he went frequently with his parents to their country estates among the hills,

not far away. Then came the first change in his life. The resources of his father were being severely tried by the continual growth of his large family, and it became necessary to provide for the education of his two elder sons. It was decided to make Joseph a priest and Napoleon a soldier. Merve promised to give the latter a scholarship in one of the royal military schools,

and to procure for the former an ecclesiastical benefice through his nephew, the Bishop of Othun. He arranged to place both of them at the College of Othun, one of the best public schools in France, where Joseph was to study classics, and Napoleon to remain a short time to learn French. The 15th December 1778, Charles Bonaparte left Ayacho with his two little sons, one age ten and the other nine. He also had with him his young brother-in-law Joseph Fesh, who was to complete his studies for the priesthood at the seminary of X. As Napoleon tells us in his notes, they reached Oterre the first day of January. At the school, Joseph was thought to be a good boy, shy, quiet, and without ambition.

Napoleon, on the other hand, was pensive and somber. taking no part in the games and walking about alone, which was quite natural as he could not speak French. He was cleverer than Joseph and learned with greater facility. In three months he acquired sufficient French to converse fluently and to write little exercises. In the meantime, his father was completing arrangements to enter Napoleon at one of the military schools as a Pensionaire du Rois.

For this, two things were necessary, a certificate of nobility for four generations, and a certificate of poverty. For the first there was no difficulty, for the Bonaparts could show 11 generations of nobility. As to the second, four Corsicans testified that Charles had no income except his salary as assessor,

and could not give his children the education suited to their rank. Through the efforts of his father, Napoleon finally received an appointment to Brienne and left Otein 23rd April 1779, taking leave of his brother who was to remain there five years longer, this school was one of the twelve institutions which louis the fifteenth had founded nominally for the training of military cadets though as a matter of fact they were conducted by the religious orders and included among their pupils many boys not destined for the army at prionne the boys wore a uniform but otherwise there was nothing military about the establishment the teaching was entirely in the hands of the fathers and was rather poor latin and french literature and composition were the principal principal subjects of study, but some attention was given to history, geography, and mathematics,

and the accomplishments were represented by dancing and fencing. The discipline was not severe, but no holidays were given, and the pupils were never permitted to visit their homes or to receive visitors. For each pupil, a yearly sum of about 700 francs was paid by quarterly installments in advance, and for this amount, the fathers undertook to give the boys each a separate room or cell, to feed and clothe them, and to instruct them according to the curriculum outlined above. The pupils entered the schools at the age of eight or nine and remained six years. During the long vacation which lasted from the middle of September to the second of November, although forbidden to leave the school, the boys had only one lesson a day and plenty of recreation.

The college of Brienne, originally a monastery, was built at the foot of the hill on which the chateau stands. It had a accommodations for 150 students. They slept in two corridors, each of which contained 70 cells about six feet square, furnished with a strap bed, a water jug, and a basin. Meals were taken in a common dining hall, and the fair was quite generous. At first, Napoleon was thoroughly unhappy at Plienne. It is not difficult to imagine the feelings of this little ten-year-old boy amid such surroundings among strangers in a strange land. In the bleak climate and barren land, of Champagne, he grew homesick for the blue skies and green hills of his native island.

But he gradually became more reconciled to his lot, and in afterlife his memories of the school were by no means unpleasant. He formed a few lasting friendships, among others with Bourienne, who was later to be his private secretary, and with Lauriston, his last ambassador to St. Petersburg. During his stay at Brienne, Napoleon was short of stature. His eyes were bright, his forehead spacious, his lips delicately shaped, but his olive complexion gave him an air of ill health. He was very passionate and his fellow students were afraid of him. As to his intellectual progress during these years, the truth seems to be that he was neither a prodigy nor a dunce, but only an ordinary lad. He never learned Latin, but on the other hand he was distinguished

in mathematics and remarkable for his knowledge of geography. He was the most indefatigable reader in the school, and the books which he chose were generally historical. Among his favorite authors was Plutarch. In 1782, Napoleon had a visit from his father, who also came again two years later. The principal object of the visit of Charles to France in 1784 was to place his eldest daughter Maria Anna, Elisa, in the celebrated school for indigent young ladies at Saint-Cille, founded by Louis XIV. This was destined to be the last, meeting between father and son.

Charles Bonaparte was already suffering severely from the disease which was ultimately to prove fatal to Napoleon himself, a squire, or cancerous tumor of the stomach, which is hard and not painful. According to Ten, four other members of the family died of the same disease. Napoleon's grandfather, Joseph Bonaparte, his uncle Joseph Pesh, his brother Lucien, and his sister, Caroline. While in Paris, Charles consulted Mali Antoinette's. physician, the celebrated Doctor de la Sonde, who advised him to try the waters of Orezza in Corsica. But, growing worse instead of better, early in 1785, he set out for France to put himself

under the charge of the same position. He got no further than Montpellier where he died on the 24th February, having nearly completed his 39th year. His death was a great blow to his family, whom he left in very straitened circumstances. Napoleon had at first intended to be, and be a sailor. He hoped to be stationed on the Mediterranean which would give him many opportunities of visiting his native island. But the influence of his mother who dreaded the sea and other causes finally led him to change his plans and to decide upon the artillery, an arm of the service in which Merritt had more influence than patronage or money. To his great surprise, the inspector on his visit to Brienne in 1784 chose Napoleon

with four others to enter the Ecole Militaire at Paris. He proved. He probably owed this distinction to his standing in mathematics. Accompanied by one of the friars, Napoleon and his companions left Brienne for Paris on the 30th of October. Brienne will always be associated with the name of Napoleon. The little village, with its 1800 inhabitants, clustered about two crossroads, lies in the heart of France some 125 miles to the east of Paris and near Trois, the ancient capital of Champagne. Before the Hotel de Ville, there stands the bronze statue of a long-haired, lean, and undersized lad,

the immortal schoolboy of Brienne, with golden eagles and a crown at his feet. A little further on in this street there rises an old wall which once enclosed the school of the friars. The school was closed during the Revolution, and the only surviving monument is the convent in which the fathers lived. On a little elevation near the cross-road stands the old chateau, where the emperor stopped in 1805 on the way to his second coronation at Milan. The showroom of the chateau today is the Chambre Accusche de Napoleon, with everything in it carefully kept as he left it on his last visit the 31st of January 1814 during the campaign of France. The Ecole Militaire at Paris, founded by Louis XVI, had been entirely reorganized in 1776.

The new plan was to select each year from the national schools like Brienne. a few of the most deserving pupils to be educated at Paris. They were to be sent to the school for the purpose of acquiring a general military education and to have access to the magnificent writing school the best in Europe. The subjects of study were eight in number, mathematics, history and geography, French and German grammar, fortification, drawing, and fencing. The young men were drilled every day and twice a week were exercised in firing. They were also required to learn.

by heart the exercises of the drill book. Each cadet had a separate room simply furnished with an iron bedstead, a chair and a set of shelves. The old building, which is still standing, fronts on the Chant de Marse, not far from the Eiffel Tower, and the Hotel des invalides.

The Ecole Militaire was well governed and supervised, which goes to show that some things were done well even under the Ancien Regime. It was undoubtedly one of the finest educational establishments in France, if not the first of all. St. Germain, when he remodeled the school, certainly did not dream that it would one day turn out a Napoleon,

but there can be no question that the career of the great soldier was profoundly influenced by the training he received there, and that the debt of gratitude he paid to his teachers was well deserved. The course of study at the school was very hard and the discipline severe. The cadets worked eight hours a day.

They were not allowed to go outside the gates, and Napoleon received permission to visit his sister at Saint-Sea only four times during the year he was there. But the discipline was sensibly exercised, and a serious attempt was made to give the cadets a good education and to fit them to be men of the world. In short, the school would compare favorably with our west point of today.

The sojourn of Napoleon at the Ecole Militaire was saddened by the death of his father, which he felt severely. Charles was buried first at Montpellier, but his body was later transferred to the crypt of the church at Saint-Lu, where are also buried Louis and his two elder sons. Napoleon had now to prepare himself for the examination which would secure his commission in the artillery.

The examination which was held at Metz was almost entirely confined to mathematics in which he excelled. Out of the whole number of candidates who presented themselves in 1785, 58 were passed and received their commissions. Four of the eighteen from the Paris school were successful, Bonaparte being among the number. He thus attained the honor of becoming an officer at the age of 16 after having been less than a year at the school. Although he had not specially distinguished himself at the Ecole Militaire, he won his grade after only ten months' work over some of those who had surpassed him. At the military school as at Brienne, Napoleon showed signs of a deep and serious character.

He was very industrious and very thoughtful. He had lost the somber taciturnity which distinguished him at Brienne and had become more companionable, but he still remained a thorough carcican. Napoleon was at once assigned to the Regiment de la Fere, which was then stationed at Valence. He spent his last two days in Paris in making preparations for his journey and in paying farewell visits. He left the school the 28th of October 1785 and set out from Paris, two days later in company with his friend Demazis who had been ordered to the same regiment. They traveled by the Lyon diligence, one of the best in the kingdom.

The first day they died at Fontainebleau and slept at Stance. From Chalon-sur-Son, they took the boat to Lyon and from there to Valance. The garrison at Valance at that time comprised seven regiments of artillery. The Regiment de la Fere was one of the best in the French army. Three days a week were given to study and three to artillery. practice. The tone of the officers was excellent, and the regiment was popular in the town. Napoleon now put on the artillery uniform, blue with red facings. The first two months he drilled, like all the cadets of that period, first as private, then as corporal, and then as sergeant.

He did not begin his service as second lieutenant until the first of January. His work was hard and confining. His pay was only 900 francs a year, which was supplemented by a allowance of 125 francs for lodging and 200 francs from the Ecole Militaire, or a little more than 100 francs a month. Valence, which today is an attractive old city of almost 30,000 inhabitants, is well situated on the banks of the River Rhone between Lyon and Avignon. It is but a step from the new to the old quarter where the narrow streets twist and turn and tumble down to the broad swift river. Here stands the cathedral, and nearby at the corner of the Grande Rue and the Rue du Croissant is a modern business block, without an

identifying tablet to mark the house at number 48 where Napoleon lived. A spinster, Mademoiselle Bou, kept house for her old father, and Sullyutnant Bonaparte paid them about ten francs a month for his lodging. When he ate his one real meal of the day, he walked along the Grand Rue to the Place de Clare and turned into the Little Rue Pireelry, where he died at the Café de Troie Pigeon. Napoleon brought to Valance a letter of introduction from the Bishop of Otin to the Abbe de Sey at the old Abbei, now the prefecture of the Department of the Dronme, near the foot of the Grand Rue.

Through him, the boy officer also came to know the Abbe Renal, one of the foremost philosophers of France at the time. Napoleon seems to have been popular at Valance and was received with kindness by many people. But, although he took lessons in dancing and deportation, and deportation. which he had neglected at the military school, he remained shy and awkward, and never acquired either then or afterwards the distinguished manners of the Grand Seigneur of the Old Regime. He had the right to a leave of six months at the end of a year's service, and left for Corsica the 1st of September 1786, being allowed a month's grace on account of the distance from his

home. At X, he visited his uncle Fesh, who was still at the seminary, and his brother Lucien who had left Brienne to be trained for the priesthood. He reached Diacho in the middle of September after an absence of nearly eight years. He was then seventeen years and one month old. Napoleon saw once more with unbounded delight his mother and his brother Joseph. The latter said many years afterwards, Ah, the glorious emperor will never indemnify me for Napoleon whom I loved so well, and whom I should like to meet again as I knew him in 1786, if there

There is indeed a meeting in the Elysian fields. He was received everywhere with open arms, and the love of Corsica came back to him with renewed ardor. His leave, which should have expired on the 1st of April, 1787, was extended for eight months on the ground of ill health. As it was necessary, however, for him to visit Paris on his family affairs, he left Corsica on the 12th September after a stay of just a year. He now really saw Paris for the first time, as when at the military,

school he had not been allowed to visit the city. He lodged at the Hotel de Cherbourg in the Rue du Fours Saint-Honoré. He went to the theatres and the Italian opera and frequented the gardens of the Palais Royal. His leave would have expired the 1st of December, but before starting from home he had applied for a further extension of six months, which was duly accorded him. Apparently it was not difficult to obtain leaves in the Regiment de la Fere. Napoleon returned to Ayacho on the first day of January, 1788. He found his mother in very straightened circumstances and did his best to help her. On the final expiration of his leave, the 1st of June,

he left Corsica to rejoin his regiment, from which he had been absent 21 months. But these indulgences were common under the Ancien regime, and it is not fair to censure Napoleon, as some historians have done, for taking advantage of what was really accustomed in the archery. army. The regiment was now quartered at Oksonne, situated between Dijon and the Swiss frontier where Napoleon rejoined it. He lodged near the casern in the Pavilion de la Ville. His room was very simply furnished and had but one window. The damp and cold climate proved very trying after the dry and bracing air of Corsica. He wrote in July, I have nothing to do here

except to work. I sleep very little since my illness. I go to bed at ten and get up at four, and have only one meal a day. Although Napoleon was engaged in hard and continuous labor, and was at times ill and downhearted, during the fifteen months which he spent at Okson, he was far from leading a morose or solitary life. Besides his old chum de Mazzis, he had many other warm friends who remained attached to him through life. He had all the camaraderie of military life, which later gave him such power over his soldiers as was evinced in the Italian campaigns and is so often referred to in the memoirs of Marbeau and others. He was present at all the regimental dinners, and there is

abundant proof that he possessed the esteem and confidence of his fellow officers. At Okson, Napoleon finished his course of artillery and was ranked very near the head of the list. At this time, he wrote to Fesh that the general in command had charged him with some very important work, and that this unheard-of favor to a junior lieutenant had excited the jealousy of the captains. The school of artillery at Okson was then commanded. by Baron Dutel, who was very proud of it as he had every reason to be. It had the reputation of being the best in France, and was visited by all foreigners of distinction when they came to the country. Dutal was the first to appreciate the talents of Napoleon,

and the Emperor in his will left a hundred thousand francs to the sons or grandsons of his former chief in return for the care which this worthy general had bestowed upon him. While at Ouxone, Napoleon, for some unknown reason, was put under arrest for 24 hours. He was shut up in a room with an old chair, an old bed, and an old cupboard on top of which was an old warm-eaten copy of the digest. Having nothing else to do, Napoleon devoured the one book at his disposal, and the knowledge thus gained surprised the lawyer some years later when he was drawing up the code Napoleon. In the summer of 1789, the contagion of the revolution reached Oxon. The regiment took the part of the rioters and later broke out into open mutiny.

in consequence of this the regiment was separated and quartered in different places along the sun another period of leave was now due napoleon and he was allowed to start for home the middle of september a month's grace being given him as usual on his way he stopped at valance and called on his old friend the abb de st rufe who said to him as things are going at present any one may become king if you become king monsieur de bonaparte make your peace with the christian religion you will find it advantageous napoleon followed this advice later when as first consul he negotiated the celebrated concordat end of chapter one chapter two of napoleon the first an intimate biography by Walter Gere. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 2. 1789 to 1793. The Revolution After the failure of the royalist conspiracy of 1804,

Napoleon uttered the famous words, They seek to destroy the revolution by attacking my person. I will defend it, for I am the revolution. It was a daring transcript of the celebrated saying of Louisville. the 14th, Lita Cémois. And yet, these were not words of presumptuous folly. They were only the sober truth, for in the single life of Napoleon Bonaparte was incarnate, the worldwide movement which

we call the French Revolution. He was the builder of the social edifice of modern France, and never, says ten, has any individual character so profoundly impressed his mark upon a collective work. It is impossible to undertake to set forth here all the causes which brought about in France that revolutionary movement, to which so many of the political and social institutions of modern Europe owe their existence. But in order to understand the career of Napoleon, it is necessary to examine briefly some of the conditions out of which the revolution grew. Only thus can we get our sense of perspective our standard of values. For centuries, France had existed under the feudal system, the essence of which was class distinctions and privileges for all

except the lowest classes. At the head of the state stood the monarch, the embodiment of the might and majesty of the nation. He was subject to no control. The thing is legal because I wish it, said Louis XVI, thus stating in a single phrase the nature of the monarchy. The king made the laws, levied the taxes, spent them as he saw fit, declared war, made peace, contracted alliances. There were in theory practically no limits to his power. Paris was the capital of France, but the king lived 12 miles away at Versailles in the most magnificent palace in Europe, built during the preceding century at a cost of 500 million francs. Luxury was everywhere the prevailing note. The court was composed of 18,000 people.

In 1789, on the eve of the revolution when the nation was bankrupt, the total yearly cost of the court was not far from a hundred million francs. nearly half of the national income was required for the payment of the interest on the national debt which in twelve years had increased by nearly three billion francs every year the expenditures were largely in excess of the receipts and the resulting deficit was met by new loans at last the time had come when no one was willing to loan to the state and bankruptcy was imminent it was impossible to increase the taxes the nobles and the clergy were practically exempt from taxation and a the remaining class, the third estate, was already taxed to the limit. The financial situation could no longer be ignored, and the king was finally forced to make an appeal to the people by summoning their representatives.

Louis XVIth was a good, well-meaning man, but deficient in education and totally lacking in distinction either of body or mind. He was awkward, timid, slow, and uncertain. No king could have been less to the manner born. He was entirely under the influence of the Queen, greatly to his misfortune as well as that of France. Marie Antoinette was the daughter of the great Empress Maria Theresa of Austria, and she had been married to Louis in the hope of thus cementing an alliance between two states which had long been

enemies. She was beautiful, graceful, and vivacious, and could not very well help despising her lout of a husband. She had a strong will, a power of rapid decision. But she was lacking in wisdom and except. and utterly failed to understand the French temperament and the spirit of the times. She had been born to the purple and had grown up in Vienna, one of the gayest of capitals. Her education was very defective. When she came to France to become the wife of Louis, she could hardly read or write. Young and frivolous, willful and impatient of restraint,

she committed many indiscretions and laid herself open to gossip and calumny. At the beginning of his reign, Louis had entrusted the management of the finances to Turgo, a great statesman, and a man of rare ability and courage. He announced his program to the king in the words, No bankruptcy, no increase of taxation, no more borrowing. But although he saved many millions by suppressing useless expenditures, he offended those who benefited by existing abuses, and who were opposed to all reform,

including the queen who thus helped to aggravate the financial situation and hastened the catastrophe. Louis finally yielded to the vehement importunities of the Queen and dismissed his ablest minister. Turgot was succeeded by Nekker, a Genevaan banker who was the father of the notorious Madame de Stahl. He was a self-made man who had risen from poverty to great wealth. Neckère had the courage to publish a financial report showing the income and expenditures of the state. This audacious step infuriated the members of the court, and the king was once more forced. to yield to the storm, and Nekhe was dismissed.

This time the court took no chances, and a minister of finance was found in Calhoun, who was only too ready to gratify their wishes. His purpose was to please, and please he did, for a while. Calon was a charming man of graceful address who was past master of the gentle art of spending. In three years in a time of profound peace, he borrowed a million and a half of francs.

Then the treasury was empty and it was, was impossible to float any more loans. He proposed the tax to fall upon nobles as well as commoners, and at once met the fate of Turgo and Nekheer. Every other resource, having been exhausted, the king now yielded to the popular demand and summoned the States General to meet at Versailles 1st of May 1789. Thus opened a new chapter in the history of France.

The States General was an assembly representing the three estates of the nation. the clergy, the nobility, and the commoners. It was an old institution of France, but one that had never fully developed, like the Parliament of England. The last previous meeting had been held in 1614 during the early days of the reign of Louis XIII. It was now revived as a last resort

in a great national crisis in the hope that it might pull the state out of this deplorable situation. Formerly, each one of the three estates had had an equal number of delegates, and each estate had met separately. This organization was manifestly impossible now, if anything was to be accomplished,

as it left the nation exactly where it had been, in the hands of the privileged classes. At the first meeting held the 5th of May 1789, there were about 1,200 members present, of whom, over a half, were members of the third estate. In reality, however, the number of delegates in sympathy with the cause of the people was much greater, as over 200 of the 300 of the 3,000,

representatives elected by the clergy were parish priests, all commoners by origin. During the first sessions there was practical unanimity on the part of clergy, nobles and commoners in the formal statements of grievances and of the reforms they favored. Deep affection was expressed for the king and gratitude for his summoning of the state general, and there was a general feeling of hopefulness that a way would easily be found to extract the nation from its unfortunate plight. but the government had no plan to offer. The king in his opening speech was silent on the great question of the Constitution

and had nothing to say about whether the estate should vote by order or by head. The government thus shirked its responsibility and lost its opportunity, and a serious crisis soon developed. A conflict between the orders on the question of voting began on the 6th of May and lasted until the end of June. Both sides stood firm and the government allowed, things to drift. Finally, a majority of the clergy and a minority of the nobility yielded, and on the 27th June, the king commanded all to sit with a third estate in a single assembly.

The National Assembly was now complete, and its first act was to appoint a committee on the Constitution. This crisis was no sooner over than another began to develop. At the inspiration of the court party, a considerable body of troops, mainly foreign mercenaries, was ordered by the king to the vicinity of Paris and Versailles. It was evident that an attempt was to be made either to intimidate the assembly or to suppress it entirely. The assembly was saved by the violent and totally unexpected uprising of the city of Paris, which on the 14th July stormed the Bastille. The Bastille was a fortress commanding the eastern section of Paris,

which for four centuries and a half had terrorized the city. It had been built during the reign of Charles V to defend the same. suburb which contained the royal palace of Saint-Pol. It was used as a state prison and had had many distinguished occupants, among others, the man with the iron mask, who died there in 1703 after five years of confinement. A thousand engravings show us the Bastille as it was. It consisted of eight round towers, connected by massive walls ten feet thick, pierced by narrow slits. In later times it had only one entrance, with a drawbridge over the moat on the side

towards the river. It was built on the line of the city walls just to the south of the Port Saint-Antoine, which was approached over the city Foss by its own bridge. The capture of the Bastille was regarded everywhere in France as the triumph of liberty, and joy was universal. The 14th July was declared the national holiday. A new flag, the tricolor, was adopted. It was made up of the colors of the city of Paris, red and blue, combined with the old white banner of the Bourbons. A new military force, the National Guard was organized. Three days later, the King came to Paris and formally ratified these changes. At the same time, the revolutionary movement began to spread over France. National guards were created everywhere in imitation

of Paris. The peasants took matters into their own hands and made a violent war upon the chateau. In this way, feudalism was abolished, not legally but practically, both at the capital and in rural France. In the midst of these excesses and disorders, the middle of September 1789, Napoleon left Oxon for Corsica. Although the revolutionary movement had as yet hardly reached there, the whole island was in a state of great political unrest.

The general desire of the people was either for independence or for incorporation in the French monarchy. The patriotic party saw that their best chance for freedom in an alliance with the revolutionary movement in France. There were uprisings in Ayatio and even more desperate riotings at Bastia. The French governor was forced to hoist the tricolor over the citadel and to sanction the organization of a National Guard. Napoleon was prominent in this movement,

and naturally his conduct gave offense to the authorities. The commander at Alyacho wrote to the Minister of War in Paris that Napoleon would be much better with his regiment for he ferment to st. Yet when his leave expired, it was extended on the ground of his continued ill health. He was taking the cure of the bass

of Orezza, when Paoli once more landed in Corsica, after his exile of 21 years. His journey through France had been a prolonged ovation. When he entered the harbor of Bastia on the 17th July, he was met with

salvos of artillery and cries of Vive le Père de la Patri. He was now 66. six years of age. A tall man with piercing eyes and long white hair. Napoleon lost no time in joining him, but their relations were not long harmonious. His leaves soon expired and he was only waiting for a favorable wind to embark. Owing to adverse winds he did not finally sail until the last of January, 1791. Napoleon was back with his regiment at Oakson in February 1791 after an absence of nearly 17 months. He had stopped at Valence to visit some old friends, and did not reach

Oakson until the 11th or 12th of the month. Although he had considerably exceeded his leave and was liable to lose his pay for three months and a half, he was well received by his colonel, to whom he presented certificates from the authorities at Allacho, which stated that his patriotism was above suspicion, and that his return had been delayed by stress of weather. The Minister of War exceeded to the request of his colonel that the pay which he had lost by his absence amounting to nearly 250 francs should be made up to him. On his return, Napoleon had brought with him his brother Louis, who was then about twelve years and a half old, having been born on the second of September 1778. Napoleon had undertaken this extra care in order to relieve to some extent

the financial strain at home. There were thus, too, instead of one to support on his meager pay of 100 francs a month. It was not easy to make ends meet. In his shabby little room there was no furniture except his bed, a table, two chairs, his portmanteau, and his papers and books. His brother slept on a mattress and a little cabinet adjoining his room. He himself prepared their frugal meals. During his second sojourn at Okson, Napoleon worked habitually 15 or 16 hours a day. He gave Louis lessons in mathematics and was very proud of his progress. At a later period he complained of his brother's ingratitude and reminded him that for his sake he had deprived himself even of the necessaries of life.

In 1791, by decree of the National Assembly, the organization of the artillery was entirely changed and this arm was separated from the infantry. The regiments lost their former names and were henceforth designated by numbers, La Faire, becoming the first regiment. Napoleon was appointed first lieutenant of the fourth regiment, known formerly as the Regiment de Grenoble, now in garrison at Valance. He left Oxan for his new post the 14th of June 1791, and arrived at Valance two days later. At Valence, he lived in his old lodgings with Mademoiselle Bou. Louis boarded with the landlady who looked after him like a mother, but Napoleon took his meals at the Troix Pigeon as before. The Abbe de Saint-Ruf was dead, but Napoleon found several old

friends and made some new acquaintances. He was an ardent supporter of the revolution, although nearly all of the officers were aristocrats, while the common soldiers were on the side of the nation. Four days after Napoleon's arrival at Valance occurred the flight of the royal family to Varenne, one of the most important events of the revolution. As a result of this, all the officers were required to take an oath of allegiance to the assembly. This oath, which had to be written out and signed by each officer, was executed by Napoleon on the 6th of July. There is no doubt that at the time he was a sincere Republican. The necessity of taking this oath had a profound effect in the army.

Many officers refused to take it and at once emigrated. No less than 32 officers of the 4th Regiment took this course. Many family ties were broken. The famous Desais who fell at Marengo took the oath, whereas his two brothers remained faithful to the Ancien regime. Cirrurier, while attempting to escape into Spain, was stopped at the frontier, and later became a Marichel de France. During these political excitements, Napoleon did not neglect his reading, as we know from the evidence of his notebooks. The abstracts which he made are very characteristic. They are generally practical in their nature, and show a strong passion for good government.

At the same time, he wrote an essay in competition for a prize of 1,250 francs offered by the Academia de Lyon. But he was not successful, his essay being ranked next to the last among the 16 submitted. Having finished his essay, Napoleon applied for another leave of absence. The request having been refused by his colonel, he made a direct application to Baron Dutel, who had commanded the school at Oxon and was now Inspector General of Artillery for that part of France. Napoleon paid him a visit at his chateau and stayed in the house several days. They discussed the art of war and the plan for a new road from France to Italy, which was afterwards built by Napoleon. When he left, the old general said of him,

He is a man of great powers and will make a name. Finally, he received a leave of three months, without deduction of pay, but was ordered to rejoin his regiment in November. In September 1791, he reached Corsica, where he remained until the following May. He was accompanied by his brother Louis. The month after his arrival, he lost his great-uncle Lucien Bonaparte, the head of the house, who had been a second father to him. The archdeacon left a considerable sum of money which helped to relieve the family necessities. At this time, Pauley was master of the island.

As commander of the National Guard and president of the department, all power, both military and civil, was in his hands. He met Napoleon once, but nothing satisfactory came of the interview, and shortly afterwards Napoleon went back to France. His presence in Paris was very necessary, for his leave had expired, and he was on the list of officers absent without cause, from the General Review of the 1st of January 1792. In ordinary times, he probably would have been dropped from the Army, but the government could not afford to be too severe. The Army had lost so many officers by immigration that they

were only too anxious to retain the services of all who were willing to support the revolution. Therefore, in July 1792, Napoleon was reinstated with the rank of captain. He had reached Paris at the end of May, and the weeks which elapsed before his reinstatement in July marked the lowest ebb in his fortunes. He was obliged to pawn his watch and might have perished of misery if he had not been lucky enough to run across his old schoolboy friend Bourienne. During the four months that he spent at Paris, Napoleon was an eyewitness of some of the most striking. events of the great drama of the revolution. On the 20th of June he saw the king appear at one of the windows of the Tuileries with the red cap of revolution on his head, while the mob surged and roared in the gardens below.

His blood boiled at the sight of these vulgar outrages, and he exclaimed, Why don't they sweep off four or five hundred of that canai with cannon? Their rest would then run away fast enough. The remark was prophetic. Later, on the 10th of August, he saw the attack on the Tuileries when the palace was taken and the Swiss guard cut to pieces. At St. Helena, he told La Casse how, at the sound of the toxin, he ran to the carousel, to the furniture shop of Fauvelet, Borien's brother, where he was able to observe all the events of the day. After the palace was

captured and the king had taken refuge with the assembly in the riding school near the present side of the Hotel Continental, Napoleon ventured into the gardens and was much impressed by the scenes of slaughter he saw there. Napoleon's sister Elisa was at this time a pupil at St. Cyril, one of the royal schools, which was suppressed by a decree of the 16th of August. He obtained permission to escort her home, and they left Paris just after the September massacres, and traveled by Lyon to Marseille, reaching a Yacho the middle of October. This was Napoleon's fifth visit home, and the first time in 13 years that the whole family had been reunited under the same roof. Elisa was received

with joy. She had excellent manners and considerable ability. Of the three sisters, she is said to have been the one who both morally and physically most resembled Napoleon. When she became Grand Duchess of Tuscany, she was her own minister of foreign affairs, and she had much influence over Pauline and Caroline. Napoleon, on his arrival, resumed his position of second lieutenant colonel of volunteers, to which he had been elected on his previous visit. He was soon engaged with his volunteers in an expedition against the island of Sardinia, his first real military service. Sardinia at that time seemed disposed to throw off the Italian yoke, and the French government decided to send an expedition to assist her. The fleet was under the command of

Admiral Truget and the military forces of Casabianca, a brave man but absolutely incapable. Simonville, who was on his way as ambassador to Constantinople, was also to assist. truguet arrived at ayacho where he was to meet casabianca he became very intimate with the bonaparte family and went to their house every night to dance with the girls he fell in love with elisa who indeed preferred him to bachiochi whom she afterwards married but nothing came of it and truget often regretted in later years that he had lost his opportunity simonville also stayed with the bonaparts he had married the widow of m de montalon who had four children two boys and two girls. Napoleon became much attached to Charles de Montalon, who afterwards accompanied him to St. Helena. This intimacy between the two families

was continued after the Italian campaigns when Madame Leticia was established at Paris with her family. Pauline lived with Madame Cémonville, and Louis and Jerome Bonaparte, as well as Eugene de Beau Arnais, attended the same school as Charles de Montelon. The younger members of the two families treated each other as brothers and sisters.

Truget's squadron set sail on the 8th of January 1793. In order to assist the expedition, he had formed the plan of an attack on the north of Sardinia by a small force of 250 regulars and 450 volunteers under the command of Colonel Cesari. Cesari left Bonifacho the 18th of February, and Napoleon was with him in command of the artillery and the volunteers. A landing was to be made on Maddalena, the largest of the election. 11 islands situated in the Strait of Bonifacho between Corsica and Sardinia. Close to this is Caprera, which was the residence of Garibaldi at the close of his life. At this time, the islands were inhabited by a few hundred shepherds and sailors who were Corsican in language and customs.

France claimed the islands on the ground that had formerly belonged to Genoa. The troops landed on San Stefano, a little island to the west of Madalena, and soon reduced the square. tower which was garrisoned only by 25 Swiss. Napoleon then built a battery, armed with a mortar and two small guns, and opened fire on the two small forts on the opposite island of Madalena. The weather was terrible. The cold was intense with a heavy rain and strong wind. Notwithstanding these obstacles, Napoleon hoped to be master of Madelena on the following day. But the crew of the Corvette mutinied and threatened to set sail leaving the soldiers to their fate. Napoleon was therefore forced to abandon the enterprise just as victory seemed certain.

Whatever may be our judgment as to this unfortunate expedition, its conduct casts no reflection on the character or career of Napoleon, even if it did not add much to his military reputation. A critical stage had now been reached in the affairs of Corsica. Paoli, who was still in control of the government, had been turned against the convention by the excesses of the Jacobin and was strongly suspected. of English leanings. He was denounced as a traitor by Napoleon's younger brother Lucien in a speech to the Jacobin Club at Tudon, and an order for his arrest was issued from Paris. This brought matters to a crisis in Corsica, and Napoleon was soon forced to make a decision between Powley

and the convention, and he did not hesitate. From that moment he devoted all of his energies to the overthrow of his former hero and friend. After various adventures, he engaged in an unsuccessful attempt to drive the Paoli party from a Yacho. Convinced that there was no further hope, he sent his mother a message to prepare for flight. Under the existing conditions, it was no longer possible for the Bonaparts to remain in safety on the island. They had broken with the patriotic party and cast their lot with its enemies. It was necessary for Napoleon to rejoin his regiment, so he decided to take his family with him. On the 11th of June 1793, they all sailed for Toulon, where they arrived two days later and found Lucien waiting to receive them.

This was Napoleon's real farewell to his native island, although he passed a few days at Ayacho on his return from Egypt in 1799. As Rose points out, the interest of the events above described lies, not in their intrinsic importance, but in the signal proof which the afford of Bonaparte's wonderful endowments of mind and will. In a losing cause, and in a petty sphere, he displayed all the qualities which, when the omens were favorable, impelled him to the domination of a continent. End of Chapter 2. Chapter 3 of Napoleon I. An Intimate Biography by Walter Gear. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 3. 1793 to 1795. Toulon and Vandemier.

We have now arrived at what Vandal calls Lavinement de Bonaparte. the commencement of his career. As yet, to all outward appearance, the little captain of artillery was the same slim, ill-proportioned, and rather insignificant youth. His head was shapely, his forehead wide, and of medium height. His light brown hair fell in stiff, flat locks over his lean cheeks. His eyes were large and blue-gray in color, with a penetrating glance. The nose was Roman and finely formed, the mouth small, the lips full and sensuous, the chin round and firm. His complexion was sallow. The frame of his body was small and fine, particularly his hands and feet. But his deep chest and short neck were powerful. His gait was firm and steady. His meon was generally

somber, but when he smiled and showed his beautiful teeth and his wonderful eyes brightened, he charmed everyone than as ever. His career thus far had been so common. His career thus far had been so place as to awaken little expectation for his future. His education had not gone beyond the essentials of his profession, but had been supplemented by a wide course of reading. He could master details as no man before or since, and he had a vast fund of information at his command. His conception of men and affairs was not scientific, but it was clear and practical. Up to the present time he had showed no taste for the trade of arms, the routine and petty details of which he heartily disliked, nor had he yet given any signs of that mastery of strategy and

tactics which he had derived from his study and analysis of the exploits of the great world conquerors. So far, he seemed a man neither much better nor much worse than the world in which he was born, but he was far greater than those about him in perspicacity, adroitness, adaptability, and perseverance. As yet, these qualities of leadership were scarcely recognizable, but they existed. On their arrival at Toulon, the Bonaparts settled in the village of Lavalette at the gates of that city, but after a short stay they removed to Marseille. The life of the refugees at first was one of dire poverty, but presently brighter days dawned for them. Joseph was appointed a commissioner with the army and Lucien a superintendent of stores. In August 1794, Joseph married Julie, the daughter of Monsieur Clarie, a wealthy silk merchant of Marseille, who had been a

a good friend of the family during their period of distress and who now richly endowed his daughter. Masson states that she received a dot of 150,000 francs, a sum equivalent to a million and a half today. About the same time, there was also some talk of a marriage between Napoleon and Desiree, another daughter, but nothing came of it, and she afterwards married Bernadotte, the future king of Sweden. Lucien, in the meanwhile, had taken as his wife, Catherine Boyer, the daughter of an innkeeper at Saint Maximin, where he was stationed. She was absolutely illiterate, but was a young woman of excellent character and made him a good wife. On his return from Corsica, Napoleon had rejoined his regiment at Nice, where four companies were stationed,

the remainder being at the headquarters at Grenoble. Here he found in command of the artillery of the Army of Italy, Chevalier-Dutel, the brother of his old friend. He attached Napoleon to the service of the Coast batteries. At this time, there was a general revolt in the Departments of the South against the Constitution of 1793. The army of Carto, of which Napoleon's regiment was a part, was employed in putting down the rising. Napoleon himself was sent on various missions to Lyon, Valence, Avignon, and Bocquer. It was in the last named place that he wrote the remarkable pamphlet, Le Supe de Bocaire, which was printed at the public expense and brought his name favorably to the attention of the convention.

It purports to record a discussion between an officer, Napoleon himself, two merchants of Marseilles, and citizens of Nime and Montpellier. It urges the need of united action under the lead of the Jacobin. This is a fight to the death between French patriots in the despots of Europe. The revolution must not be stamped out by the foreign invaders. On the ground of mere expediency, men must rally to the cause of the Republic and condone even the crimes of the Jacobin if they save the country. Better the reign of terror than the vengeance of the ancient regime. Such was the instinct of all men of patriotic feelings, and it saved France. As an expose of keen policy and all-dominating opportunism, the soupé de beaucaire is admirable.

Shortly after its publication, Napoleon had his first real chance in active military service. Toulon, which was one of the places in revolt against the convention, had opened its gates to English, under Admiral Hood, and they were now in possession of the city. Cartot was ordered to drive the enemy out and proceeded there with his forces. Domartin, who was in command of the artillery, was severely wounded in an early skirmish, and Napoleon was appointed to his place. Toulon was regarded at this time as one of the strongest fortresses in the world. The place was soon closely invested by Cartelot and the supply of water cut off. There were very few cannon when Napoleon took charge, and his first care was to raise the strength of this arm.

The success of the siege depended upon the ability of the French to compel the retirement of the English fleet. Napoleon, on his arrival before the place, on the 12th of September, at once saw that this could be affected by seizing the point called L'Iguiette, which commands both the inner and outer roadsteads of Toulon. At the first council of war, he placed his finger on the military map at this point of land at the mouth of the harbor, several miles from the fortificate. of the town and said with true Napoleonic brevity, but Cartot, but Cartot, who was a vain, pompous man,

and artist by profession with very little knowledge of the science of war, would not recognize the importance of this position. The English, however, had become aware of their danger, and erected a fort on the summit of the promontory. Napoleon was furious, but he did not give up his idea. His activity was prodigious, and he spared no efforts to get together a siege

train and an adequate supply of ammunition. Napoleon was disgusted with the slowness of the siege which lasted over two months. At last, Cartot was recalled and the command was given to Dugomier, with special orders to carry on the siege with vigor. He did much to re-establish discipline. He quickly appreciated the talent of Napoleon and took his view of the primary importance of the promontory. On the 17th of December, after a bombardment of three days, the English were on the promontory were finally taken by storm. Napoleon greatly distinguished himself in the assault.

The capture of Liguillette decided the fate of the town. Just as Napoleon had predicted weeks before, the city of Toulon fell without receiving a shot. The English fleet at once set sail after blowing up the magazines and on the 19th of December the French entered the town. General Dutail wrote to Aubrey the Minister of War, I have no words to describe the merit of Bonaparte. Much science has much intelligence and too much bravery.

This is but a feeble sketch of the qualities of this rare officer, and it is for you, Minister, to consecrate him to the service of the Republic. Napoleon had been named Chief de Battalion the 29th of September, promoted to adjudant-General, chef de Brigade the 27th of October, and on the 22nd of December, he received his provisional appointment as General de Brigade. which was confirmed by the government on the 7th of January, 74. To have been at Toulon was always a passport to Napoleon's generosity. Even Carto received a pension of 6,000 francs.

Victor, Soucher, and Marmonde became marshals of France and were loaded with titles and honors. Desais, whom Napoleon called the greatest of his generals, would certainly have been included in the list, but for his untimely death at Marengo before the dawn. of the Empire. Miron was made an aide-de-can the same day as D'Rocque, and was Napoleon's chief of staff in Italy. He fell at Arcol in saving the life of his chief. The story of how Ginole first attracted Napoleon's attention at Toulon is too well-known

to repeat here. He also became an aide-de-can and a duke. Such was the young Napoleon, says Browning, at an age when young Englishmen are just taking their degree. born of a noble family but very poor, losing his father at an early age, with nothing but himself to depend upon, he had raised himself to the rank of general in the French army by no other arts than those of industry and steadfastness, high character and devotion to duty, supported no doubt by talents almost without example. In these first 23 years of his life there is not a

single example of meanness or of dishonesty, or of any derogation from the high standard of conduct which he had set before himself. Surely, in his case also, the youth is father of the man, and 23 years spent under the most difficult circumstances which could try the qualities of a character, crowned by high success legitimately gained, are not likely to have been followed by 23 other years stained by universal ambition, reckless duplicity,

and a nameless lust of bloodshed. The promotion of Napoleon meant a large increase in pay. As General of Brigade, he received a salary of 15,000 francs a year, and in addition he had the right to lodging and rations. In January, 1794, he was appointed Inspector of Coasts with headquarters at Nice. His mother was settled at Antib a few miles away. At this moment when for the first time the future seemed clear, a terrible blow fell upon him. On the nine Thermidor, 27 July 1794, the dictatorship of Robespierre came to an end.

This meant disaster for all who were known to have been friends of the dictator, and Napoleon's relations with the younger Robespierre were a matter of common knowledge. He was denounced as a traitor, and on the 10th of August was arrested and imprisoned in Fort Carre, near Antib. An examination of his papers, which had been seized, failed to reveal any grounds for the charges against him, and after 13 days he was released. A few weeks later, on the 14th of September, he was restored to his first. rank of general, and the same month took part in the operations of the army of Italy, which drove the Austrians from the crest of the mountains of the Riviera. He was then appointed

to the command of the artillery in the expedition for their reconquest of Corsica, which was in the full possession of the English. The French Navy, however, was in such wretched condition that the ships were not ready to sail before the month of March 1795, and then an encounter with the English fleet resulted disastrously. Two of the ships were captured, and the remainder took refuge in the Gulf of Juans. After this, the expedition was abandoned. The troops already on board the transports were disembarked and detailed to the Army of Italy. Corsica was, for the moment, lost.

Napoleon now received orders to take command of the artillery of the Army of the West, which was to subdue the royalist uprising in La Vande. Accompanied by his aide-de-can, Marmaud and Junot, as also by his head of the army, his young brother Louis, he set out for Paris in May 1795. He was not at all pleased with the assignment which held out little prospect for military glory, but on his arrival in Paris he found even more disagreeable orders awaiting him. The Minister of War, Aubrey, had transferred him from the artillery to the infantry on account of his youth. One grows old quickly on the field of battle, was Napoleon's retort to the Minister who had never seen a day of active service. At the

that time, Napoleon had the notion that any other service than the artillery was unworthy of him. Later, when he had had experience in command of an army, he saw that such specialization was not for the best interests of great operations, and that no matter what brilliancy artillery officers may show, they have rarely, perhaps never, the true esprit military. He became so convinced of this fact that in his first promotion of marshals of the empire, He included no officer of artillery, and if later he gave to Marmont this high dignity, it was only through favor and on account of old friendship. However, Napoleon had no wish to break with the minister over this matter and was not

foolish enough to resign. He simply pleaded ill health as an excuse for not accepting the assignment and blingered in Paris, hoping that something favorable might turn up. Ambitious and fully conscious of his abilities and qualifications, it is not strange that Napoleon should have felt chagrined over the assignment. At the head of the Army of the North, Pich Grue, who had been one of his masters at Breien, had driven the enemy out of northern France and was conquering the low countries. Jordan, in command of the army of Sambre and Meuse on the 26th of June 1794, had defeated the Austrians in the Battle of Flourius.

In December of the preceding year, Osh, a man of his own age, had driven the Austrians out of as Suss, and covered himself with glory. Saint-Sire, a captain of volunteers in 1792, was now a general of division. Bernadotte, a sergeant major at the beginning of the revolution, also commanded a division. Cliber, a volunteer three years before, had also reached the same rank and so on. But notwithstanding Napoleon's disappointment, in reality, fortune never favored him more than when she removed him from the coast of Provence and brought him to the center of all. influence at Paris, where an able schemer could decide the fate of parties and governments.

At the time of Napoleon's arrival in Paris in the early summer of 1795, the city was just beginning to resume the customs and pleasures of the Ancien regime, and the terror was remembered only as a hideous nightmare. Gay equipages were again seen in the streets. Theaters were crowded. Gambling pervaded all classes of society. Men who had grown rich by speculation in the confiscated state lands, now vied with bankers and brokers in vulgar ostentation. The passing of the dark days of the revolution was also being furthered by the unparalleled series

of military triumphs. France had practically gained her natural boundaries, the Rhine and the Alps. In quick succession, one government after another sued for peace. Tuscany in February, Prussia in April, Hanover, Westphalia, and Saxony in May,

Spain and Hess Castle in July, Switzerland and Denmark in August. Such was the state of France when Napoleon came to seek his fortunes in the capital. At this time, Napoleon formed a close relationship with Barras, who had been brought into prominence by the events of the Nine Thermidor. As he afterwards explained at St. Helina, Rebespierre was dead. Barras was playing a role of importance, and I had to attach myself to somebody or something.

The career of Barras deserves a few words of notice. Paul Barras was born in Provence in 1755 of a good family. In his youth, he served as a lieutenant against the British in India. In 1789, he was a member of the States General and took an active part in the storming of the Bastille and the Tuileries. The siege of Toulon owed its success largely to his activity and energy. The overthrow of Robespierre, which ended the terror, was accomplished mainly by him.

On subsequent occasions, as president of the convention, he acted with decision both against the intrigues of the royalists and the excesses of the Jacobin. But the chief chance for immortality of the name of Barras lies in the fact that he was, privileged to hold the steer-up for the great captain who vaulted lightly into the saddle. Probably through the influence of Barras,

Napoleon was instructed at this time to prepare a plan for the campaign of the French army in Italy. The plans which he now submitted were essentially the same which he had prepared a year before at the request of Robespierre, but modified by the changes in the general political situation. In April 1795, Prussia had retired from the contest and made a separate treaty of peace with France. Negotiations were also underway with Spain, which were soon to lead to peace. The only remaining adversary of any importance on the continent was Austria, and Napoleon proposed to attack her in Italy.

The Riviera, having been seized and secured, the army of Italy, reinforced by the troops set free by the peace with Spain, would march along the coast and across the mountains into Piedmont, cut off the king of Sardinia from the Austrians, and make a separate peace with that monarch who was known to be favorable to France. Once in the fertile plains of northern Italy, the army could draw its supplies from the country. Such was the striking plan which a year later he himself was to carry into execution, thereby gaining, undying fame. Notwithstanding the favor of Baras, Napoleon's affairs were again at Loeb. On the 15th of September, his name was stricken from the list of generals

on active service, on the ground that he had refused to accept the post to which he had been appointed. He was forced to sell his books, to ask the assistance of his brother Joseph, and to borrow money from the actor Talma. At this moment, there came a most dramatic change in his fortunes.

The promulgation of the new constitution of the year three of the Republic had been followed by an open revolt of the sections, and all Paris was soon in a state of insurrection. The new constitution was moderate in character and was designed to put an end forever to the reign of terror. The executive and legislative powers were no longer to be united in the National Assembly.

The executive authority was to be vested in a directory of five men, while the legislative power was to be confided to two chambers instead of one. a council of ancients and a council of five hundred the five directors were to be chosen by the ancients from a list drawn up by the five hundred and were to have charge respectively of foreign affairs finance war justice and the interior the new constitution was satisfactory neither to the extreme radicals nor to the royalists who were already talking of restoring the monarchy to protect themselves against a probable attack from the paris populace the government ordered to the capital a few thousand troops of the line. This precaution inflamed the wrath of the Parisians who were opposed to the Convention. All but four of the 48 sections of the city revolted, assembled some 30,000 troops of the National Guard, and on the 4th of October successfully resisted General Menou

in command of the forces of the Convention. The Convention was in a panic and turned to Baras, who was put in Supreme Command. But Baras was not a military man, and he had sense enough to know it. In his dilemma, he thought of the young artillery officer who had distinguished himself at Toulon. He was a Corsican, and it was not likely, therefore, that he would have any sympathy with the enemies of the convention. Barat sent for General Bonaparte and offered him the active command of the forces of the convention, which he at once accepted. The National Guard outnumbered the troops of the convention by more than five to one, but they had no cannon. Everything depended, therefore, upon getting the ordinance from the artillery park at Sablon to the Tuileries. This task was entrusted by Napoleon to his future brother-in-law, Murat, a dashing cavalry officer who carried it out successfully.

Murat and his men rushed to the camp outside the city at full speed, drove back the insurgents who were trying to seize the cannon, and dragged them to the Tuileries where they arrived at six o'clock in the morning. neither the little general nor the dashing cavalier at the moment dreamed that this exploit was to win for each of them a crown. The cannon were placed at every point of vantage in the streets approaching the Jewelry where the convention was sitting. A little later in the morning the insurgents advanced to the attack. It was the 5th of October, or the 13 vaude mires by the revolutionary calendar, a date ever memorable in the history of Napoleon and in the annals of France. When the insurgents saw the preparations made to receive them, they hesitated to attack. Suddenly, a shot was fired which gave the signal for battle.

As the police reports on the occurrences of this day are missing from the archives of Paris, it will never be known from which side this shot came. At once, the streets were raked by the cannon of the convention and the strong position held by the insurgents at the Church of Saint-Roc was carried. During the afternoon and evening, the National Guards were driven back, to the most remote quarters of the city, where they were easily captured and disarmed on the following day.

This is what Carlyle in his vivid but inaccurate way calls, the whiff of Grapeshot which ended the French Revolution. After years of tumult, Paris had met its master. But the revolution was not ended. It was to be perpetuated

in a more orderly form of government. Napoleon had saved the convention and the convention showed its gratitude. He was appointed general of division and second in command of the Army of the Interior, and on the 26th of October, he became the commander of the same army when Barras assumed the position of director in the new government. In a few weeks, Napoleon had reached one of the highest military positions in France. In a letter to Joseph on the day of 13 Vardimier, he said,

Fortune is on my side. From that time on, his confidence in his star never wavered. End of Chapter 3 Chapter 4 of Napoleon I An Intimate Biography by Walter Gear This Librevox recording is in the public domain 4 1796 Josephine

As commander of the Army of the Interior Napoleon had become one of the dominant men of the state He took up suitable quarters in the Rue de Capucine Surrounded himself with a brilliant staff donned a handsome uniform, set up carriages and horses, and made his appearance in society. He did not affiliate with any clique or faction, but made friends in all parties. He thoroughly reorganized the Army of the Interior and the National Guard, and formed a guard for the directory. At the same time he did not forget his family. Uncle Fesh became his secretary.

Joseph was promised a consulship, and Lucien a lucrative position. Louis was made a lieutenant and Jerome was placed at school in Paris. His mother was well provided for her. He never could do too much for his family, who almost without exception repaid him with a basest ingratitude. During the month of October 1795, a short time after the events of the 13 Bandemier, chance brought together General Bonaparte and Vicomtesse de Beau Arnais. The story has been often told and has often denied, but it is too too. good not to be true.

As General Ensecon of the Army of the Interior, Napoleon had ordered the disarmament of the Parisians. One morning, a young boy presented himself at headquarters to ask permission to keep his father's sword. Bonaparte saw the lad, became interested in him, and granted his request. Of course, the mother of Eugène had to call on the general to express her thanks. She was a lady, a grand dame, a former vicomtesse, the widow of a president. to the Constitutional Convention

of a General-in-Chief of the Army of the Rhine. All this meant much to Bonaparte. The title, the social position, the noble heir with which she expressed her gratitude. For the first time this young Corsican found himself in the presence of a real lady of high society. Josephine, with her worldly experience at once, perceives what an impression she has made.

She invites Napoleon to call some evening when he has nothing better to do. The next evening, He rings at the porte-cochre of the hotel in the Rue Chantrain, soon to be named in his honor, Rue de la Victoire. The door is opened by the concierge, and the general passes through the long corridor,

traverses the small garden, and enters the house where he is conducted to the little salon, which is also the dining room. The room is furnished only with a round mahogany table and four chairs covered with black horsehair. On the walls are hung a few prints framed in dark wood. While he is waiting for the mistress of the mansion to appear,

let us briefly review the past history of Josephine, of which he knows nothing. In 1726 there landed at Martinique a French nobleman, Gaspar Joseph Taché de la Pagery, who, like many others, came to seek his fortune. There, in 1734, he married a young woman of noble family, by whom he had five children,

two sons and three daughters. In 1756, the king had need in the Antilles of a man of energy, and the 1st of November he named to the place of Governor and Lieutenant General of Martinique and the other islands, François de Boernet, who was not created a marquis until eight years later. Except for the fact that both families originally came from the same locality in France near Blois, there was little in common between this Grand Seigneur who arrived as master in the lands of his government, wealthy with his income of 150,000 livres,

and these tachés who were living in want in a corner of the island without position, without fortune, buried in debt. A little later, the eldest daughter of Gaspar-Josef entered the household of the governor as an upper servant, or de Moiselle de Companie. In a very short time she had gained a dominant position in the family, which was not lessened by her marriage later with a Monsieur Renaudin. In 1761, the elder son of the original tachet named Joseph Gaspar, born in 1735, married Roseclair d'Evergis de Soenois, of a family belonging to the Anciennes noblesse of Brie.

From this marriage there was born on the 23rd of June 1763, a daughter who was named Marie-Joseph Rose. This was Josephine. Like her future husband, Napoleon, she had a narrow escape from not being born under the French flag. Only ten days before her birth, the island of Martinique had been returned to France by England in a with the terms of the Treaty of Paris, which ended the seven years' war. Until the age of ten years, Josephine grew up in full liberty. Then she was sent to the Pension of the Dame de la Providence at Fort Royal, which he remained over four years. When Francois de Boerner landed as governor on the island of Martinique in May 1757,

he was accompanied by his young wife whom he had married six years before. She was his cousin, and had brought him a large fortune. They had had two children of whom only one was then living, Francois, born in the preceding year. On the 28th of May, 1760, another son was born on the island who received the name of Alexandre. When his father and mother returned to France

in the month of April of the following year, he was left in the care of Madame Taché. Here he remained for several years, and it was not until after the death of his mother that his father had brought him to France about the end of the year 1769. with his brother he was sent to the university of heidelberg where he remained two years in seventeen seventy four his brother having entered the army his tutor patricol was engaged by the duke de duke de la roche foucault as teacher for the two sons of his sister roan chabot and he took alexander with him thus it happened that the most impressionable years of his youth were passed at roche guillon in a ducal chateau during these years madame renodin who was his godmother

never lost sight of him. At the age of 17, Alexandre obtained by the favor of the Duke de la Roche Foucault, an appointment as sous-liutanan in his regiment of the Sarre Infantry. On entering the army, he abandoned the title of Chevalier, given at that time to the younger sons of noble families, and assumed that of Vicomte, to which he had no valid claim. At this time, Madame Renaudin formed a plan for his marriage with her niece Josephine. The Marquis did not demand that Monsieur de la Pagery should furnish a dot, as Alexandre already had an income of 40,000 livres from the estate of his mother, with the expectation of 25,000 more. In October 1779, Madame Renaudin received a letter from her brother saying that he had just arrived at Brest with Josefine after a terrible passage. She at once set out with Alexandre to join them. This was the first interview between Josephine.

and her future husband since their childhood days, and he was far from enthusiastic over her appearance. The party traveled slowly to Paris, where they arrived the middle of November. The marriage was celebrated on the 13th of December in the church at Noisee Le Grand, where Madame Renaudin had a house. This residence, for which she had paid 33,000 livres three years before,

she gave to her niece as a wedding present, besides the sum of 20,000 livres which she had spent for her trousseau. Immediately after the marriage, the young couple went to live in the Paris hotel of the Marquis, Rue Tivneau. In the spring, Alexandra rejoined his regiment at Brest, leaving Josephine alone in Paris, where she had no acquaintances. When his regiment was ordered to Verdun, Alexandre returned to Paris where he lived like a bachelor, making no effort to introduce his wife to society. In fact, Josephine was never presented at court. Her husband seems to have been ashamed of her. He found her awkward, embarrassed, ignorant.

Worse than that, he thought she was homely and provincial with foolish ideas of conjugal love, tenderness, and jealousy. He had married to be free to enjoy his fortune, and he had no idea of being tied down by his wife. On the 3rd of September, 1781, in the Rue Tepno, was born a son who was named Eugène, and on the 10th of April, 1783, a daughter who was baptized the following day

and received the name of Orte-Epence, Eugenie. The previous September, Alexander had sailed from Martinique as aide-de-can of Monsieur de Bouillet. During the four years and over of his married life, he had not spent

ten months with his wife. On receipt of the news of the birth of Orteens, he wrote a furious letter to Josephine in which he refused to accept any responsibility for the paternity of the child. On his return to France

in October 1784, he declined to meet his wife. after a number of vain efforts to arrive at a reconciliation in the month of november josephine retired with madame renauddin to the abbeis de pantomont rue de grenel masson is of the opinion that alexandre had no reason to reproach josephine for any acts subsequent to their marriage and that his imputation upon the subject of the birth of ortense had no foundation in fact this opinion seems to be borne out by the terms of the formal act of separation which was signed in march seventeen eighty five He agreed to give his wife an allowance of 5,000 livres a year, to leave Ortence with her mother, and also Eugène until he was five years old, and to pay for the education of his daughter. The sojourn of Josephine at Pant-Mont-Mont was of great advantage to her in every way. The Abbeye was like an immense furnished hotel of the highest respectability,

open only to women of La Pramier Distinction, and there Josephine for the first time had an opportunity of meeting women of her own social rank. She was received as the Vicontes de Boernet, an unfortunate, irreproachable young woman, the victim of a barbarous husband. For a woman of the world, Josefine already possessed two of the essential requisites.

She was a coquette, and she knew how to lie. Without admitting the justice of the accusation of her husband, in these two respects he undoubtedly had a serious grievance against her, and two, two. these two qualities, Josephine adds, by the faculty of assimilation which is in her, that physical

education which in a new society is to put her in a class by herself. Little by little, a transformation is affected in her personality, which changes the heavy and awkward creole into a being delicate and suple, a being desirable above all, who knows how to attract and to hold. It is thus that at Pant-Mont-Mont, that Josephine forms her first relations with society, that she makes her debut in French life. From every point of view this retreat of 15 months was profitable to her. On leaving Pantamont early in 1786, Josephine, at 23 years of age, found herself free, with an income of 11,000 livres for the support of her daughter and herself. At this time, she sold the house at Noise, and with the proceeds she bought at Fontainebleau

a little house entre Cour and Jardin, where she established herself with her aunt. Here she lived until June 1788 when she suddenly left for Martinique. None of her biographers has ever been able to find a reason for this departure. At the beginning of November 1790, she returned as unexpectedly as she had left and went to the Hotel des Asturie, Rue d'Anjou. At this time, she seems to have made another attempt at reconciliation with her husband, but without success. The Marquis and Madame Renaudin being still at Fontainebleau, Josephine passed.

the summer of 1791 there with her children, and it was there that she learned of the election of her husband as president of the Constitutional Convention. It was the 18th of June, and three days later, the president in opening the session announced the flight of the royal family the previous night. During the two following weeks, Alexandre de Boerner was virtually dictator of France. In 1792, he served with distinction with the Army of the North, and early in the following year was put in command of the Army of the Rhine. A few months later, he was removed on the ground of lack of force and energy. In the meantime, Josephine was living in her apartment in Paris, Rue Saint Dominique,

except when visiting her aunt at Fontainebleau. In March, 1794, Alexander, who had been living in retirement in the country, was arrested and taken to the Cam, where he was imprisoned on the 14th. Five weeks later, Josephine was confined in the same. prison. The old convent of the Church of St. Joseph Descartes is still standing in the Rue Vaux-Girard between the Luxembourg and the Theatres de laudéon. On the 23rd of July, Alexander was guillotined. Four days later, nine Termidaur, the fall of Robespierre ended the reign of terror. The life of Josephine was saved by this narrow margin of time. In two weeks,

she was released from prison. During the following year, the fortune is of Josephine were at their lowest ebb. When she left the prison of the calm, she found herself a widow of over 30 years with two children and without a sou. With the small remittances which she received from Martinique, with money which she borrowed on every side, with bills which she contracted everywhere she somehow managed to exist. In August 1795, when her affairs were still in this precarious condition, she leased from Julie Carreau, the wife of Talma, from whom she was separated, for a rent of 10,000 francs in Assignat, a little hotel entre cour and jardin at number six,

Ruchentrain, a short street recently laid out from the Foube-Mont-Martre to the Chosee d'Antain. The street was lined with the residences of Filles-Entretneux. As this little hotel was afterwards the residence of Napoleon until he took possession of the Tuileries as first consul in 1800, and was also occupied by Louis and Orteans, the first year of their married life, it merits a few words of description.

The entrance was by a Port-Corcherre through a long corridor, at the end of which was a very small garden, with two small pavilions which contained the carriage-house and stable. In the middle was the little mansion consisting only of a Ere Chose with an attic above and kitchen and cellar below. There were only five rooms, an antechamber, a bedroom, a salon, which also served as a dining-room, another little salon which was used as a boudoir and a garter-robe. The servant's quarters were in the attic. Josephine had a carriage and two horses. In her service, besides the coachman, she had a chef and a femme de chambre. At this time,

Hortense was sent to the school which Madame Campan had just found it at St. Germain. It is not easy to understand, however, why she took a Jane away from General Osh, who desired to keep him, and placed him in an expensive school just opened at St. Germain under the name of the Collège Irlandé.

Before taking possession of her new house the 1st of October 1795, Josephine had spent a very considerable sum in repairing and adding to the furniture in her apartment of the Roussinique, nothing very luxurious, perhaps, but articles which had to be paid for. Who met the bills? Barras, in his memoirs, does not hesitate to state most ungallantly that Josephine was his mistress. But Barras was a notorious liar, and he hated. hated Napoleon and could not say anything too mean about him. We will therefore give Josephine the benefit of the doubt. When Josephine first met Napoleon in October 1795, she was already

32 years of age. Her hair, which was not thick, but fine in quality, was of a dark chestnut color. Her complexion was brunette. Her skin was already wrinkled, but so covered with powder and ruse that the fact was not apparent under a subdued light. Her teeth were bad, but no one ever saw them. Her very small mouth was never more than slightly opened, in a sweet smile which accorded perfectly with the infinite softness of her eyes with their long eyelashes, with the tender expression of her features, with the touching quality of her voice. And with this, writes one of her historians,

a petit ney fringant, lege, mobile, on narine perpetually batting, a knee a little relevered of bough, Engagant and fripon, which provok the desire. Her head, however, could not be mentioned

in comparison with her body, so free and so spelt, which showed no signs of en bon point, which ended in the most adorable little feet. She wore no corset, not even a brassiere,

for soutenir la gorge d'allé bas-placet and plato. But her general demeanor was more important than all the rest. This woman has a way of carrying herself which belongs only to her.

She has de la grace, even in secoucheon. All her movements are so gracious and elegant that you forget that she is only of medium stature. With all these qualities, the femme seduced Napoleon at their first interview, while at the same time the dam impressed him by her air of dignity, as he put it,

se maintain calm and noble of the ancient society French. The first call was quickly followed by another, and soon Napoleon was a daily visitor at the little hotel. There he met many Grand Seigneur, such as Seguer, Montescu, and Collin Cour, who treated him Petinople, as an equal, almost as a comrade. He was not enough of a man of the world to appreciate the fact that they came en garson, that they did not bring their wives. The siege was not long. Two weeks after the first visit, Napoleon and Josephine were already on more than intimate terms.

On the 28th of October, she wrote him, You You never You never You have You have all right You have all right Because she

You have been Tendremantily Come to-main Dijon with me I've been To cause with you With you So your interests

Goodsoor, Mymue, I'mbrace Vuebe Boerne From this time on Napoleon follows Josephine Everywhere

He makes the acquaintance of Madame Talien As soon as Baraz has installed, in the Luxembourg in November, he attends the first reception of the new director. In the meantime, events have moved fast. He writes her, I awake full of thoughts of thee. Sweet and incomparable, Josephine, what a strange effect

you have on my heart. I draw from your lips, from your heart, a scorching flame. In three hours I shall see thee. In the meantime, my dear love, me o Dolcey Amor, a thousand kisses. But do not give me any, for they set my blood on fire. In January, 76, the anniversary of the execution of the last King of France, Barras gives a grand dinner. There are ladies present. Madame de Boarnet, Madame Talien, Madame de Carvoise. Bonaparte is a guest and is full of life and gaiety and seems to greatly please the ladies. Poor little Autans whom they had taken from school for this occasion was present at the dinner and seems to have been jealous of the attentions to her mother of the

little general whose name she did not even know. She said, He plet with foe and perise uniquely of my mare. It is impossible to say at exactly what date Napoleon conceived the idea of transforming en mariage set bonfortune. For her part, Josefine took time to make up her mind. In a letter to a friend, she admits that she does not really love Napoleon, but that she does not really love Napoleon, but that she was a she does not feel any aversion toward him. Her feeling is rather that of indifference. I admire the General's courage, she continues. The extent of his knowledge upon all sorts of topics, upon all of which he talks equally well, the vivacity of his mind, which enables him

to grasp the thoughts of others almost before they have been expressed, but I am frightened, I admit, at the control he tries to exercise over everything about him. His searching glance has something unusual and inexplicable in it, but which compels the respect even of our directors. Judge for yourself whether a woman has not good cause to feel intimidated by it. Finally, that which ought to please me, the force of his passion, which he expresses with an energy which leaves no room for doubt of his sincerity, is precisely that which makes me withhold the consent which I have often been ready to give. Can I, a woman whose youth is past, hope to hold for any length of time?

this violent affection which in the general resembles a fit of delirium. If, after our marriage, he should cease to love me, will he not reproach me with what he has done for me? Will he not regret having failed to make a more advantageous marriage? And what answer can I make then?

What will there be for me to do? Tears will be my only resource. Josephine consulted all of her society friends. They told her that Bonaparte had genius and that he would go far. That Carneau made no secret of his intention to give him the command of an army. Still, she hesitated.

She was 32 years of age. She was faded. She was almost an old woman. She liked Napoleon, but she was not in love with him. In fact, she never really loved anybody but herself. But she was at the end of her resources, and marriage seemed to be the only way out of her troubles. She finally reached a decision the last of February.

Nevertheless, she has precautions to take, first of all to conceal her age, for she does not wish to admit to anyone, least of all to this boy of 26, that she has passed the age of 32 years. From Calmelot, her man of confidence, she obtains a certificate that he is well-equated with Marie-Joseph Taché, Vue du Cittoyin Boerne, that she is a native of the island of Martinique, and that on account of the present occupation of the island by the English, it is impossible to procure her birth certificate. Armed with this notarial certificate, Josephine is able to declare that she was born 23rd of June 1767, while she was really born four years earlier.

The marriage contract was dated the 8th of March 1796, and the marriage was celebrated the following day before a civil officer. Among the four witnesses were Barras and Talier. No mention was made of the consent of the parents. They had not been consulted. Two days later, General Bonaparte left alone to take command of the Army of Italy. Heuze, we've had preyses on the Lune de Miel. It is easier to imagine than to describe the fury of the Bonaparte family when they heard of the marriage of Napoleon.

He had anticipated the storm, for he had not asked the consent of his mother. He had not written Joseph, and he had sent Lucien and Louis away from Paris. He had not asked the advice of any of his friends and had a new person. invited none of them to the wedding. From the first day, even before they had met Josephine, the Bonaparte family declared a vendetta against the Boarnet. From that moment, Napoleon lived in the midst of two hostile camps, always ready to break out into active hostilities. It may be interesting to read the opinion of some of her contemporaries regarding Josephine. To the captivating charm of her person, all witnesses testify. Even Lucien, who was not particularly well

disposed toward her had to admit this. In his memoir he gives us the following picture. Hardly to be noticed in the midst of this circle of pretty women, generally reputed to be of his immorals, is the widow of the vicomte de Beau Arnais. With little, very little wit, she had no trace of what could be called beauty, but there were certain Creole characteristics in the pliant undulations of her figure which was rather below the average height. Her face was without natural freshness it is true, but the artifices of the toilette remedied this defect so as to make it

appear fairly well by the light of the chandeliers. In short, her person was not entirely bereft of some of the attractions of her youth. Arnaud, in his souvenir d'ené sexagener, does her better justice. He says,

the evenness of her disposition, her good nature, the amiability that shone in her eye and which expressed itself not only in her words but in the tones her voice, a certain indolence peculiar to Creoles which was recognizable in her carriage and movements, even when she was making an effort to please. All these led to her a charm which transcended the dazzling beauty of her two rivals, Madame Riqué, and Talien. Madame de Riemuzza, who had known Josephine since 1793, gives perhaps the most accurate

description of her friend in these words. Without being precisely beautiful, her whole person was possessed of a peculiar charm. Her features were delicate and harmonious, her expression gentle, her tiny mouth dexterously concealed defective teeth. Her somewhat dark complexion was improved by her clever use of cosmetics. Her figure was perfect, every outline well rounded and graceful. Every motion was easy and elegant. Her taste in dress was excellent, and whatever she wore seemed to have its beauty enhanced. With these advantages and her constant care for her appearance, she succeeded in being never outshown by the beauty and youth of so many women around her. She was not a person of a special wit. A creole and coquette, her education had been

rather neglected. But she knew wherein she was wanting, and never betrayed her ignorance. Naturally tactful, she found it easy to say agreeable things. Very different was the impression which she produced upon Napoleon. I was not insensible to the charms of women, he said. said later at St. Alina. But my disposition made me timid in their company. Madame de Boernet was the first to reassure me. She said some flattering things to me about my military talents. That praise intoxicated me. I addressed myself continually to her. I followed her everywhere. I was passionately in love with her, and my infatuation was generally known among

our acquaintances long before I ventured to declare myself to her. When this rumor became general, Barass spoke to me about it. I had no reason for denying it. If that is the case, he said to me, you ought to marry Madame de Boer-Arne. You have rank and talents to be turned to good account, but

you stand alone, without fortune and without connections. You must marry. That will give you position. This advice of Barras accorded so well with Napoleon's inclinations that he made no further attempt to suppress his passion. He

felt that this union with the lady of rank, a friend of the influential director would strengthen his social position and further his ambition. Napoleon was never a man to let his heart run away with his head. In this case, love and ambition were in perfect accord.

End of Chapter 4. Chapter 5 of Napoleon I, An Intimate Biography, by Walter Geier. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 5. 1790s. The Campaign of Italy Two weeks before Napoleon's wedding

he had been appointed to the command of the Army of Italy. It has generally been assumed that there was some connection between these two events, mainly due to a letter in which Josephine says, Barras assures me that if I marry the general, he will obtain for him the chief command of the Army of Italy. Barras also states that the command was in fact given by him to Napoleon as a wedding gift to Josephine.

But this assertion. is absolutely false. The appointment was in reality made by the great Carnot, and Barras and the three other directors simply gave their approval. There were two main reasons why this important command was given to Bonaparte. In the first place,

the directors were afraid of him and were anxious to get him away from Paris. It is true that he had saved the convention and so earned their gratitude, but he was now commander of the Army of the Interior, and the soldiers were devoted to him. The cannon which he had used so effectively against the sections might just as easily be turned against the directors.

In the second place, the military conditions in Italy were bad and the position of the French army was critical. It was thought that only Bonaparte could save the situation. It will be remembered that the previous year Napoleon had drawn up a plan for the campaign of Italy. At that time, his plan had been contemptuously rejected by the two French generals in command in Italy. Kilerman had said that it was the work of a lunatic,

and Cherere had remarked that the fool who proposed such an impossible scheme ought to be sent to carry it out. Carnot had seen and studied this masterly plan and had become convinced of the strategic genius of its author. So Bonaparte owed his appointment, not to a disgraceful intrigue, but to his own commanding powers. Napoleon only spent 48 hours with his bride before leaving for the army,

and during most of this time, he was shut up in his room with the maps of Italy before him. The 11th of March he left Paris accompanied by his aide-de-can, Junot, Marmon, Bertie, Murat, and Diroc. He carried with him 48,000 francs in gold, a small sum for the sucker of an army which for a long time had been in want of nearly everything. He stopped a night with the father of Marmon at Chathion-sur-Cennes,

where he wrote his first letter to Josephine. At every relay he wrote her again. It is doubtful if any woman ever received such fiery love-letters as those of Napoleon to Josephine at this time. He adored her, while she was only moderately touched by his ardor. She must have had trouble in reading his effusions, for as she afterwards remarked to the Marquise de la Tour du Pen, I cannot make out his letters. He writes like a cat. He turned from his route to pass two days with his mother at Marseille and hand her a letter from Josephine. his mother was still very far from being reconciled to his marriage,

and it was only after a hard struggle and a family council of war that Madame Letitia was finally persuaded to write a very formal and stilted letter of congratulation to her new daughter-in-law. A week later, the 29th of March, Napoleon arrived at Nice and took command of the Army of Italy, which he found in a very precarious situation. Its detachments were stretched out along the coast from Nice to Savona, while the Allies occupied strong positions along the northern slopes of the Maritime Alps and the Apennines and had the further advantage of inner and therefore shorter lines. Moreover, the French troops were

badly equipped, worse clad, and for a long time had not been paid at all. The new commander, without money to feed, equip or pay his soldiers, at once won their hearts by the first of those ringing proclamations which he knew so well how to write. Soldiers, you are hungry and nearly naked. The government owes you much but can do nothing for you. Your patience and courage do you honor, but they bring you neither profit nor glory. I am come to lead you into the most fertile plains in the world. There you will find rich provinces and great towns. There you will find glory, honor and riches. Soldiers of Italy, can your courage fail you? At this time, Italy divided into 20 small rival states existed only on the map.

The king of Piedmont was Victor Amadeus III, whose daughters had married the two brothers of Louis the 16th, Comte de Provence, afterwards Louis the 18th, and Count d'artre, later Charles the 10th. This fact had led him to enter the coalition against France. The House of Austria reigned over Lombardy and a prince of that family governed Tuscany. The only heir of the Duke of Madina had married the Archduke Ferdinand. A sister of the unfortunate Marie Antoinette occupied the throne of Naples as consort of the weak Verdinand IV. The venerable Pius the Sixth, who wore the Tierra, was the enemy of France on account of the destruction of the Catholic Church in the New Republic.

Thus practically the whole peninsula was allied against France. Only the two republics of Venice and Genoa were nominally neutral. The strength of the French army at the time that Napoleon arrived at headquarters, may safely be estimated at about 37,000 men, but it was composed of excellent troops, now long inured to the fatigues of mountain warfare. His chief of staff was Bertier, then 43 years old, who served in this capacity in all his campaigns except the last. He was a man of small intellect, but a most useful officer in his position, brave, exact, and reliable. On the staff were also Mermont, Murat and Junot.

In command of the divisions were generals already celebrated such as Massena, Ogerot and Cirrucée, while serving in subordinate positions were Lannes, Bessierre, Soucher, and Victor. All of these officers were destined to attain distinction under the Empire. Bonaparte's appointment to the chief command had not been favorably received by several of these generals, who, like Massena and Ogerot, were much older and had seen longer service than he. But the young general full of confidence. in himself, assumed from the first that air of authority and determination which was so natural

to him, and the murmurs of discontent were soon hushed in the face of the dazzling splendor of his victories. The Piedmontese army of about twenty thousand men was commanded by General Colley, an officer of high reputation. The Austrian forces, amounting to some forty thousand men, were under the command of Boulogh, an experienced general, but old and inactive. From Nice to Genoa, the lofty mountainous ranges of the Maritime Alps and the Apennines divided the two armies. To the west and south of these ranges were the French. On the opposite side, the Austrians and Sardinians. There are only four or five passes through the mountains, one of which is at Savona where Napoleon began to concentrate his forces.

At the same time, a column was pushed along the coastline near to Genoa, with the idea of bringing pressure to bear upon that city for the payment of an indemnity on account of its acquiescence in the seizure of a French vessel by the British within its neutral port. In accordance with his original plan, Napoleon resolved to cross the Alps at their lowest point, that is to say, at their junction with the Apennines above Savona. By this road he would avoid the fortifications which defended the other routes, and enter Piedmont at the point of junction of the two allied armies, and could thus drive a wedge between them and then attack either one or the other as he pleased. It is interesting to note that the plan of this, Napoleon's first campaign,

was very similar to his last, the campaign of Waterloo. In the first, he was opposed by the Sardinians and Austrians, in the last by the English and Prussians. In each case, the armies opposed to him had divergent lines of communication. In each case, he used his own army as a wedge to separate the two allies, and then, after defeating one army, he detached a containing force to hold it in check while he masked the rest of his forces against the other army. He thus repeated in 1815 the maneuver that 19 years before had been so successful at the beginning of his brilliant military career. In this case he was more fortunate than in the Waterloo campaign, for by sending the small column along the Corniche road towards Genoa,

he led Boulogh to think that he was attempting to turn his left. Boulieu, therefore, marched to the protection of Genoa with the bulk of his forces. At the same time, he same time giving his lieutenant Argento orders to cross the mountains from Montanotte to Savona, that is to say, by the same road which Napoleon had chosen to enter Piedmont. If this movement had been successful, it would have cut the French line in two, and that part of the army between Savona and Genoa would have been in danger of capture. But Argento encountered an obstacle which stopped his advance. It was a simple redoubt, defended by twelve hundred men under Colonel Laurent Pou, for 24 hours,

off 12,000 Austrians and gave Napoleon time to come up with his army. Leading his troops out of Savona at midnight on the 11th of April, Napoleon climbed 12 miles in the shadows of the Ligorian Alps, and as the day broke, the Austrians found the French before them in overwhelming force. The weak Austrian center occupied a ridge or plateau above the village of Montenot, through which ran the road leading to Alessandria and Milan. When the mountain mists rolled up, Argento found himself confronted by the divisions of Ogerot and La Arp, while behind him was the division of Messina. Nearly surrounded by superior forces, he was forced to beat a precipitate retreat upon Dago,

leaving 2,000 prisoners in the hands of the French. The next day, Napoleon turned upon the hitherto unbroken Piedmontis and drove them back on Cheva, after having cut off one of their divisions which was forced to surrender. 24 hours later. Then, leaving only the division of Ojo to contain the Piedmonties, Napoleon concentrated the rest of his forces against the Austrians, and on the 14th drove them from Dago, capturing 8,000 prisoners. Thus, after three days fighting, Napoleon had succeeded in separating the two allied armies. The Pied Montes were in full retreat on Cheva and Mandovi, the Austrians on Aki, while the French army in a central position, was master of both

throats and able to turn against either enemy at will. Napoleon now stood like a wedge between the allies, and stronger than either alone. The configuration of the ground also favored his plans. The natural desire of a beaten army is to fall back toward its base of supplies. This impelled the Austrians to retire down the valley of the Bormida in a northeasterly direction towards Milan, while the Sardinians retreated in a northwesterly direction towards Turin. Leaving the division of La Alp to ward off any renewal of an offensive by the Austrians,

Napoleon now started in pursuit of the demoralized Pete Montes, who scarcely made any attempt to defend the entrenched camp at Cheva, but fell back step by step. On the 21st of April, Napoleon overtook and defeated them at Mondovi, and four days later was at Carasco only ten leagues from Turin. Dismay reigned in the Sardinian capital. The king yielded to the supplications of his people and offered to make peace. By the armistice signed on the 28th of April,

Piedmont withdrew from the coalition, gave up three of her strongest fortresses, seated Nice and Savoyed to France, and disbanded her army. Thus, in less than three weeks, Napoleon had won six victories, killed or captured more than 12,000 men, taken more than 40 cannon, detached the Sardinians from their alliance, and forced them to make a separate peace,

and had acquired as a base for future operations against the Austrians, the fortresses of Coney, Tortona, and Alessandria with artillery magazines and stores. Napoleon, with the purpose of deceiving the Austrians as to his future plans, had put a clause in the armistice providing that the town of Valenza on the Poe was to be surrendered to him. Boulieu accordingly expected the French to attempt the passage of the river at that point. He therefore strongly fortified the approaches to the Po at Valenza, and also prepared a second line of defense at Pavia behind the Ticino. But Napoleon, after making a faint at Valenza, marched his army rapidly down the right bank of the river to Placentia, a place about 24 miles below the junction of Ticino with the

Po. Here he crossed, without serious opposition, and thus turned both of the positions so carefully fortified by the Austrians. Boilieu did not feel strong enough to keep the field against the French, so placing a small garrison in the citadel of Milan, he retreated rapidly on Mantua, leaving a strong rear guard to defend the passage of the Ada at Lodi. Here, on the 10th of May, the French overtook the Austrians and carried the bridge by storm after a short but spirited contest. The importance of this battle has been greatly overestimated on account of its spectacular features, but it produced a complete demoralization among the Austrian troops by giving them an idea of their own inferiority.

The French lost only 200 men and they took 2,000 prisoners. All of Lombardy was now free from the Austrians, who retired behind the Mincho within the lines of the celebrated quadrilateral. Napoleon celebrated this victory by another of his flaming proclamations. Soldiers, you have descended like a torrent from the summit of the Apennines, you have overthrown and dispersed everything that opposed your progress. Piedmont, delivered from Austrian tyranny, has returned to her natural sentiments of peace and friendship for France.

Milan is yours, and the Republican flag waves throughout all Lombardy. The Dukes of Parma and Modena owe their political existence to your generosity. The army which menaced you with so much pride no longer finds a barrier to protect itself against your arms. The Poe, the Ticino and the Alps. have not checked your progress for a single day. These boasted bulwarks of Italy have been crossed as rapidly as the Apennines. Immediately after this, a deputation came to Napoleon at his headquarters to offer him the

submission of Milan. He sent Messina to take possession of the city, which he himself entered on the 15th of May, under a triumphal arch, amid the enthusiastic cries of the populace who hailed him as a son of Italy, and the defender of her independence. But Napoleon did not remain long at Milan. After investing the citadel in which Boulieu had left a garrison of 2,000 Austrians, he proceeded with his main army to the Mincho. The Austrian position was one of great strength. The river Mincho, which carries off the surplus waters of Lake Garda, joins the Poe after a course of some 80 miles. This river forms the chief inner barrier against all invaders of Italy. From the earliest times down to those of the two Napoleons, the banks of the Mincho have witnessed many of the contests which have

decided the fortunes of the peninsula. On its lowest course, where the river widens out into a semicircular lagoon flanked by marshes is the historic town of Mantua. This city, with Leniago, Verona, and Pescara, forms the most famous strategical position of modern history, the celebrated quadrilateral, commanding the north side of the valley of the Poe, together with the passes of the Adige. The plan of Napoleon was to attack the Austrian center at Borgetto, but in order to deceive the enemy, he made a demonstration against Pesciera. Then on the 29th of May he attacked Borgetto with his cavalry under Murat, supported by infantry and artillery and carried the bridge.

By this movement, he broke the center of the Austrian army, part of which retired in the Tyrol, while the remainder took refuge in Mantua, which was now invested. The peculiarities of the ground favored the siege of the fortress. The semi-circular lagoon which guards Mantua on the north and the marshes on the south side render an assault very difficult. But they also limit the range of ground

over which sorties can be made, thereby lightening the work of the besiegers. And during part of the blockade, Napoleon left fewer than 5,000 men for this purpose. Alarmed at Napoleon's progress, Austria now determined to make a great effort for the relief of Mantua and for the recovery of Italy.

the possession of mantua was of decisive importance if napoleon should take and keep it austria would be practically banished from italy and her prestige destroyed she must therefore relieve it or lose not only her power in the peninsula but her rank in europe the austrian army in the tyrol was increased to sixty thousand men and put under the command of marshal vuln sir an old man but a brave soldier who had distinguished himself in several campaigns besides the main austrian army there were twelve thousand soldiers shut up in mantua napoleon had altogether forty five thousand men one division ten thousand strong was besieging mantua while the others were posted at lenago and verona from trent the headquarters of the Austrian army, there were three direct routes to the quadrilateral. One by the west side of Lake Garda, the other two down the Adige on the east side of the lake. One to Rivoli by the right bank of the river, and the other to Verona by the left bank. Womserr divided his forces into two armies. One, twenty-five thousand strong, commanded by Kostanovich, took the route by the west side of Lake Garda.

The other, thirty-five thousand strong, commanded by the army. Vomzer himself, descended the Adige in two columns, one on each side of the river. By this plan, Vomser expected to envelop and capture the whole French army. Napoleon, not being strong enough to take the offensive, waited for developments. The 30th of July he learned that the Austrians were advancing on both sides of the lake. He decided to raise the siege of Mantua and to concentrate at once all his available troops at the lower end of Lake Garda, where, from his central position, he could fall with almost his entire force on either of the two Austrian armies. On the next day he concentrated his forces, and the

day following he attacked and defeated Kwasdanovich, forcing him back into the mountains on the west side of the lake. He then turned back his columns and marched to meet Bermzer, who had directed one of his divisions on Lonato and one on Castiglion, while with the main part of his army he continued his march on Mantua. On the 3rd of August at Lonato and Castilion, Napoleon attacked and defeated the two Austrian divisions which had crossed the Mincho. In the meantime, Womzer had arrived at Mantua, re-vitualled the garrison, and then marched out in the direction of Castilion to find the French. On the 5th of August, Napoleon fought the second battle of Castilian in which Vomser was beaten and driven across the Mincho. Napoleon followed up his

victory, attacked again at Pesciera, and finally drove the Austrians into the Tyrol. Mantua was again invested. In six days he had fought and won three pitched battles and had almost annihilated Womzer's army. Austria now raised another army which was again put under the command of Womzer with the same purpose as before. The Austrian commander, who had learned nothing from experience, again divided his forces. Leaving Davidovich with 20,000 men in the Tyrol, with the remainder of his army 26,000 strong, he prepared to descend the valley of the Brenta by another road, not previously described, which follows the river's course as far as Bassano, and then leaving the river passes through Vicenza

into the valley of the Adagi at Verona. Having received reinforcements, Napoleon now had about 42,000 soldiers. Leaving 8,000 troops before Mantua to continue the service. siege and 3,000 at Verona to hold the fortifications there, he himself, with the main body of his

army, ascended the adagee. Early in September, he attacked and defeated Davidovich, drove him further into the Tyrol, and gained possession of Trent. This was an important position in that it opened to the French

the valley of the Brenta, and allowed them to debouch directly upon Vomzer's rear. Until Napoleon reached this point, he was not aware of Vompser's march down the Brenta. With 30,000 soldiers he now found himself directly between Davidovich and Wormsor, the former of whom he had already defeated.

He decided to march rapidly down the Brenta in order to overtake and crush Vrmsor before he should reach Mantua. Leaving a small force in the Tyrol to contain the defeated Austrians, with the divisions of Messina and Ogeraux, he hurried to overtake Vomser. Marching 50 miles in two days, he came up with the Austrians at Pessano. Womzer was in a critical position and hardly knew which way to turn. He had expected to find the French in front, and he found them in his rear. He had expected to destroy their communications and his own were cut off. He could not escape.

He had either to fight or surrender. He chose the former course, and in the battle which ensued at Bessano was decisively defeated. A part of his forces found safety in the mountainous district of Friuli, while Wormzor himself, with the remainder of his army, about 12,000 men, marched by way of Lanyago on Mantua, which he succeeded in reaching in safety. The Austrian government now determined to make a fourth effort to relieve Mantua. By the middle of October their army was increased to 50,000 men, while Vomzer, with 20,000 more, was shut up in Mantua.

To oppose these forces, Napoleon had hardly 40,000 men, including the 8,000 who were besieging Mantua. The new Austrian army was under the command of Alvinzi. Towards the end of October, the position was as follows. Alvinzi, with 30,000 men, was on the Piave, threatening and advance on Vicenza. Davidovich, with 20,000 more, was in the Tyrol. The main French army, which numbered about 30,000, was at Verona. Napoleon now decided to reverse the operation he had carried out successfully against Womzer.

attack and defeat Alvinzi on the Piave, and then strike back through the valley of the Brenta at the flank and rear of Davidovich. But this time his plan failed. On the 12th of November, the two armies met a few miles east of Verona at Caldiero, and the French were severely defeated with a loss of 3,000 men and forced to retreat to Verona. Napoleon's position was now highly critical, for Davidovich had dissented the adagee and was only held in check by a division occupying the strong position of Rivoli. Only a few miles separated the two Austrian armies, and it appeared as if their junction could not be prevented. When affairs were in this precarious condition, Napoleon with his incomparable firmness of decision now determined to hazard one of the

most daring turning movements, which history records. It was necessary at all cost to drive Alvinzi from the heise of Caldiero before the column from the Tyrol should overwhelm his detachment at Rivoli and he bouch into the plains west of Verona. But as Caldiero could not be taken by a frontal attack, it must be turned by a flanking movement. At nightfall, on the 14th of November, he ordered his troops to take up arms. They crossed the town in silence and passed over

to the right bank of the adagee, as if to place the river between the enemy and themselves. Verona lies on both banks of the river, but the main part of the town is on the right. Napoleon made use of the stream as a natural fortification and concentrated his forces on the west side. The army marched with dumb resignation, supposing the retreat had begun. But on leaving the west gate of Verona, instead of taking the road to Pesciera, the order was given to turn to the left and march down the river. This striking maneuver seized all imaginations and roused the enthusiasm of the army.

The veterans of the army of Italy realized that they were, were about to turn a position that a few days before they had not been able to force. Alvinsey, who was advancing from Caldiero towards Verona, had this fortified city on his front. On his right were impassable mountains. On his left was the river Adagi, deep and unfortable. Directly to his rear was the defile of Villanova which he had just passed and which was the only route by which he could retire. To his left and rear was the river Alpan which rises near Villanova and flows south into the Adagi. On the left bank of the Alpan, about three miles from its mouth, is the village of Arcoli, from which the battle takes its name. The battlefield was one of the

strangest in the history of war. Where the little river Alpon flows down to join the Adagy, near the village of Ronco, there is a big marsh lying between the two streams, across which there are only two causeways, and an army cannot move except by these roads. Before preceding, to the execution of his plan, Napoleon had ordered Kilmen to withdraw from the siege of Mantua with 2,000 troops, take command at Verona and hold it to the last. Then, with about 20,000 soldiers he left Verona, descended the Adagi, and threw a bridge across the river at Thranco opposite the defile of Villanova. The following day he crossed the river and began the celebrated battle of Arcola. Napoleon's plan was to gain possession of Villanova and cut off the

retreat of the Austrian army. But, before he could gain the defile, it was necessary to carry the bridge at Arkhali. The surprise which Napoleon had planned was by no means complete, for Alvinsey himself intended to cross the adagy at Zavio so as to make a dash on Mantua, and in order to protect his flank, he had sent a detachment of Croats to hold Arkali. The Crotes, constantly reinforced, poured in so deadly a fire as to check the French advance. Napoleon himself seized a banner and led his men to the attack. Marmon and Miron with a handful of gallant men followed, endeavoring to screen the body of their chief.

But Miron fell dead, and another officer dragged Napoleon back from certain death. The attack was continued on the two following days, and after vigorous fighting, on the third day Napoleon succeeded with a part of his force in driving back the Austrians, who had advanced beyond Ackali. with the other part he crossed the alpon near its mouth and took Arkali in reverse.

He then employed a skillful ruse to add to the discouragement of his foes. He posted a small body of horsemen behind a little clump of woods near the Austrian flank with orders to sound their bugles as if for a great cavalry charge. Alarmed by the noise and by the appearance of French troops in their rear, the demoralized white coat suddenly gave way, and Napoleon debauched open the open place. with all his forces and drove them back as far as Bassano. Thus, after three days of most desperate fighting, he was again victorious. During the Battle of Arcoli, Vomzer remained quiet at Mantua.

Elvinsey had not expected to arrive before the place until the 23rd of November and had asked Vomzer not to make a sortie until then. By that date, however, the campaign was over. These brilliant results, says Rose, were due primarily to the consummate leadership of Bonaparte. His geographical instincts discerned the means of profiting by natural obstacles and of turning them when they seemed to screen his opponents. Prompt to divine their plans, he bewildered them by the audacity of his combinations, which overbore their columns with superior force at the very time when he seemed doomed to succumb. Genius so commanding had not been displayed even by Frederick or Marlborough

End of Chapter 5 Chapter 6 of Napoleon I by Walter Gere This Librevox recording is in the public domain 6, 1797 From Rivoli to Campo Formio The last Austrian attempt to relieve Mantua was made in January 1797 and under the same commander

Alvinzi now concentrated his main force about 30,000 men, and marched down the valley towards Verona, while at the same time two smaller columns threatened the lower Adi-J from Pichenza and Padua. In his previous campaign Alvinsey had made his principal attack upon the French in the vicinity of Verona. This time he proposed to try a new plan. It was to advance with his main force, the second corps, from his headquarters in the Tyrol, down the Adi-J upon Ripoli, while Provera, with the first corps advanced. from his base at Bassano upon Verona and Lanyago.

Accordingly, on the 10th of January, El Vinzi began to descend the Adi-J with 28,000 men, while Provera, having divided his corps of 17,000 men into two parts, marched upon Verona and Lanyago. Aside from the 10,000 soldiers under Cirrugier who were besieging Mantua, Napoleon had only 32,000 men at his disposal. Informed that the Austrians were about to take the offensive, he hastened to Verona to await developments.

On the 12th of January, Provera, having approached Verona with one division, his force was attacked and defeated by the division of Messina, nearly 1,000 Austrians being captured. The ease with which the Austrians were repulsed convinced Napoleon that Alvinzi was not making his main attack from this direction. The next afternoon he learned that Jubé was hard-pressed

and had been compelled to fall back upon Rivoli. Feeling that the main Austrian attack would be made down the Adj, Napoleon at once made his plans accordingly. He sent orders to Joubert to hold the plateau of Rivoli at all hazards, and set out with all of his forces for that point, which he himself reached by daybreak of the 14th. As you stand on the irregular-shaped plateau of Rivoli on a winter day looking north, you see immediately before you the bold, snow-clad height of Monte-Baldo.

On your right at the foot of the plateau, runs the Adijee, which has just emerged from the Tiroli's Alps, and continues its rapid course down to the plains of the Poe. A good road runs along the left or east bank, and an inferior one along the right. Six miles to the west is the broad expanse of Lake Garda, of which glimpses may be caught. Through the plain which surrounds the plateau from north to south runs a swift stream called the Tasso, which is bridged or fordable at a number of places. Paralleled, to the Adige comes down towards the plateau, a long ridge terminating in the heights of San Marco. The Rivoli Plateau makes a very strong defensive position.

At about ten o'clock on the night of the 13th of January, Joubert had given orders to retire from Rivoli, fearing to be overwhelmed by the Austrians. At this moment arrived the message from Bonaparte saying that he was on his way with reinforcements, and ordering him to hold the position. The falling weather had ceased, and it was a clear. a cold moonlight night when Bonaparte reached Joubert's headquarters about four in the morning. Knowing the country well, he could easily divine the positions, and also the plans of the enemy by the widespread lights of their campfires. The gorge by which the Adige breaks through the lowest

foothills of the Alps to enter the lowlands has been famous since the earliest times. The river cuts through the mountains just before arriving opposite the plateau at Rivoli, flows past that town, and thence past Verona. and Leniago towards the sea. Al Vinzi was marching by the two main roads which lie on opposite sides of the river. With a view of surrounding and capturing the French army before passing the mountains,

he had divided his forces into six parts. One column of about 5,000 men was to descend the adage along the road on the left bank of the river, while another column of 9,000 men should follow the road along the right bank and ascend the heights to the plateau of Rivoli. Three other columns,

were to pass over the mountain roads and attack the French front, while the sixth column, four thousand strong, was to march around the western slope of Monte Baldo and attack the French left and rear. An examination of the map will show that these six columns were all separated from each other by practically impassable barriers. Notwithstanding all these errors,

if Alvinsey on the night of the 13th of January had gained possession of the plateau of Riboli, he would still have had great chances of success. By an hour's march, he could have reached a strong position for battle, where Napoleon, with his inferior numbers, would hardly have ventured to attack him. This was the crowning act of that series of errors which together caused the defeat at Rivoli, one of the worst ever experienced by Austrian arms. In his choice of the plateau of Rivoli for the battlefield, Napoleon displayed excellent judgment. He had previously passed through the place and realized the importance

of the position. The faculty of seeing and remembering the features of a country which he traversed was one of the distinguishing peculiarities of Napoleon's mind. When Napoleon arrived at Rivoli just before daybreak, he saw the lights from the six Austrian camps and perceived that Alvinsey had separated his columns by impassable obstacles. In his front were 28,000 Austrians. He had only Joubert's division of 10,000 on the field,

but Messina would soon be up with 8,000 more. at early dawn began the battle which was to settle the fate of Mantua. For some time the Austrians had the advantage and the result was in suspense. But Napoleon soon restored order in the French ranks. Every successive attack of the Austrians was violently repulsed and their right and center fell back towards Montebaldo in great confusion. The Austrian column which attempted to turn the plateau on the west was completely cut off by the reserves under Ray and compelled to surrender.

The whole Austrian army was soon in full retreat. The battle ended in the worst defeat and most complete route which the imperial arms had thus far sustained. The army was pursued into the Tyrol and 13,000 prisoners were captured in the next two days. Out of 28,000 Austrians, with whom Alvinsey began the battle, he had left on the night of the 16th but 13,000 soldiers. Thus ended the Battle of Rivoli, which is considered to be one of Napoleon's greatest,

tactical victories. In the meantime, Provera, with about 8,000 Austrians, almost half of his core, had forced the line of the Adige and crossed the river a few miles above Leningago. He then marched rapidly towards Mantua with Ogeron in pursuit. He was twice attacked by the French, and on both occasions his losses were severe, but, nevertheless, on the morning of the 15th, he finally appeared with 6,000 men before Mantua. Here he was held. in check for a day and a night by the blockading French army until Napoleon arrived with reinforcements. Immediately after the Battle of Rivoli, Napoleon learned of this movement by Provera, and he started at once with Mascena's division for Mantua. Although this division

had been marching and fighting continuously for the last 24 hours, under Napoleon's direction, it marched all night on the 14th, and the whole of the next day, and on the morning of the 16th was ready for battle in front of Mantua. The same men who two days before had marched by night from Verona, and had borne the brunt of the fight at Rivoli, now covered thirty miles in forty-eight hours. The next morning there was a general engagement on the road from Mantua to La Favorita, a country seat of the Duke, which gave its name to the battle.

Proverra attacked in front, while Vermser sallied out from the fortress at the head of a strong force. The latter was thrown back into the town by Cirriere, who commanded the besiegers, while Provera was attacked by Victor and so badly beaten that he was forced to surrender his entire force. In four days, the Army of Italy had fought two pitched battles, had taken 25,000 prisoners, including three general officers,

had captured 20 standards and 60 pieces of artillery, and had killed her wounded 6,000 men. The short campaign of Rivoli was the turning point of the war and decided the history of Europe for 20 years. in ten months napoleon had subdued italy and humiliated the proudest empire on the continent it is not wonderful that he should have said in after years my life began at rivoli meanwhile vormser at mantua was in a critical condition for days the garrison of twenty thousand men had been living on horse-flesh the victories of rivoli and la favorita had destroyed their last hope and vormser could hold out no longer On the second of February, the starving garrison surrendered. Thus ended the fifth operation of the Italian campaign,

in which Napoleon, with only 44,000 soldiers had killed, wounded or captured nearly 43,000 Austrians. Mantua was in possession of the French, and Napoleon was at last complete master of Italy. In this dark hour of humiliation, Austria decided to make one more supreme effort to reconquer Italy. The young Archduke Charles, who had one great glory on the Rhine, was recalled to take command of the Imperial forces and prevent the French from advancing by the new open road to Vienna. This brother of the Emperor, then only 25 years of age, was in his day second only to Napoleon as a general.

The Alec Council ordered him into Frioli, a district of the Italian Alps, on the borders of Venice, where the six Austrian army was to assemble. This force, unlike the others, was inferior in numbers to the French, who had been reinforced by the arrival of Bernadotte with 15,000 men. Charles, with the main Austrian army, was stationed on the upper reaches of the Taliaimento, through which ran the direct road to Vienna. An auxiliary force under Luzignan was to the westward on the Piave. Napoleon, with his strengthened forces, resolved to take the offensive before the contingent ordered from the Rhine should reach the camp of his foe. The campaign was not long, for the Austrian forces were inferior in every respect to the French. Messinae, advanced by the Piave, captured part of the forces of Luzignan, and drove him northwards towards Belluno.

Napoleon, leaving Joubert with 18,000 men to repress the Tyrol, marched rapidly to the Taliumento, which he reached on the 16th of March long before he was expected. During the following night, the French forded the stream and took the Austrians by surprise. After a gallant fight of three hours, they retreated in good order. In the meantime, Messinae had advanced from the Tyrol and cut the most direct line of communication with the Austrian capital. Charles was therefore obliged to retreat to eastward into the valley of the Azonzo behind the rushing river which he hoped would stop the French pursuit.

The severe cold, however, had formed ice bridges in several places where the French easily crossed. Messinae captured Tarvis, thus closing the route by which the detachment from the Rhine was to arrive. After seizing both Trieste and Fium, the only harbors on the Austrian coast, Napoleon crossed the pass of Tarvis and entered Germany. At the end of the month of March, Charles, with his army reduced by a fourth,

was beyond the river Moor on the road to Vienna. Joubert in the Tyrol had not been so successful. The whole country had risen against him, but after several severe engagements, he forced his way into the valley of the drave and marched down that river to join Napoleon. Under the circumstances, Napoleon on the last day of March, addressed to Charles what he called a philosophical letter,

suggesting a suspension of hostilities. Brave soldiers, he said, make war and desire peace. Has not this one lasted six years? Have we not killed enough men and inflicted enough evils on sorrowing humanity? He continued his pursuit, however, and after the capture of Leobin on the seventh of, of April was within 100 miles of the Austrian capital. Then, at last, the Imperial Cabinet decided to treat for peace. The dismay in Vienna had been great, and all preparations

had been made for the flight of the Imperial family to Hungary. Among the fugitives was a little girl of six years named Marie-Louise. Who would then have imagined that thirteen years later this little Archduchess was to be the bride of the conqueror of Italy? The situation of Napoleon at Leobin was by no means secure, and he was glad to receive the Austrian plenipotentiaries. There was a revolutionary movement in Venice, and the Tyrol was a flame in his rear. Moreau had not crossed the Rhinus planned, and no help could be expected from that quarter. The Peace Party in Vienna, however, was too strong to be resisted, and the government was glad to accept the offer of Napoleon.

On the 18th of April, the preliminaries were closed and adopted. According to these, France was to have Belgium and the line of the Rhine. Austria obtained the mainland of Venice together with Istria and Dalmatia. When the terms of Leobin reached Paris, they were ratified as a matter of course, even though they had been negotiated by an unauthorized agent. One thing, however, the directors notified Bonaparte he must not do, namely to interfere further in the affairs of Venice. This order reached him on the 8th of May, but just a week before Vennepard,

Venice as an independent state had ceased to exist. The events which had transpired in Venetia during this last campaign gave Napoleon a good excuse for his action. Just at the moment that the peace negotiations were being conducted, the inhabitants of the Venetian mainland rose against the invaders and there were massacres of the French at Verona and elsewhere. According to the secret articles signed at Leobin, the city of Venice was to have retained its independence, but her actions could now be chastised by annihilation. Venice could, in fact, indemnify the Habsburgs for the further sessions which France exacted

from them elsewhere. When Napoleon first entered Milan after the Battle of Lodi in May 1796, he occupied the palace of the Austrian Archduke. On the occasion of his next visit, he went to live in the Cer Baloney Palace on the Koso Venetia, a few squares behind the cathedral. The Ser baloney is far handsomer than the royal palace, and probably the most beautiful of all the palaces of Milan. Here Josephine was installed by Napoleon when she came on from Paris. During the first weeks of the campaign, Napoleon was continually urging Josephine to join him in

Italy. Finally, yielding to his demands, she left Paris for Milan the last week in June, 1796. Here she passed most of the summer except for a short visit to headquarters before the Battle of Castellion. Having resumed the siege of Mantua after this victory, Napoleon went to Milan where he passed a fortnight with his wife. The Austrians then began a new offensive, and he was obliged to rejoin his troops. While Bonaparte was gaining his victories, Josephine was bored to death at Milan. At this time she wrote a letter to her aunt, Madame Renaudin, who had just married the Marquis de Beau Arnais, the father of her first husband. This letter shows the feeling of sadness which oppressed Josephine, separated from her children and her Parisian friends.

The Duke de Cerbeloni, who was going to Paris, was charged with the delivery of this epistle which ran as follows. Monsieur Serbeloni will tell you, my dear aunt, of the manner in which I have been received in Italy. All the princes have given me fed, even the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the brother of the emperor. Well, I prefer to be a simple private individual in France. I do not care for the honors of this country. I am much bored. It is true that my health contributes much to make me sense. sad. I am often indisposed. If good fortune could assure good health, I ought to be well.

I have the most amiable husband that a woman could hope for. I have no chance to desire or anything. My wishes are his. All day long he is in a position of adoration before me, as if I were a divinity. I could not have a better husband. Monsieur Serbeloni will tell you how much I am loved. He often writes my children of whom he is very fond. He is a is sending orthance by Monsieur Serbaloni, a beautiful enamele-repeating watch surrounded by fine pearls, to Eugen, a handsome gold watch. Early in December, two weeks after the Battle of Arcoli, Napoleon was once more back in Milan. Lavalette, who had just been appointed aide-de-can, gives in his memoirs an interesting account

of the life at the Ser-Baloney Palace. The Aid de Kahn of Bonaparte were then eight in number. Muron, who had been killed at Arcoli, and Murat, who had just been made a general, were no longer included in the number. The first aide-de-can was Colonel Juno, afterwards Duke de Brantès, who had first attracted Napoleon's attention at Toulon by his bravery and natural wit. The second was the future Duke de Ragusa Marmon, Colonel of artillery, who belonged to an old and highly considered family of Burgundy. He was a man of good education, of boundless ambition, and was deeply attached to his commander whom he also had met for the first time at Toulon. Less brilliant than Juno and Marmon but of a more stable character was Duroc,

the future Grand Marischal du Palais, the devoted friend of Napoleon, who served in all the campaigns of the empire until he was killed by his side at Bouttson in 1813. Among the other aide-de-con were the young Louis Bonaparte than just 18 years of and La Vallette, the future director general de post. The names of the remaining three never became known to fame. The 19th of February, a month after the Battle of Rivoli, Bonaparte signed with the Pope, the Treaty of Tolentino. He was then only three marches from the capital, and nothing could have been easier than

for him to enter the eternal city in triumph. He had the wisdom not to do so, and Rome was the only continental capital in which he never set foot. The same day Napoleon wrote Josephine his last letter during this first campaign of Italy. Not a word from you, Bon Dieu, what have I done? To think only of you, to love only, Josephine, to live only for my wife, to enjoy only the happiness of my loved one,

do I merit on her part so rigorous a treatment? My beloved, I implore you, think often of me, and write me every day. You are ill, or you do not love me, do you then think that my heart is of marble write me think of me and love me for la vie at it is a matter of regret that the letters of josephine to her husband during this same period have not been preserved but it is to be presumed from napoleon's constant reproaches that she responded but rarely to his sentimental effusions she did not hesitate to show his letters to her friends saying with her funny creole accent et She was proud of him, she admired his glory, she was fascinated by his prestige, but she was not in love with him. If Napoleon later became less devoted, it was because he had not received that response to his tenderness which he had looked for. As Milan is one of the hottest places in Italy, during his second and last summer there, Napoleon left the heat of the city and took up his residence at the lovely villa of Montebello, which is situated on the old Como road a few miles from the city.

it was then a great country palace sitting far back from the high road in a large park with cool shady avenues pretty fountains and all the exquisite loveliness of an italian retreat from the broad high terrace that ran around the front and sides of the villa the alps could be seen on one side and the beautiful spires of the milan cathedral on the other this beautiful villa is now a lunatic asylum here most of the members of his family rejoined him madame bonaparte came with the desire of obtaining his approval of the marriage of her eldest daughter eliza a suitor had presented himself in the person of felix bachoki of a poor but noble family of genoa although his face was stupid and insignificant he passed for a handsome man the marriage had taken place at marseilles the first of may seventeen ninety seven in spite of the formal opposition of napoleon it was to secure his pardon and to persuade him to furnish a dot that his mother now came to milan Napoleon finally gave his approval and at the same time announced to his mother the marriage which he had arranged between Pauline and Leclair. Pauline was then 16 and was extremely pretty

with a rare combination of beauty and grace. But she was an ignorant child who could hardly read or write. Leclair was a handsome man of 24. He was small in stature and although blonde bore some resemblance to Napoleon. Napoleon had first met him during the siege of Toulon. He had been attached to Napoleon's staff in Italy and was highly esteemed by his commander. On the 14th of June, the marriage was celebrated with both civil and religious forms by the express wish of Napoleon.

At the same time, he had blessed by the church the civil union of Elisa and Bacchoki. Two days later were signed the contracts by which the two sisters each received from the three brothers, Joseph, Napoleon, and Louis, by way of dot, a capital of forty thousand francs, which was stated to be their share, of the Bonaparte family property, which must therefore have reached a total of three hundred twenty thousand francs. This family reunion, where there were so many elements of discord, was not prolonged. After a visit of two weeks during which she was present at the two marriages, Madame Bonaparte left for Corsica. Elisa and her husband accompanied her. Joseph also left Montabello. He had been given a diplomatic post at Parma, but before

he could go there to take up his duties, he received a notice of his appointment as minister at Rome, with a salary of 60,000 francs in gold. He at once set out, taking with him his wife and his youngest sister, Caroline. On leaving Milan, Napoleon sent Jerome back to college at Paris.

Pauline remained in Italy with Leclair, who had been named Chief of Staff in the Army. What a change in the family fortunes in the short space of two years. Before the events of the 13 Vandemier, Napoleon was living in misery in Paris. Joseph was looking for a small consulship in Italy. Lucien for a small post in the

commissary department. Louis was a student at Chalon. Two years later, Napoleon is the commander in chief of the victorious army of Italy. Joseph is ambassador at Rome. Lucien is head of the commissary. Louis is captain of cavalry. The two girls are married and endowed. The mother has returned in sovereign state to Corsica, which had just been evacuated by the English. all of this is due to napoleon but there is not a single member of the family who is not seriously convinced that this good fortune is a tribute to his own merits the blindness of napoleon to the faults and weaknesses of his family is the feeble point of his mind as it is also one of the most attractive sides of his heart the twenty fourth of june seventeen ninety seven josephine again left paris and arrived at monte bello the ninth of july where she spent several weeks The early autumn of this year which Napoleon and Josephine passed at the Cerbaloni Palace in Milan was perhaps the happiest period of their lives.

The attention of Europe was more drawn to this palace than to all the residences of the emperors and kings. There the conqueror of Italy lived in regal style, surrounded by his military court. Beside him was Josephine, who already seemed like a sovereign. Bonaparte was then the favorite of the Milanese population who waited for hours at the gates of the palace to see him come out. He was regarded by all the Italians as a fellow countryman, and this fact had contributed not a little to his success in Italy. At Milan, as later at Paris,

Josephine admirably served the interests of her husband. By her antecedents, her relations, her character, she formed a connecting link between him and the personages of the Ancien regime. My marriage with Madame de Boarnet, said Napoleon, brought me in contact with a large element, the cooperation of which was necessary in my system of fusion, one of the greatest principles of my administration, and one which specially characterized it.

Without my wife, I should never have been able to have any natural rapport with this party. The salon of the former Bicontes de Boarnet in the Cer Baloney Palace recalled the elegance and the traditions of the most brilliant circles of the Fobour Saint-Germain. Josephine received the noble third. families of Milan with exquisite grace, and there reigned a kind of etiquette which contrasted in a singular manner with the democratic air of her husband.

Josephine was then 34 years of age. Her dark and faded complexion was concealed by the rouge and powder which she employed with consummate art. She was adroit in hiding the imperfections of nature. The elegance of her form, the grace of her movements, the softness of her eyes, and the tone of her voice, all the harmony of her person gave to her an exceptional charm. Add to this a Creole coquetry which was all the more agreeable because it seemed natural and involuntary, a conversation which pleased without ever being pretentious, a kindness of heart which was manifested on every occasion, manners which recalled the best traditions at the Court of Versailles, an exquisite taste in dress, with toilettes which queens

might have envied, and you can easily understand the charm which a woman so eminently fascinating exercised over the heart and mind of Bonaparte. In order to understand Bonaparte's share in the coup d'etat of Eightyen Fructidor, it is necessary to review briefly the course of political events at Paris. At the time of the adoption of the new constitution, it was generally thought that the revolution was entirely a thing of the past. But soon, royalist revolts broke out in the West and there was a communistic plot at Paris for the overthrow of the directors. The royalists began to gain ground. The elections for the renewal of a third part of the councils resulted in large gains for them, and they succeeded in electing to the directory a constitutional royalist,

Bertilimi. Another director, Carnot, also favored moderate opinions. A crisis rapidly developed between the Jacobyne majority in the directory and the two legislative councils in each of which the royalists had the majority. The chief reliance of the royalists was in Pichescu, the conqueror of Holland, a former Jacobin, who had now given his adhesion to the royalist party, that their intrigues aimed at the restoration of the Bourbons has clearly been proved. Matters came to a crisis in July when the majority of the council sought to force on the directory ministers who would favor royalist aims. Barass and two other directors refused to listen to these behests, and this defiance of the deputies was received with acclaim by the army

but was not satisfactory to most civilians. Under these circumstances, Bonaparte's conduct was very cautious and reserved. In the month of May he sent to Paris his most trusted aide-de-can, La Vallette, with instructions to keep aloof from entanglements and to report to him on the state of affairs. The last of July he sent to the directors a brief note stating that Ogerot had requested leave to go to Paris, where his affairs call him. The double role which Boyle was a brief note stating that Ogeron was a briefer's saying that he was apart was playing was plainly shown in these preparations.

His official envoy to Paris was the Jacobin General, the child of the Fobour, Ogerot, while his secret envoy to the capital was La Vallette, a man in whom he had complete confidence, whose manners and social relations were those of the Ancière Regime. Through Ogeron, he aimed to keep in touch with the Republicans, through La Vallette with the royalists. Already he had in view that system of fusion which was to be the basis of his internal policy. His plan was to take advantage of the consequences of the coup d'etat, and at the same time to appear clear of any complicity in the movement. Ocho was certain to act

with energy, and so it turned out. He prepared to end matters by a single blow. When the time came, he occupied the strategic points of the capital, drew a cordon of troops around the Tullery where the council sat, invaded the chambers of the deputies, and consigned to the temple the royalists there present, with their leader, Pich Gru. Bertilumi was also seized, but Carnot warned by a friend fled during the early hours of this eventful day, 18 Fructidal for the 4th of September. The remaining members of the councils now passed severe laws which entrusted the directory with extensive and almost absolute powers. Ogerot fully expected that he would be one of the two directors to be elected in place of Carnot and Bertilomis,

but to his great disappointment he was not chosen. While these events were happening at Paris, the negotiations with Austria had dragged on slowly through the whole summer and far into the autumn of 1797, mainly owing to the hopes of the Emperor that the disorder in France would result to his advantage. Such might have been the case had not Bonaparte while striking down the royalists at Paris through his lieutenant,

retained his victorious army in Benicia, ready again to invade Austria should occasion arise. the coup d'etat fructidal helped on the progress of the negotiations that event seemed to render impossible at least for the present the return of the royalists towards the middle of september seventeen ninety seven bonaparte accompanied by his wife took up his residence in the chateau of paseriano to bring to a close the diplomatic negotiations with austria this residence was a fine country-house situated upon the left bank of the taliemento about four leagues from udine the negotiations which had been dragging along for months had reached a point where it was necessary to conclude or break them off on the sixteenth of october he had a decisive interview with the austrian plenipotentiaries it seemed impossible to reach an agreement arising from his seat and stamping his foot on the floor bonaparte exclaimed you wish war very well you shall have it then seizing a magnificent porcelain liqueur set cabaret he threw it with all his force on the floor where it broke into a thousand fragments look he cried such will be your austrian monarchy before three months have elapsed then he rushed from the room on leaving the conference chamber he gave orders to notify the archduke charles of the resumption of hostilities after a delay of twenty-four hours the following day the peace of campo was signed. It bore the name of a village situated halfway between Udine and Paseriano.

The principal articles of the treaty may be thus summarized. Austria ceded to the French Republic, Belgium, and the left bank of the Rhine. Of the once extensive Venetian possessions, France gained the Ionian Isles, while Austria acquired Istria, Dalmatia, the city of Venice, and the mainland of Venetia as far west as Lake Garda, the Adagi and the lower part. of the river Po. At the news of the peace of Campo Formio, great joy reigned all over France. A hundred newspaper articles

and numerous contemporary letters show us a nation drunk with happiness. On every side, the praises of General Bonaparte resounded. It was a tremendous explosion of enthusiasm and affection. From the remotest country places to the Foulbourg of Paris,

it ran like a lighted train of gunpowder. The French nation literally loved Bonaparte. It made for itself an ideal picture of the hero who had brought at peace. The affection of the country crowned him with all the virtues and attributed to him valor, wisdom,

and magnanimity. The directory alone was uneasy. It tried to keep the hero away from the capital. But Paris was set on beholding its god, and the directors were forced to send for him. Leaving Josephine in Italy,

a month later Bonaparte left Milo. for Paris, traveling by way of Geneva, where he stopped for a day. He was accompanied by his aide de Kahn, Marmon, Durok, and Lavalette, as well as his secretary, Burien and his physician, Ivan. The journey was a series of ovations. At Bern and at Ball, and in all the cities through which he passed, he was received with salvos of artillery. He finally reached Paris the evening of the 5th of December.

Napoleon took up his residence in the little hotel of the Rue Chantrain from which he had set out 21 months before as an obscure man, to which he returned, as a celebrity. One of his first visitors was Talleyrand, the new minister of foreign affairs who came at once to pay his respects. His interview with the directors was most cordial. To see Bonaparte, to talk with him was the ambition of everyone. The papers recounted the smallest details of his life. You can read in the Monitor of the 10th December. Bonaparte is living in his wife's house, Ruchentren. This mansion

is simple and plain. He goes out rarely, and without escort, in a simple carriage with two horses. He is often seen walking alone in his modest garden. Understanding the Parisian character, and knowing that the attention of the great capital is not long drawn

to the same object, Bonaparte kept himself studiously in seclusion. He affected a simplicity which contrasted strongly with his glory. As soon as Bonaparte returned to Paris, Teleran, who desired to win his favor, wished to give a large fete in his honor, but awaited the return of Josephine.

She finally reached Paris on the 2nd of January 1798, and the ball took place the next night. The Minister at Foreign Affairs was installed in a new and sumptuous hotel in the Fobour-S-Germain. It was situated in the Rue du Bac at the corner of the Rue de Grenel. To review the light of the life,

of Talleyrand, who was destined to achieve the greatest diplomatic reputation of the age, would be to recount the history of the revolution. After taking a prominent part in the Feid de la Federation, the 14th of July 1790, Talleyan remained in Paris until the day after the September massacres, when he obtained a passport for England. After a residence of over a year in London, at the beginning of 1794, he was expelled under the provisions of the Alien Act. He embarked for the United States where he awaited events. An interesting account of his stay in America is given in the recollections of the Marquise de la Tour Du Pen. After the death of Robespierre, he made an attempt to secure permission to return to France.

Finally, in September 1795, his request was granted. On his return to Paris, early in the following year, he had a cordial reception. Through the efforts of Madame de Stahl, who was then all powerful with Benjamin Constant, he was made minister in July 1797. He immediately announced his appointment in a flattering letter to the conqueror of Italy, the man of the future whose good graces he wished to secure. The fate to Bonaparte was a great success.

The minister did the honors in an admirable manner. He loved to display and etiquette. He had that cold politeness that, nonchalance d'ubli de melisse, that exquisite tact, that science of the nuances which distinguished the men of the honor, he brought into the new world the manners of the court of versailles this ball given by a former bishop in an aristocratic mansion was a sign of the times everyone was tired of the rigors of the revolution all welcomed a return to the beau jour de marie antoinette during the two years that napoleon had commanded in italy he had filled the world with the icla of his victories the coalition had been dissolved and austria had formerly recognized

the French Republic. Two new republics like the French had been created, and all Italy had submitted to French laws and influence. The victories in Italy had caused alarm in Vienna, and forced the Ollic Council to recall 60,000 men from the Rhine, and thus enabled Moro and Jordan to resume the offensive and carry the tricolor to the heart of Germany. More than 100 millions of francs had been levied in Italy, one half of which had supported the army, while the other half transmitted to Paris had been used for the expenses of the government and the support of the armies on the Rhine. The Louvre had been enriched by the masterpieces from the galleries of Parma, Florence and Rome, which were valued at more than 200 millions. Happy days seemed assured

for France, and for these she was indebted to the conqueror of Italy. End of Chapter 6 Chapter 7 of Napoleon I. An Intimate Biography by Walter Gere This Librovoc's recording is in the public domain. 7. 1798 to 1799. Egypt. On his return from Italy, Napoleon appeared at the height of his glory, and yet he was not contented. In vain the crowd showed for him a sort of idolatry.

Nothing could satisfy his boundless ambition. No sovereign had ever produced in the capital the impression of the victor of Riboli. His little hotel in the Ruechandre, the name of, of which was soon to be changed to the Rue de la Victoire, had more prestige than the palace of kings. Every time he went to the theatre, he had to conceal himself in the back of his loge to avoid the enthusiastic acclaims of the spectators. Josefine participated in the glory of her husband and nothing troubled her happiness. Her son Eugen had returned from Italy, and her daughter, Ortense, was near her at the school

of Madame Campan, at St. Germain. She had never been so happy. The Bonaparts had not succeeded in creating dissension between her and her husband. She was rejoiced to see that her little hotel had become the rendezvous of the best Parisian society. But neither the affection of Josephine, nor the flattery of the admirers by whom he was surrounded, nor success of every kind could distract the thoughts of being incapable of repose. As Talleyrand once said of Napoleon, "'Sului who would "'unneret a peree the bienfeteur

"'de the universe.' "'Desirous of action, "'he looked forward with anxiety "'to the hour "'that would see the public curiosity appeased. "'When Buryan remarked to him "'that it must be very gratifying "'to have the acclaims of his fellow citizens,

"'he replied, "'The people would crowd around me "'just as eagerly if I were going to the scaffold. "'The 10th of December, "'a fact was given by the directors "'at the Luxembourg in honor of Bonaparte. On this occasion he was to present formally

the Treaty of Campo Formio. An address of fulsome flattery was pronounced by Talleyrand to which Bonaparte briefly responded. Then Barras spoke, the climax of his oration being reached when pointing northwards he exclaimed, Go there and capture the giant corsair that infest the seas. Go punish in London,

outrages that have too long been left un avenged. Whereupon, as if overcome by his emotion he embraced the general. Here, says Rose, the curtain falls on the first or Italian act of the young hero's career, soon to rise on Oriental adventures which were to recall the exploits of Alexander. Early in 1798, Bonaparte was appointed by the directory to the chief command of the Army of England, and on the 10th of February, he left on a short tour of inspection of the northern ports. He returned to Paris by way of Antwerp in Brussels. He was convinced that any attempts against England in this direction would be barren of results.

In a report to the government on the 23rd February, he thus sums up the whole situation. Whatever efforts we make, we shall not for some years gain the naval supremacy. To invade England without that supremacy is the most daring and difficult task ever undertaken. We must really give up the expedition and concentrate all our attention and resources on the Rhine, in order to deprive England of Hanover and Hamburg. or else undertake an eastern expedition which would menace her trade with the Indies. Bonaparte had little difficulty in obtaining the consent of the directory to his

oriental plans, as they were pleased at the thought of his departure from France. Although the object of his expedition was unknown, yet everyone wished to accompany him. Not only military men desired to take part, but also civilians. Savants, engineers, and artists. Burien, who was in the secret, asked Bonaparte how long he had. expected to remain in Egypt, to which he replied, A few months or six years, all depends on circumstances. On the 3rd of May 1798, Napoleon and Josephine,

after having dined at the Luxembourg with Barras, en petit comitie, went to the Teatro Franca to hear Talma in Macbeth. The hero of Italy was saluted with the same acclaim as during the first days of his return. At the end of the performance, he returned home, and at midnight set out for Toulon, accompanied by Josephine, Eugène, Bourienne, Dureoc, and Lavalette. Paris was ignorant of his departure and the next morning when everyone thought he was still in the Rue de la Victoroire, he was already far on his way to the coast. He had not even allowed Josephine to go

to St. Germain to embrace her daughter before her departure. She did not know the destination of the expedition or whether she would be allowed to accompany it. The party arrived at Toulon on the 9th of May. Bonaparte wished to sail. at once, but he was detained in port for ten days by contrary winds. In anticipation of an invasion of England, nearly all the ships of the British Navy were blockading the northern ports of France and guarding the English coast. There was not a warship left in the Mediterranean until Nelson arrived off to Lont two days before the sailing of the French fleet. He was then driven out to sea by a violent wind

and was not able to take up his station again until the first of June, when the French fleet was already 12 days on its way. The objects of the Egyptian expedition were mainly five in number. Namely, one, to capture Malta as a halfway station. Two, to establish a French colony in Africa for the production of sugar and cotton, to compensate for the loss of the West India Islands in the war with England. Three, to cut through the isthmus of Suez and seize the Red Sea. Four, to make Egypt a base for an advance on India.

and five to open an eastern outlet to French commerce and eventually to exclude England from all her possessions in the Orient in the expedition were many officers who were to attain great distinction under the Empire such as Murat and Davout

who were then both in command of dragoons Bessier, Lann and Junot Berthi was chief of serf De Se and Clebert were at the head of divisions and Marmont of a brigade. The cavalry four thousand strong was commanded by a stalwart mulatto, Alexandre Dumas, the father of the great romancer. The most distinguished officer was Desais, small in stature, but very active, a born

commander. The handsomest man in the army was Clebert, an officer of great courage, capable of marvelous deeds. The French fleet comprised 100 battleships and nearly 400 transports, carrying about 35,000 troops. In this age of steam and, and the wireless, Napoleon's expedition would have been overtaken and destroyed in less than a week. Even in those days, it was only by the most incredible good luck that he and his big fleet safely traversed the Mediterranean, while the greatest of British sailors was scouring the sea in search of him. While Nelson was setting his course for the southern part of Italy on the assumption that the French expedition was headed for Naples or Sicily, Napoleon was steering toward the

African shore, passing outside of Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily, and making for Mollos. Malta, which was reached after a sale of about three weeks. This island was held by the Knights of St. John, the last of those companies of Christian soldiers, who had once waged war on the infidels in Palestine. After having been driven from Jerusalem to the Rock of St. Jean d'Acre, and from there to Rhodes, they had found refuge behind the ramparts of this barren island. The Grand Master at once surrendered without any defense.

At Malta there was found an immense supply of weapons and munitions, including 1,200 guns. The order of the Knights of St. John was abolished, and the island reorganized on a French plan. Leaving a garrison of 4,000 men, Bonaparte continued his route toward Egypt. By this time, Nelson had begun to suspect that the French were going to Egypt and had set his course for Alexandria. With his faster vessels, he passed the French during the night and arrived at Alexandria two days before the French fleet. Not finding the French there, he again set sail for the Syrian coast. Bonaparte reached Alexandria on the evening of the 30th of

June and commenced the debarkation of his troops the same night. The next day he marched on the city. Alexandria in its earlier days was protected on the seafront by an island, and this in Caesar's time was joined to the mainland by a causeway. On this island was the pharaohs, a lighthouse for a hundred feet high, one of the seven wonders of the world. This causeway was the king. had gradually been widened until the northern part of the city had become a peninsula, the projecting points of which enclosed two ports, the new on the east, and the old on the west. The Alexandria of today, with its 400,000 inhabitants, is much changed from the squalid village of 5,000 people which Napoleon found. The only landmark that has survived the changes of the

centuries is Pompey's pillar, which still looms above the roofs and towers of the city. The once-famous lighthouse of pharaohs has disappeared, and a fort covers the site. From a mound near Pompey's column, Napoleon directed the assault upon the town. His artillery had not yet been landed, but the first outworks were easily carried by assault, and the city and forts capitulated the same day.

Egypt at that time was nominally a part of the Sultan's domains under a viceroy. Actually, it was ruled by the Mamalukes, a warlike caste whose capital city was Cairo. The Mamalukes were commanded by Murad Bay and Ibrahim Bay. Murad was a brave officer and controlled military affairs, while Ibrahim, who was rich and wise, looked after the civil administration. In order not to give the Mamaluk's time to concert means of defense,

Bonaparte decided to push on at once toward Cairo. Saint-Louis had required four months to march from Alexandria to the capital. Napoleon made the same distance in 15 days. Leaving Alexandria on the 6th of July, Napoleon marched with his army parallel to the Nile, keeping pace with the flotilla which carried his supplies. Before reaching the capital, it was necessary to fight. On the 13th of July, the French encountered Murad, who was posted with 4,000 horsemen near the village of Chabris, with his right flank resting on the river, where it was covered by a

flotilla. The combat began between the two flotillas. Bonaparte immediately attacked, adopting the order of battle used by the Russians against the Turks, each division being formed in squares enclosing the equipages and the few cavalry which he possessed. In vain the Mamalukes threw themselves against the solid squares of the French. At last, harassed by the fire of the French artillery, they fell back toward the capital. The French army then continued its way up the banks of the Nile to Ambe Bay opposite Cairo. There the Mamalukes had their fortified camp, and there that superb cavalry was waiting to overwhelm the invaders. On the 21st of July, the French arrived in sight of the capital,

and the same day was fought the battle of the pyramids. No more dramatic engagement had been fought since the days of the Crusaders. Beside the two armies rolled the mysterious Nile. Beyond, glittered the slender minarets of Cairo, and on the south there loomed the massive pyramids. Napoleon raised the enthusiasm of his soldiers

to the highest pitch by his address. Soldiers, you have come to rescue Egypt from barbarism, to bring civilization into the east, and to save this beautiful land from the yoke of England. Forty centuries are looking down on you from the tops of these monuments. The Mamalukes attacked in great numbers, but all their brilliant charges failed against the intrepidity of the French squares. Never were charges better made or better sustained. Finally, the Mamalooks fled in disorder, leaving a large part of their forces dead on the field of battle. Murad retired with the wreck of his command to Upper Egypt. From Cairo,

Ibrahim, who had not taken part in the battle, fled to the east toward the Syrian desert. About 2,000 mamelukes were slain while only 50 French were killed and about 200 wounded. Many fine horses were captured in piles of beautiful weapons, and large sums of gold were taken by the French, as the Mamalukes were in the habit of carrying their valuables on their persons. Napoleon's first headquarters were installed at Giza where the palace of Murad furnished him a luxurious residence. He was compelled to await the arrival of his flotilla in order to cross to Cairo, which was then a city of 200,000 souls. On the 22nd, the French occupied the town and Citadel, and two days later Napoleon moved his headquarters there. De Salle was sent

to Upper Egypt in pursuit of Murad, while Bonaparte himself left Cairo on the 7th. of August in pursuit of Ibrahim, who was driven into the Syrian desert and took refuge at Gaza. Bonaparte then returned to Cairo where he learned of the destruction of his fleet by Nelson. On the 3rd of July before leaving Alexandria, Napoleon had given orders to his admiral to report to him at once whether it was possible for the fleet to enter the port of Alexandria, and if not, whether he could defend himself in Abukir roads against the superior forces of the enemy. in case neither of these plans was practicable, he was directed to set sail immediately for Corfu and Toulon. The Admiral thought his position was impregnable and remained in the harbor of Abouquia.

Here he was attacked by Nelson on the evening of the 1st of August. The battle lasted 36 hours and ended in the destruction of nearly all of the French fleet. Bruise, by a glorious death, expiated his fault which proved so fatal to the French. This disaster was a severe blow to Bonaparte, but in order to restore the morale of his army, he affected a confidence which he could no longer feel. Even some of his highest officers complained of their miserable position. The versatility of Napoleon's genius was never more marked than at this time of discouragement, and with his savant, he developed constructive powers of the highest order which made the army independent of Europe. The food supply was increased by

extending the cultivation of corn and rice. Windmills were constructed for grinding corn as well as large ovens and bakeries. Foundries and workshops soon began to supply tools and machinery, even gunpowder was manufactured. Much also was done to extend the bounds of learning. Astronomy gained much by the observations of Kaffarelli. An exact survey of Egypt was begun. The engineers and geologists examined the course of the Nile and made records of the alluvres. devosites at its mouth and on its banks. The motherland of science and learning, after a well-nigh barren interval of 1100 years since the Arab conquest, says Rose, was now developed and illumined by the application of the arts with which in the dim past she had enriched the life of Barberous Europe. The repayment of this incalculable debt was due primarily to the enterprise of Bonaparte. It is one of his many titles to fame and to the homage of posterity.

How poor by the side of this encyclopedic genius are the gifts even of his most brilliant foes? At that same time, the Archduke Charles of Austria was vegetating in glorious ease on his estates. Nelson, after his recent triumph, was bending before the whims of a professional beauty. While the Admiral tarnished his fame on the siren coast of Naples, his great opponent bent all the resources of a fertile intellect to retrieve his position, and even under the gloom of disaster, threw a gleam of light into the dark continent. Meanwhile, Turkey, encouraged by the destruction of the French fleet,

had declared war on France, and was sending an army through Syria for the recovery of Egypt, while another expedition was assembling at roads. Bonaparte, as usual, decided to take the initiative, and to attack and destroy the Syrian force before the cessation of the winter's gales would allow the other Turkish expedition to attempt a landing at Abu Kier.

the fertile delta of the nile is separated from syria by the desert of el jafar across this desert runs several caravan routes the most northerly of which crosses parallel to the coast from a point located on the present suez canal via el arish to gaza it is an old traveled route about one hundred fifty miles long with a fair supply of wells at convenient distances the sea being closed to the french by the disaster of abuquia the only way of reaching syria was to follow the path for centuries covered by the caravans. The 1st of January 1799, there were about 30,000 French troops in Egypt, of whom nearly 13,000 were detailed for the Syrian expedition. De Se with 10,000 troops was left in Upper Egypt,

while Marmont, with about 7,000 men, was in Lower Egypt. The divisions of Kleber, Bon, Lan, and Renier, each of about 2,500 men, formed the Syrian army, together with the cavalry of Murat, about 800 strong, and some 2,000 guides, camel riders, sappers, and artillerymen. A good siege equipment was to go to Japa by sea.

Engineers had cleared out the wells on the road. Camels with water went ahead of the columns, and the divisions were ordered to march at a day's distance apart to avoid overtaxing the limited water supply. Bonaparte left Cairo on the 10th of February. Rénie, who commanded the advance column, had reached El Ehrish the previous day, and found the place held by two thousand men. He immediately attacked and drove the garrison into the fort with a loss of about 500 men. Two days later, Clebert came up, and on the 16th, Bonaparte himself arrived. After considerable correspondence, the fort finally surrendered on the 19th. The army then proceeded to Gaza, which was reached after a very fatiguing march of 48,

hours. All the army united near this city which had been evacuated by the enemy, leaving the French in possession of its great magazines. Gaza, which today is an important place of 40,000 inhabitants, was then only a small town. It will be remembered in biblical history as the place whose gates were carried off by Samson on his stalwart shoulders, and where he pulled down the pillars of the house and slew 3,000 Philistines. Alexander had to besieged the town for two months before he could enter the gates, but Napoleon took it without firing a shot. On the 3rd of March, the army reached Jaffa, which was carried by assault three days later. Contrary to the orders of Bonaparte, some 2,000 prisoners were taken, and the question

at once arose as to what was to be done with these men. If they were kept, they would consume rations, and the army was already short of food. If, on the other hand, they were released, they would probably rejoin the Turks. As a matter of the matter of the army, they would be joined the Turks. As a matter of fact, a part of them had already been discharged at El Arish on their promise not to serve against the French, and they were now taken in arms. It was a difficult problem, and it was solved in the least merciful way. The Turks were taken out and shot down. This incident has been one of the most severely criticized in Bonaparte's career, yet it is justified by most modern military writers on the ground that a general cannot afford to sacrifice

the vital interests of his army to those of humanity. The main Turkish force under Ahmed Bey, known as Jazar, the butcher, was at St. Jean d'Aque. Jazar had taken every means for the defense of the place, which was invested on the 18th of March. The fortifications consisted of a wall flanked by towers and surrounded by a ditch. The French means of attack were not even sufficient to overcome these slight obstacles, for Sidney Smith, commanding the English cruisers, had captured. the French siege train which had been sent from Alexandria by sea, and had mounted the guns on the walls. Associated with Jazar in defense of Ackre were two men who had crossed the path of Napoleon in other

years and in other lands. One of them was a young English sailor of fortune, who, after serving with the Swedish and Turkish fleets, had joined the British Navy and was at Toulon when it fell under the fire of Napoleon's batteries. This was Sidney Smith. The other ally of Jazar was a Frenchman, a graduate of the Ecole Militare in Paris, and a classmate of Napoleon. At the school they had quarreled constantly. This was Philippo, an aristocrat by birth and an enemy of the Republic. St. Jean d'Aucre was a place of considerable importance which had figured largely in the Crusades, being taken and retaken several times during the 12th century.

After this, it was held for a hundred years by the Knights of St. John, and was the last Christian stronghold in Palestine. It stands on a peninsula with an exposed and useless harbor, but Haifa at the south of it has a large and fairly well-protected roadstead. The place has sometimes been called the Key of Palestine. In 1799, the works had fallen somewhat into decay, although Jazar had done much to repair the defenses on the land side. The French trenches were opened on the 20th of March

and the first assault was made eight days later. Napoleon now received intelligence of the approach, approach of a Turkish army from Damascus and Palestine. To meet this hostile force, Kleber was dispatched toward the Jordan with his division, and also Murat with his detachment of cavalry. A few days later, learning that the enemy had passed the Jordan and that Clebert was about to be attacked, Napoleon flew to his assistance. Leaving the camp before Agre on the 15th of April, the next morning he arrived in sight of the enemy near Mount Tabor. The Turkish forces, about 20,000 strong, entirely surrounded the division of Clébert,

who was maintaining his position with great bravery. On the arrival of Bonaparte with reinforcements, the enemy, already discouraged by the stout resistance of Clébert's squares, fled in disorder. This singular victory had such an effect upon the Turks that they did not venture to trouble the French again during the siege. Mount Tabor is the most historic of all of Napoleon's extraordinary battlefields. It is, a place called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon.

The night after the battle, Napoleon slept in the monastery of Annunciation where the fathers have treasured since the bedroom where the young warrior rested. In the meantime, the siege was pushed with obstinacy but with little success. The Turks defended themselves with great valor. Five assaults had already been made when a flotilla appeared which had been fitted out at roads to reprovision the port. Seeking to anticipate this summer, Tucker, Napoleon ordered another assault to be made on the 8th of May, which was also repulsed.

He was therefore obliged to prepare to retreat, but was unwilling to retire without making one more attempt. On the morning and the evening of the 10th of May, the attack was renewed for the seventh and eight times. Led with reckless gallantry by the heroic Lann, the troops gained part of the wall and planted the tricolor on the northeast tower. But all further progress was checked by the English Marines who had poured into the town, and the Turkish reinforcements, which were landed in time to save the day. Lan himself was dangerously wounded in the neck and was saved only by the devotion of a fellow officer. For the remainder of his life he was obliged to carry his head on one side. On the 22nd of May, the siege was raised and the troops were

started on their return to Egypt. It was a great disappointment to Napoleon. At the height of his European triumphs, he was heard to say, J'I. Manky a fortune to St. Jean d'Ackre. There were two very serious reasons for his retreat, aside from the repulse before the walls of the town. He had just heard of the

formation of the second coalition against France, and also of revolts in Egypt, which demanded his attention. Napoleon's 400-mile retreat from Akre down the Syrian coast across the plains of Palestine and the desert of Lte, was an anticipation and miniature of the terrible

retreat from Moscow through the snows of a Russian winter. On his return march, Napoleon ordered all the horses to be given over to the sick and wounded and set the example by himself marching on foot. On his arrival at Jaffa, many of the garrison left there in the advance on Akre were found in the hospital, some with the plague. All but a very few of the sick were taken away when the French left the place, and the rest were found living by Sidney Smith on his arrival three days after the French army had departed.

There is therefore not the slightest truth in the statement frequently made that Napoleon ordered the doctors to poison the soldiers whom he was not able to take with him. After a painful march, Napoleon reached Cairo with the main body of his troops on the 14th of June. Towards the end of July, the Mamalukes under the command of Murad descended towards Giza and again appeared in Lower Egypt. While making preparations to attack them, Napoleon heard that 15,000 Turks had just landed from the fleet of roads at Abukia and had carried by assault the fort at that place.

He immediately marched on Alexandria and on the 25th of July attacked the Turks at Abukia and defeated them with great slaughter. Many of the enemy endeavored to regain the vessels and all who were not killed in the battle perished in the waves except about 2,000 men who made their escape into the fort

and were later taken prisoners. While making some arrangements with Sidney Smith under a flag of truce after the battle, Napoleon sent him a chest of coffee and a case of brandy. In return for these gifts, Smith sent him a batch of European newspapers only six weeks old.

From these, Napoleon learned of the reverses of the French armies in Italy and on the Rhine and of the disorganized and disgraceful state of affairs under the directory at Paris. Under these circumstances, he decided that it was his duty to return to France. He had no motive for prolonging his stay in Egypt.

the country was completely conquered and the only task left was to guard it clebert who was left in command was as capable as anyone of carrying out napoleon's plans napoleon therefore set sail for france on the twenty fourth of august with four small vessels he was accompanied by lan and muras both recently wounded as well as by bertier duroc marmont bessier and la valette he also took with him his secretary bourienne and eugene and eugene of Boernet. Sir Sidney Smith, having gone to Cyprus for repairs, Napoleon slipped out unmolested. A northwest wind obliged the vessels to run close to the African coast, and they took 20 days to make 300 miles. By great good fortune, the frigates eluded the English ships cruising between Malta and Cape Bonn.

Finally, an east wind came up and Sardinia was reached in then Corsica. In the port of Ayaccio, Napoleon was detained for north. nine days by adverse winds. There, full news was received of the French reverses in Italy. Finally, on the 7th of October, the wind, having become favorable, he sailed for France. The following evening when the mountains of Provence were in full sight, by the rays of the setting sun, a fleet of English vessels was seen on the horizon. All on board thought they would certainly be captured. Bonaparte alone kept his usual calm. He pointed out to the officers of ship that the setting sun which lighted up the sails of the English vessels on the horizon

would leave in the shadow the sails of his frigates. "'Nou voyion,' he said, "'and we no s'em not view. Courage, donc.' On the morning of the 9th of October at eight o'clock, they entered the Bay of St. Raphael, a short distance from Friejuice. The voyage had lasted forty-six days. As soon as it was known that Bonaparte had returned, the shore was covered with a multitude of people. Napoleon had feared that he might be detained by quarantine regulations, but the crowd

cried, No quarantine for you? The plague rather than the Austrians. A horse was brought to him which he mounted, and amidst the acclamations of the crowds, he entered Friegeus, where he remained only a few hours. His route to Paris was one long triumph. At X, at Avignon, at Valence, he was received with indescribable transports of enthusiasm. arrived at leon he remained a day and in the evening went to the theatre where he was obliged to conceal himself in the back of his lodge at midnight he again set out but instead of taking the usual route towards macon he went by way of the bourbonnet traveling in a Bautier de Post at great speed, not stopping by night or day. Paris had been notified by telegraph of the return of the hero, and the evening of the 10th of October while dining at the Luxembourg with Goyer,

the president of the directory. Josephine was informed of the landing of her husband. That same night she left Paris to meet Napoleon on route, but as she took the usual road through Burgoyne while he was following the route of the Bourbonnet, she was not successful in meeting him. and he reached Paris before she could return. Napoleon arrived in Paris on the morning of the 16th of October. He went directly to his house in the Rue de la Victoire,

where as upon his return from Italy, he found no one to receive him. His brothers, in the absence of Josephine, took every means to arouse his wrath and jealousy, and he began to talk at once of a separation or a divorce. Upon Josephine's return, he refused to see her, and remained locked up in his room. Finally, at the suggestion of a friend she sent for her children Eugène and Orthens, who on their arrival joined their supplications to those of their mother.

Napoleon finally decided to open the door, and when his brothers arrived the following morning, they found that all had been forgotten and forgiven. Notwithstanding all of Josephine's faults, real or imaginary, Napoleon was very wise in affecting a reconciliation with his wife. Separation at that time would have caused a scandal which might be have interfered seriously with his plans. He did well to cut short the accusations of his brothers, and to employ his activities in more serious matters than family troubles.

With her perfect tact and consummate knowledge at the Society of Paris and the Political World, Josefín proved very useful in his plans. If the expedition to Egypt was not beneficial to France, it was to Napoleon. He always had the talent of placing his successes in the limelight while he left his reverses in the shadow. Egypt was far away, and the French heard only of the brilliant victories of Bonaparte. The expedition was not a success, and yet for him it served as a footstool to the throne. End of Chapter 7. Chapter 8 of Napoleon I. An Intimate Biography by Walter Gere. This Librevox recording is in the public domain.

8. 1799 The Cudita During the year seven of the Republic, which Napoleon spent in Egypt, many important events occurred in France of which he was ignorant, on account of the interruption of communications by the English cruisers. Two royalists for the Republicans, two Republican for the Royalists, the directory was no longer taken seriously. The fate of the Luxembourg had lost their prestige, and everyone was looking toward that part of the horizon

where the rising sun was to appear. Although several aristocratic salons had been opened, they were but little frequented. But on the other hand, the theaters, the subscription balls, the public gardens and the cafes, were crowded. All parties were awaiting the return of Bonaparte. The Parisian public was more preoccupied

with the banks of the Nile than with those of the Sen. The Paris of the year seven foreshadowed the Paris of the consulate and of the empire. The change in manners arrived before the change in politics. After the embarkment of her husband at Toulon, did not return directly to Paris, but went to take the waters at Plombierre, where she remained three months. Here she received the first news of the Egyptian expedition, from the taking of Malta to the occupation of Cairo, and learned by Bonaparte's letters that she must give up

the idea of rejoining him. Later she heard that the frigate Pommone, upon which she was to have sailed for Egypt, had been captured by an English cruiser upon leaving Toulon. At the end of the month of September 1798, Josephine was back in Paris. At this time, she bought for 160,000 francs, the estate of Malmaison, situated near the village of Rueix. Here she passed the autumn of 1798, as well as the summer of 1799. During the winter, she lived in Paris at her little hotel in the Rue de la Victoire. During the winter season in Paris,

Josephine was very prominent in society. The life of the capital suited her perfectly. She loved balls, dinners, concerts, and the theater. A perfect femme de salon, she presided with a real talent over a circle of friends and admirers. Her Thursday receptions at her hotel in the Rue de la Vittoir had a well-deserved reputation. Josefine frequented the society both of the royalists and the Republicans. She was present at all the fete of the directory and was in the good graces of the official world. Her relations with Barras continued to be excellent.

With all her frivolous heirs, she maneuvered like a consummate diplomatist. The greatest of men have been helped by their wives. Without Josephine, it is possible that Napoleon would never have become emperor. In spite of his orders to her to not mingle in political affairs, she was one of the most efficacious promoters of his plans, and during his absence she adroitly prepared for him the field of action. With the Bonaparts, Josephine showed much tact. She concealed her dislike and had the art to keep on good terms with all the members of the family.

Before his departure for Egypt, Napoleon had wished to see his mother and his brothers and sisters well settled at Paris. During his absence, his mother exercised a great authority over the family. She was an energetic woman, endowed with an imperious character and an iron will firm to the point of obstinacy. economical even to avarice for herself. She was very prodigal in everything which touched the glory of her son Napoleon. Although very kind-hearted, she appeared to be very cold.

She was unable to pardon Josephine her frivolous manners, her prodigality, and her exaggerated love of dress. She would have wished for Napoleon a wife who was more serious and more economical, and regretted a marriage which she thought could not bring happiness to her son. Joseph, the eldest of the family, was a worthy man, kind and sympathetic with courteous manners and an agreeable face. Having married an heiress, Mademoiselle Julie Clarie, he possessed quite a considerable fortune for that time. After having been ambassador of the French Republic at Rome, he had returned to Paris bringing with him his wife's sister, Mademoiselle Desiree,

whom Napoleon had once thought of marrying. While at Rome, her fiancé, General Du Fou, had been killed three days before the date set for their marriage. After several months of morning, she found consolation, and in August 1798, at the home of Joseph in Paris, she married Bernadotte, the future king of Sweden. Lucien was the youngest of the deputies of the Council of 500. He was a man of rare intelligence, of solid instruction with a real passion for literature.

In spite of his youth, he exercised a great influence over his colleagues. In 1794, while filling the position of a modest employee in the warehouse of the little village of Saint Maximin, he had married the daughter of an innkeeper, Catherine Boyer. Although his wife had no education, she was pretty and sweet, and was soon able to hold her place in the most fashionable salons. Louis Bonaparte had accompanied his brother to Egypt as aide-de-con, but during the course of the expedition he returned to Paris as a bearer of dispatches. Although later he was to be more hostile

towards Josephine than either Joseph or Lucien, at this time he was on amicable terms with his sister-in-law, who was already thinking of him as a son-in-law. The youngest of the brothers of Napoleon, Jerome, then a boy of 15 was amiable, intelligent and mischievous, fond of pleasure, and much bored at having young Eugen de Beau Arnais

constantly held up before him as a model. Madame Letitia resided with her son, Joseph. Of the three sisters of Napoleon, Elisa and Pauline were both living in Paris with their husbands. The youngest sister, Caroline, was finishing her education at St. Germain at the school of Madame Campan, where Ortez de Boernet was also a pupil. The Des Moiselle Bonaparte had inherited the beauty of their mother,

especially Pauline, who was considered the most beautiful woman in Paris. It was by no means easy for Josephine to remain on friendly, not to say affectionate terms with this numerous and powerful family. The Bonaparts had only begun to show their antagonism towards the Boarnet, which was to cause so much friction during the empire. Besides these family troubles, Josefine had money difficulties. She spent exorbitant sums for her toilette,

and her household was marked by a strange melange of luxury and misery. She had superb jewels, but was often short of money to pay her smallest debts. Josephine, however, with her Creole nonchalance, did not take her pecuniary embarrassment seriously. Amiable, affectionate, endowed with sweet manners and an even disposition, very kind-hearted, she could well be called a charmese. She never offended anyone. She never entered into any discussions either on politics or on any other subject. She was devoted to her friends and forgiving to her enemies.

She had, to a supreme degree, the qualities that could be. caused everyone to overlook her faults. During the absence of Bonaparte in Egypt, the directory had reversed his policy in regard to the two principal states of southern Italy. Both Rome and Naples were occupied by the French troops and republics were established. The king of Sardinia was also compelled to abdicate

and retire to his island. The alarm and indignation caused by these acts led to the formation of the second coalition against France. Russia and Austria took the leading part, and Naples, Portugal, and Turkey also entered the league, while Great Britain offered to supply money in place of troops which she was not in a position to furnish.

All of these states were actuated by different motives, and there was no unanimity of action. Nevertheless, they gained several victories over the raw recruits of France. In July 1799, an Austro-Russian army captured Mantua and Alessandria, And the following month, Suvorov gained a decisive victory at Novi and drove the French forces back to Genoa. The operations of the next few months were more favorable to the tri-color, and Messina decisively defeated the Russian army near Zurich.

Ten days before Bonaparte's return, the French armies in the north were also successful, and compelled the English to retire from Holland. Disgusted by the conduct of his allies, the Tsar Paul of Russia, withdrew his troops, from all active operations. The difficulties of the French government, however, were rather internal than external.

The finances were embarrassed, and the government was harassed by a new outbreak of the Royalists in the Vandé. The struggle between the different factions so rudely settled by the revolution of Fructidor had been postponed rather than decided. The element opposed to the tyrannical methods of the directory continued to gain ground

and even succeeded in electing a large number of the new deputies. The dearth of true statesmanship at this time was shown by the advancement of Abbey CAS. Perhaps no man ever attained political prominence on performances so slight as this former Abbe. In the States General, he had acquired a reputation as an orator from his brevity and wit, but during the Revolution his career had been insignificant. Under the Directory, he was sent as Ambassador to Berlin. While there, in May 1799, he was elected to the Directory.

The other directors had attempted to prevent his election, and on his return to Paris, he declared his hostility to the government. He at once began to look around for a military chief to serve his purposes. His first choice, Jubert, lost his life at the Battle of Novi. He next made advances to Moro, but without much success. He succeeded, however, in gaining the adhesion of Barras. With his assistance, he got rid of the three strongly-reported. Republican members of the directory, in place of whom were elected Goye, an elderly respectable advocate, Roger Du Coe, a former gérondist, and Molin.

Bernadotte was appointed Minister of War and speedily raised a new army of 100,000 men. Such was the position of affairs on Bonaparte's return. On the 19 Vandemier, the deputies were in session at the Palais Bourbon. Suddenly, one of the messengers of the directory made his appearance with the announcement, that news had been received from Egypt. General Bertier landed at Frieges on the 17th of this month with General Bonaparte. Nobody listened to the rest. The deputies, whatever their party, were on their feet shouting and cheering.

The galleries rang with acclamations. There was a moment of wild delight. As soon as the news spread in the city, Paris, which had been lying senseless and almost dead, sprang to her feet, quivering with delight, laughing, weeping. men were seen exchanging frantic embraces, rushing hither and thither for news. One name was heard in every direction. Bonaparte, Bonaparte. Bonaparte had landed. Tiebu relates that he happened to turn into the Palais Royal and there beheld a most extraordinary sight. Men were clustered about a passerby who shouted and gesticulated as he hurried along.

Then the groups broke up and each individual ran off like lightning as though to deliver some miraculous piece of news. one of these as he ran knocked against our chronicler and shouted to him as he fled, General Bonaparte has landed at Frieges. Within an hour all Paris was making holiday, and military bands were crashing out triumphal marches in the street. On every side, congratulations and embraces were exchanged. In every theatre that night an actor came upon the stage and announced the news amidst the wild plaudits of the audience,

and in every tavern glasses were emptied in honor of the return. Napoleon on his arrival at once saw the advantages of an alliance with a weak man like CIS, who had a great talent for intrigue, combined with small intelligence. In a short time, he drew to his side all the malcontents who had lost office through the recent political changes such as Talleyrand and Cambaceres. The former had been dismissed from office in the month of July because of his notorious acceptance of bribes from foreign governments. Most of the generals were also dissatisfied and ready to,

for a change, with the exception of Bernadotte and Jordan, who refused to listen to any proposals. The assistance of the great power of the police was also secured through the adhesion of the new prefect, the former regicide Foucher. With CAS, Paris, and Duccoe as traitors in the directory, with the ancients favorable and the 500 under the presidency of Lucien, with the soldiers and police on his side, Napoleon's plans seemed sure of success. immediately upon his return napoleon became aware of the distrust of the directory the very day of his arrival he went to the luxembourg to call on the president goyey among the directors the chief of the moderate party was the former abbe moro celebrated for his victories was a possible rival goy invited napoleon and josephine to dinner to meet ceailles but napoleon during the repast would not say a word to c as and did not even look in his direction siehies left the table in a rage after the dinner morrow arrived it was the first interview between the two illustrious generals who appeared to be flattered at meeting each other

a few days later as a token of friendship bonaparte sent moro a sabre enriched with diamonds napoleon was so successful in winning his good will that the day of the eighteen brimers morrow guarded at the luxembourg the directors who did not wish to take part in the good-etat during the preparation for the coming event, Josephine exercised a real influence over men like Barras, Goyie, Sieges, Foucher, Moro and Talleyrand, and perhaps without her tact, Napoleon's plans might have failed. During this period he was more simple than usual in his manners. He concealed his brilliant uniform under the grey greatcoat which was destined to become legendary. Every party thought that he was in its favor. He made use of all without attaching to any. The directory, he said later, trembled at my return. I was very careful what I did. This was one of the epochs of my life when I was most careful. I saw the Abbeci Ayers and promised to put in operation his verbose

constitution. I received the chiefs of the Jacobin, the agents of the Bourbons. I refused the counsels of no one, but I gave no advice except in the interest of my plans. Everyone thought that he had an iron in the fire, and when I became head of the state, there was not in France a party which did not feel pleased with my success. On the 4th of November, Bonaparte was present at a subscription banquet which was offered to him by five or six hundred members of the two councils. The place was the Temple de la Victoire, formerly the Church of Saint-Soupis. It was not a very joyous occasion.

Everyone looked on and no one had anything to say. Seated by the side of Goyer, president of the directory, Bonaparte had an air at once somber and bored. He ate nothing but bread and drank only the wine brought to him by his aid de con. He did not even remain until the end of the banquet. Rising brusquely from the table, he made a tour of the room,

said a few words to some of the principal guests, and then retired. In his souvenir, Arnaud has described the reception that evening at the hotel in the Rue de la Victoire. Josephine did the honors of her salon with more than her usual grace. There were present men from all the parties.

generals deputies royalists jacobin and even the president of the directory the evening passed the same as usual little by little the salon became empty fuchy and goye among the last to goy took leave of josephine who went to her apartment arnaud was the last to leave he asked bonaparte if the affair was still set for the following day and said that he would like to have his instructions napoleon replied that it had been put off until the eighteenth as the ancients could not make up their minds whether to act in cooperation with him or against him. The two following days, Bonaparte and his adherents arranged the final details of their program, which was simple and ingenious. An article of the Constitution of the Year 3 then in force authorized the ancients in case of danger to the public wheel to convoke the core legislative, that is, both councils, outside the capital in order to be free from the influence of the mob.

Also, to choose a general and confide to him the command of the troops who were to be to protect the legislature. The Constitution also provided that from the moment that such a change of the place of meeting was voted, there should be no discussion of the matter between the two chambers. It was arranged that this vote should be taken by the ancients on the 18 Brumere, that the new place of meeting should be the palace of St. Clou, and that Bonaparte should be put in command of the troops. The ancients were to be convoked for eight o'clock in the Tuileries where the meetings were held. The Council of 500, which was to meet at 11 o'clock, with the thus be obliged to submit without discussion.

The great question now was, how, before the vote, to bring together, the first thing in the morning, the troops who were absolutely necessary to the success of the scheme? The 17th Division whose headquarters were at Paris were not under Bonaparte's orders. He was not Minister of War and had no formal command of any kind. How, without arousing suspicions, under the very eyes of the government, could they assemble the force which was to overthrow it? Several days before, the officers of the Army of Paris and of the National Guard

had expressed a wish to pay their respects to General Bonaparte. It was decided that they should be received at his house the 18 Brumere at 6 o'clock in the morning, and this very early hour was explained by a projected journey on the part of the General. Three regiments of cavalry had also solicited the honor of parading before him. They were informed that he would pass them in review

at 7 o'clock the same morning. For his trip from the house in the Rue de la Victoire to the Tuileries, he needed an escort of cavalry. It was arranged that one of Napoleon's most devoted partisans, a Corsican, Colonel Sebastiani, should be invited to be present on horseback at his hotel at 5 o'clock in the morning with 200 dragoons of his regiment. Sebastiani, without asking orders from his superior officers, accepted this appointment. With a brilliant staff of generals and mounted officers preceded and followed by the dragoons of his escort, Napoleon was to go in the morning to the Tullery the moment that the decree was voted by the Council of the Ancients. There he would receive the chief command of all the troops in garrison

at Paris and in the suburbs and would be charged to guard the two councils during the session of the following day at Saint-Clu. During the day of the 18th, Barras would also be persuaded to give his resignation, which, following those of CIS and Roger Duccoe would disorganize the directory. The other two members would be guarded by General Moro at the Luxembourg. It was hoped that the Council of 500 would not oppose these plans and that the revolution, masked under such legal appearances, would be carried through without violence. At five o'clock on the morning of the 18th, Sebastiani sent 800 dragoons to occupy the gardens of the Tuileries and the Place de la Revolution, now the Place de la Concorde, while he himself,

with two hundred men of his regiment, took his place before the residence. of General Bonaparte in the Rue de la Victoire. An hour later arrived Lefevre, the commander of the military district. The orders had been sent to the different regiments without his knowledge, and he was surprised to perceive the dragoons of Sebastiani. But Bonaparte had no trouble in gaining him to his cause. Here, said he, is the Turkish saber which I bore at the battle of the pyramids. Accept it.

Do you, who are one of the bravest defenders of our country, wish to see it perish in the hands of the lawyers who are ruining it. Le Favre overcome with joy, cried, Let us throw the lawyers at once into the river. The hotel and garden were soon filled with officers in full uniform. The only one in civilian costume was Bernadotte, who refused the solicitations of Napoleon. In the meantime at the Tuileries,

the session of the Council of the Ancients had begun at eight o'clock. After a short debate, it was voted that the car legislative should meet at St. Clue at noon on the the following day, the two council sitting in the two wings of the palace, that General Bonaparte should be charged with the execution of the present decree, and that all the troops in Paris and the vicinity should be immediately put under his orders, and furthermore, that General Bonaparte should be sent for to receive his commission and take the necessary oath. As soon as this vote had been taken, a messenger was sent to summon Bonaparte from his hotel. He immediately

mounted his horse and followed by a brilliant escort among whom could be distinguished. to Moro, Macdonald, Lefevre, Bertier, Lann, Marmont and Murat, he set out for the Tuileries escorted by the dragoons of Sebastiani. There were very few people around the palace as everyone was ignorant of what was going on. The gates of the gardens which were occupied by the troops were closed. Bonaparte traversed the gardens, and dismounting in front of the Pavilion de l'Hologes, presented himself before the Council of the Ancients. Here he delivered a short address in which he carefully avoided the matter of the oath to support the Constitution. Only one deputy noticed the omission, and before he had a chance to speak, the session was adjourned.

Bonaparte now descended to the gardens where he passed in review the troops, who hailed him with enthusiastic acclamations. When the Council of Five hundred met at eleven o'clock, the deputies learned with indignation of the decree of the ancients, but their president, Lucien Bonaparte, who had just been elected to that office, in honor of his brother, stated, that the Constitution was explicit on the point and that no debate was possible. Nothing remained except to arrange to meet at St. Clu the following day. Of the five directors, two, Ciaez and Roger Du Coe had already handed in their resignations as arranged.

A third, Barras, upon the demand of Talleyrand, now followed their example and left Paris for his estate, Grobois. Very well satisfied with the events of the morning, Napoleon returned to his residence, where he found Josephine happy and reassured. All the preparations had been carried out as planned. Moro was occupying the Luxembourg, Lann, the Tuilerie, and Murat, the Chateau of Saint-Clou. The revolution carried out by Bonaparte is called in history the coup d'Etat of the 18 Brumere.

Nevertheless, the 18 Brumere was only the prelude. The decisive day was that of the 19th. The night passed quietly. The following morning, the route from Paris to St. Clu was covered with troops and carriages filled with curiosity seekers. The Chateau of St. Clue was situated about five miles from Paris on the road to Versailles, almost under the shadow of Mont Valerienne, which today is crowned by the big gray fortress, which was the last stronghold of Paris in the Franco-Prussian War.

The Germans were in possession of St. Clu, and the chateau was destroyed by the shots from the French guns. After the war, the ruined walls were torn down, and today there are only gardens were stood the palace of the bourbons and the Bonaparte's. A little before midday, Bonaparte, on horseback, was stationed in front of the Chateau of Saint-Clue at the head of his troops. The ancients were to meet on the first floor in the Galerie d'Apollon and the 500 in the Orangerie. As the rooms were not ready at the hour set for the meeting,

the chambers did not come together until two o'clock in the afternoon. Finally, Lucien Bonaparte took his seat in the presidential chair, and the proceedings of the lower chamber opened. The only business transacted was the adoption of a resolution that the members should renew their oath to maintain the Constitution. At the same time, the ancients had also met, and a proposal was put forward that the three vacancies in the directory should be filled. Until this moment, Bonaparte had remained secluded in a room of the palace to which he had withdrawn,

but becoming dissatisfied with the appearance of affairs he now descended, and accompanied by his chief of staff, Bertie, and his secretary, Boreen, he presented himself at the entrance of the Council of Ancients. Here he delivered a short address which was full of blunders. More accustomed to the field of battle than to the atmosphere of a deliberate assembly, he became more and more embarrassed. Finally he was persuaded to leave the hall. He next proceeded to the orangery in which the five hundred were meeting.

He was received with shouts of down with the dictator, down with the tyrant. And a voice cried, Or la Lois. outlaw him. Five years before, this cry had sounded the knell of Robespierre, and Bonaparte appeared lost. But Murat and his officers, with a few grenadiers, forced their way through the crowd and escorted their general to safety. For a short time he retired again to his room, and then descended to the courtyard and

mounted his horse. This entry of Bonaparte into the Council of Five hundred had resulted in a formal motion of outlawry, and it was fortunate for him that his brother was president of the Assembly. In this crisis, Lucien showed as much resourcefulness and coolness as Napoleon had impetuosity and rashness. He declined to receive the motion, and, claiming his right to speak, he left the presidential chair and ascended the tribune. Finding it impossible to make his voice heard against the howls of the deputies, he sent a message which resulted in the appearance of half a dozen grenadiers who escorted him from the hall. Mounting a horse, he addressed the soldiers in ringing tones declaring that the

assembly was dominated by a band of assassins, that his life and that of his brother were no longer safe, and that he, as president of the assembly, called on them to restore order. He was greeted with loud shouts of Vive Bonaparte. Murat gave the orders, and the drums beat the charge. Followed by the infantry, Murat made for the door of the council chamber. At the sight of the troops, the legislators hurried to leave the hall, most of them by the windows, and the room was soon cleared. On Sunday evening the 10th November 1799, immediately after the eventful day of the 19 Brumere,

a rump of the two councils, under the presidency of Lucien Bonaparte, met in the now deserted halls of the Palace of Saint-Clou, and unanimously voted to remove the directors and appoint in their place three councils, Cias, Ducco, and Bonaparte. The meeting then adjourned for four months, after appointing a commission to cooperate with the consuls in the preparation of a new constitution. Thus was fulfilled the prophecy made eight years before by Edmund Burke in his reflections on the revolution in France, that French liberty would fall a victim to the first great general who drew the eyes of all men to himself.

The constitution of the year eight, the fourths since the founding of the Republic, was hastily prepared and went into effect a month later. It was principally the work of Bonaparte and was designed to put supreme power in his hands. The result was the organization of the consulate which lasted for five years, from 1799 to 1804. In a plebiscite held in the early days of January, the Constitution was ratified by the overwhelming majority of over three million votes against about 15,000 in the negative. It was a remarkable verdict of the nation, and gave Bonaparte the soundest of titles to power. At this time, Cais and Ducco, resigned their temporary positions as consuls and were rewarded with seats in the

Senate. The two new consuls were Cambassairez and Lebrun. The former was a learned jurist and a very tactful man. The latter was a moderate with leanings towards a constitutional monarchy. Both were to prove valuable assistance to bone apart, Cambeceres being entrusted with the general oversight of legislation and Lebrun with that of finance. The new ministry included tenures Alleran, Foreign Affairs. Bertier, War, Lucien Bonaparte, Interior, and Foucher, the police. The three consuls who were to serve for the term of ten years should have been chosen by the new Senate, but in order to put the new government into immediate operation, the Constitution designated who they should be. Bonaparte, First Council, Cambeserese, the second,

and Lebrun, the third. Practically all the executive powers were placed in the hands of the First Consul, He was to appoint ministers, ambassadors, the officers of the Army and the Navy, and numerous civil officers, including the judges. He had the power to make war and peace and negotiate treaties subject to the approval of the core legislative. The First Council was also to have the initiative in all legislation. Bills were to be prepared by a Council of State and were then to be submitted to a tribunate which had the right to discuss them but not to vote them. They then went to the legislative body which had the power to vote them

but not to discuss them. The Senate, a third body, higher than the others, was to be the guardian of the Constitution, and was also to elect the consuls, the members of the tribunate, and the legislature, through an elaborate system

which it is unnecessary to describe in detail as it was only a sham. All this elaborate machinery was designed to deceive the people and keep up the fiction of the continued existence of the Republic. As a matter of fact, Bonaparte was sovereign in all but name. To be sure he was only elected for ten years, and had no power to bequeath his office to an heir,

but all these details he was to arrange later. He now secured the enactment of a law which placed all local government in his hands. There was to be a prefect in charge of the civil administration of each department, a sub-prefect for smaller divisions, and a mayor for every town or commune, all appointed from Paris. all local self-government thus came to an end and the executive power was centralized in the capital even more effectually than under the bourbon monarchy everyone was tired of the excesses of the revolution and the continual changes in the government and the nation was ready for a return to a safe and sane regime of law and order the first consul soon showed that he proposed to rally all factions to his support and adopt a nonpartisan and thorough national policy all regicides were excurses from high office except a few who, like Foucher, were too valuable to be dispensed with.

The immigre of Fructidor returned, and even declared royalists were welcomed back. Equally generous was Bonaparte's treatment of the Roman Catholic Church. Priests were allowed to return and to officiate in places where no opposition was raised. The royalists rising in the Vande was finally put down, and the Breton Chouan, under their peasant leader George Cadudal, were crushed. Thus ended the Civil War which for nearly seven years had devastated the heart of France. End of Chapter 8 Chapter 9 of Napoleon I, An Intimate Biography by Walter Gier.

This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 9. 1800. Marengo The day after the coup d'Eta of 19 Brumere, the 11 November 1799, the three consuls took up their residence in the Luxembourg. That evening the public buildings and many of the private houses were illuminated. Bonaparte, although sovereign in fact, was not yet an appearance. He considered the feelings of the Republicans, but little by little he began to accustom the people to his reign. Josephine was no longer designated as the citizeness Bonaparte, but was called Madame. At the Petit Luxembourg, Napoleon occupied the apartment on the ground floor, on the right as you

winter from the Rue Beau Girard. His cabinet was near a private staircase which led to a first floor where Josephine was lodged. After the Dijoné, which was served at ten o'clock, Bonaparte chatted a few minutes with his aide-de-con and then set himself to work. The dinner was served at five o'clock. After this, the first consul went to Josephine's apartment, where he received the visit of his ministers, and always with a special pleasure that of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Talleyran. At midnight and sometimes earlier, he gave the signal for retiring, saying brusquely, alone no Coucher. At the Luxembourg, Josephine began to receive persons of the Ancien regime. The title, Madame, still offended many Republicans who regretted the change from the simplicity

of citizeness. Napoleon began gradually to do away with the Republican fate, while still preserving some revolutionary memories. He abolished the fate of the 21st January, after anniversary of the death of Louis XVI, while keeping his national holidays, the 14th of July, the Day of the Bastille, and the 1st Vandemierre, commemorating the founding of the Republic. He allowed his wife to surround herself with members of the old court, but he consented to the marriage of his youngest sister with a soldier of fortune, the son of the innkeeper of Caoror. On the 20th of January, 1800, at the Luxembourg, was celebrated the civil marriage of Caroline Bonaparte with Murat, then only a general of division.

The religious ceremony was not performed until two years later on the occasion of the marriage of Louis Bonaparte with Orthens de Boerner. Murat, born the 25th of March 1771, was not 29 years of age at the time of his marriage, while Caroline born the same day in 1782, was exactly 11 years younger. In the words of Madame Ricamier, of all the sisters of Napoleon, Caroline was the one who most resembled him. She was not as perfectly beautiful as her sister Pauline, but she strongly possessed the Napoleonic type. She had much intelligence and an imperious will, and the contrast between the somewhat childish grace of her countenance and the decision of her character made her extremely

attractive. In the whole French army there was no more striking cavalier than Murat. Young, handsome, full of life, with his brilliant uniforms on the field of battle or in a review, he attracted the attention of everyone. Nevertheless, there was never much sympathy between Napoleon and his great cavalry commander, and he hesitated long before giving him the hand of his sister. But Murat and Caroline had been in love with each other since they first met during the campaign of Italy,

and Napoleon's opposition was finally overcome by the solicitations of Josefine who favored the match. After living for three months in the Luxembourg on the 19th February 1800, the first consul moved to the Tullery, which then became once more the official city residence of the ruler of France, and so remained until the destruction of the palace by the commune seventy-one years later. The Bourbon kings, after the completion of the magnificent palace at Versailles, had preferred to live there.

At one o'clock in the afternoon, all Paris was on foot to see the brilliant procession pass from the Luxembourg to the Tullery. Napoleon, who had been preceded by Josephine, was in a carriage drawn by six white horses, and was escorted by three regiments commanded by Murat, Lann, and Bessier. The carousel was filled with an immense crowd of people who cried, Vive le Promey Consul! Vive, Bonaparte! From the gate of the carousel to the door of the palace, the way was lined by the new consular guard.

Many eyes were struck by the inscription which had not yet been erased at the side of the entrance gate. The Dissou, 1692, La Royote in France is abolished. as soon as the carriage had passed the gates it stopped and bonaparte quickly descended and mounted a horse which was brought to him while the other councils cambassarrez and lebrun entered the palace taking his position before the pavilion de l'er loge with murat at his right and lan at his left bonaparte gave the order for the review to begin as the battle flags of the three regiments were borne past him the standards riddled by bullets on many a glorious field of italy the first council with an expression of respectful emotion, removed his hat and saluted. At the end of the review, he dismounted, and for the first time, entered the royal palace. It was not eight years, since from the shop of Bourienne's brother near the Carousel,

he had watched the mob of Paris surging through the place, and had seen the unfortunate king appear at the window with the red cap of the revolution on his head. In the Tuileries, Napoleon took possession of the suite of Louis XIV on the first floor, while Josephine occupied the rooms of Marie Antoinette below, just the reverse of the arrangement later under the Second Empire. The suite of the first consul, which faced on the gardens, was known in the time of Louis XIV as the Winter apartment of His Majesty. The cabinet, lighted by only one window, was of medium-sized.

Next to this room was the Bureau Topographic, or Map Room, and adjoining was a large bedroom which had been that of the Kings, where a l'i de parade had been placed. bourienne tells us in his memoirs that bonaparte rarely slept there for he had very simple taste and was not fond of luxury for me exprimed in term bourgeois at luxembourg at la malmason and pendant the premier time he had been abitat the tuileries bonaparte cuched with his femme every night he descended by a little stairway to the rooms of josephine who lived below him on the ground floor she had furnished the suite of marie antoinette very simply adjoining her cabinet was the apartment of Ortence, consisting of a bedroom and a study. During the winter of 1800, Paris thought only of pleasure. The official world set the example, and the season was very brilliant.

The finest balls were those given by Lucien Bonaparte, who, as Minister of the Interior, occupied the magnificent Hotel Brissac. Besides the official fate, there were those of the great bankers of the day, which recalled the traditions of the former Fermier-Gin-Gin-Eyeux. The persons belonging to the old aristocracy of the Fubour Saint-Germain did not yet mingle in the new society, but they were seen at the theatres, the concerts, and at private dinners. All classes of society entered into the social world, and the dance was never so popular. The reopening of the masked balls of the opera was the great feature of the carnival of 1800.

For a period of ten years, the Parisians had been deprived of this entertainment so popular with them. nothing else was talked of in the capital. But while Paris danced and played, the First Consul was occupied with very serious problems. The military situation of France, with regard to the three powers with which she was still at war, was such that there was but little chance of peace save through victory.

As soon as he was in office, Bonaparte had made Pacific overtures to the Allies, and had been so far successful that the Tsar Paul had abandoned the coalition. The English government, which hoped soon to reduce the French garrisons in Malta and Egypt, refused to make peace, but it was not dangerous except on the sea. With Austria, it was clear that the campaign must be fought to a finish. At the time that Bonaparte became First Consul, the affairs of France were in a deplorable state.

The treasury was empty. The soldiers were ill-fed and ill-clad. Civil war still raged in the Vandé, and the armies of the Republic were demolished. moralized from frequent defeats. During the winter of 1800, the energy and activity of Napoleon were everywhere in evidence. The finances were placed upon a firm basis. The soldiers were armed and equipped. The civil war was crushed out, and the spirit and patriotism of the soldiers were aroused by his proclamations. At the same time, he began to collect, drill, and organize in different parts of France various bodies of men, who were later to unite near Lake Geneva and form, and form,

the Army of Reserve. In the spring of 1800, the military situation was as follows. The remnant of the French army under Messena had been driven out of northern Italy by the superior forces of Melas and was in the vicinity of Genoa. An invasion of France

was threatened along the line of the Riviera. All of Bonaparte's conquests had been lost. In southern Germany, Cray with 150,000 men, menaced the Rhine, while Maraud with an army nearly equal stood on the defensive at Baalhe. The French had a great strategic advantage in their

possession of Switzerland, which, like a gigantic bastion projected between the two German armies, Bonaparte's first plan was to reinforce the army of Moro, which, under his supervision, should cut the Austrian line of communications. This scheme was given up on account of the opposition of Moro whom Bonaparte could not afford to offend. At this moment came the news that Mascena had been driven into Genoa, where he was being besieged by the superior forces of Medas. Bonaparte immediately altered his plans and decided to move against the Austrian communications in Italy. Before entering into a description of this campaign, it is necessary to describe briefly the topography of the theatre of operations. Brilliant in its conception, perfect in its

execution, the campaign of Marengo is one of the most interesting of all Napoleon's military operations, and well deserves a minute description. Separating Switzerland from Italy is the lofty mountainous range known as the Swiss Alps. Extending south from western Switzerland to within about 30 miles of the sea, and forming the boundary line between France and Italy, are the French Alps. Turning east from this point and approaching the sea, the range is called the Maritime Alps, and still further east, along the shores of the Gulf of Genoa, is known as the Apennines. With the exception of a few passes, this great mountain chain, almost encircling northern Italy,

forms an insurmountable barrier to military operations. Today, magnificent highways cross the Alps, and they are pierced by several tunnels, which bring Turin and Milan within a few hours of France and Switzerland, but in the last year of the 18th century, there was not even a wagon track for Napoleon. Snow and ice, glaciers and avalanches made the mountain passes both difficult and dangerous for the passage of troops, and almost impassable for cavalry and artillery. The Austrian army in northern Italy consisted of about 120,000 men under the command of General Melas, an able officer, but too old for active service. The greater part of the army was near

Genoa and along the Apennines and the Maritime Alps. The remainder was scattered throughout Piedmont and Lombardy, occupying the fortresses and guarding the passes of the Alps. The army had its base on the quadrilateral, and its line of communications was by several roads down the valley of the Pope. Opposed to the Austrians was the Army of Italy, less than 40,000 strong, under the command of Messinae, which was now shut up in Genoa. Meanwhile, the Army of Reserve, the very existence of which was doubted by the Austrians, was being rapidly assembled near Lake Geneva. On the 6th of May, Bonaparte left Paris to take charge of the operations. an article in the new constitution prohibited the first consul from exercising any military command so bertie the chief of staff was nominally the general-in-chief of the army of reserve vast supplies had been collected at geneva and every preparation made for the passage of the alps

bonaparte proceeded to geneva and thence to losanne at which places the greater part of the army was assembled after receiving the reports of officers who had been sent to examine the several passes of the the Alps, he decided to move the greater part of his forces over the pass of the Grand Saint-Bernard. By taking this route, which was much the shortest, he could reach Milan quicker and gain the great advantage of time. His plan was to lead 35,000 men into Italy by this pass, while two smaller detachments were to cross the Petit Saint-Bernard and the Saint-Planc. Turo's division of the Army of Italy of about 4,000 men, at the same time, was to descend from the Montceny and attack the Austrian's. near Turin. Once in Italy, Bonaparte intended to march on Milan and await the Corps of

Monce from the Army of the Rhine, which was to march by way of the St. Cotard. From the eastern end of Lake Geneva, the route to Italy passes through Martini and the little hamlet of St. Pierre, crosses the Grand Saint-Vernard at an elevation of 8,000 feet, and then descends by the village of St. Remy into the valley of the Aosta and thence into the plain of Piedmont. The little to the south of the lies the Petit Saint-Bernard, which also opens into the valley of the Aosta. The St. Gothard is at a considerable distance to the east and leads more directly to Milan. The supplies which had been collected were distributed at different points along the route, and four hospitals were established for the care of the sick and injured.

The ammunition and gun carriages were transported on the backs of mules, and the cannon were enclosed within the trunks of trees, hollowed out for that purpose, and dragged across the Alps by the soldiers themselves. On the 15th of May, the army began its march. There were about 35,000 men, including 4,000 cavalry and 40 cannon. The four corps were commanded by Murat, Victor, Du M, and Lannes. A fifth corps of 5,000 men under Chabran was to cross by the Petit Saint-Bernard. Bonaparte sent Bertier forward to receive the divisions on their arrival

at St. Rimi, while he himself remained at Martini to supervise the movement. Lann crossed first. He left St. Pierre at two o'clock in the morning in order to avoid the danger of the avalanches and reach St. Rimi the same day. The entire army crossed in five days, and on the twentieth, all five corps, including that of Chabran, had arrived safely in the valley of the Aosta. The soldiers were gay and cheerful and filled with enthusiasm. Never had their love and admiration for the little corporal been so great. Like the great Hannibal they had crossed the Alps, and now in the fertile plains of Italy they not only hoped for but felt confident a victory. But a great difficulty was yet to be met. A short distance down the narrow valley

upon a perpendicular rock stood the small but formidable Fort Bard. For a moment it seemed probable that this fort would stop the progress of the entire army. But the first concert who was still at Martini on receipt of the news, hurried across the Alps, and with his wonderful precision, soon found a way of overcoming the obstacle. The men and horses were sent around the fort by footpaths, which were soon rendered passable, and on a dark night the soldiers hauled the guns past the fort. The lower valley of the Aosta was defended by a few thousand Austrians, who were attacked by Lann and driven back from position to position until they finally took refuge in Turin.

On the 27th of May, Bonaparte with the greater part of his army was at Kivas, about four leagues northeast of the capital. Still incredulous of the existence of the Army of Reserve, Milas was at Alessandria, with a few thousand troops, while the remainder of his army now reduced to about 100,000 men, was scattered throughout northern Italy. The largest contingent of about 30,000 men was engaged in the siege of Genoa. On the 21st of May, Melas received information of the passage of French troops over the Grand Saint-Bernard. The following day he learned to a certainty that Bonaparte himself was in Italy with a large army well equipped with cannon and cavalry. He was not only surprised but struck with consternation. His line of communications was already threatened and he did not know which way to turn.

Hastily collecting ten thousand men, Milas rushed to Turin, where he was joined by several other detachments, raising his total force to about 16,000 troops. He fully expected to be at once attacked by the French, but such was not Bonaparte's plan. He ordered Lann to march rapidly down the Poe on Pavia, while he himself set out for Milan by way of Novara. After defeating a considerable force which attempted to oppose the passage of the Ticino,

Bonaparte entered Milan on the 2nd of June. Here he remained several days to await the arrival of Monce's corps, which was crossing by the St. Gotard. In the meantime, he sent Murat with the cavalry to seize the crossings of the Poet at La Censia, where he had passed the river four years before during his first campaign in Italy, just prior to the Battle of Lodi. The French were now in possession of all of Piedmont and Lombardy north of the River Poe, which they strongly held from Kivaso to Cremona. In this territory they had already seized all the Austrian communications

and captured immense quantities of supplies and ammunition. Melas, who was no longer in doubt as to Bonaparte's intentions, now began to concentrate his forces to break through the net which was rapidly closing around him. He ordered all his available forces to march on Alessandria, and his army was materially increased by the surrender of Genoa on the 4th of June. On the 6th of June, Moncey's core of 15,000 men reached Milan and raised the forces under the immediate command of Napoleon to about 60,000 troops.

He immediately issued orders for the three corps of Lann, Victor and Murat, about 32,000 men, to cross the Po a few miles below Pavia and marched to the Stradella Pass. During these movements, an Austrian courier was captured, who bore a dispatch from Melas telling of the capture of January, and of his plans of operations. After occupying the Stradella Pass, Lan and Victor received an order from Napoleon to march west towards Montbello

and meet the Austrians coming from Genoa. On the 9th of June at this place, Lan with only 9,000 men encountered 16,000 Austrians, whom he decisively defeated after a stubborn contest, which was finally decided by the arrival of Victor with 5,000 men. This victory gave Lan imperishable renown and won for him the title of Duke de Montebello. The first consul who had left Milan the same morning

arrived on the field just at the end of the battle. Being deficient in cavalry and artillery, while Melas was strong in both, he decided to fall back to a position in front of the Stradale-A-pass, where his flanks would be well protected and await the Austrian attack. The following day, Desay arrived on his return from Egypt and was given the command of a corps.

After waiting two days for the... Austrians to advance and attack him, Napoleon could bear the suspense no longer, and accordingly decided to advance and seek Melas. Leaving a force to occupy the fortified camp at Stradella, he marched towards Alessandria. On the 13th of June he crossed the Scrivia and debouched into the plain of Marengo. An observer, standing 120 years ago on any one of the moderate hillocks near San Juliano looking west, would see before him an almost flat plain extending to the river bormida this plain was covered with meadows vineyards and olive orchards and was not cut up as is usually the case in italy by canals and ditches it was an admirable field for cavalry evolutions about half-way to the bormida the observer would see the little village of marengo past which ran a meandering brook bordered by marshes with high banks here and there just beyond ran the bormida which here pursues an irregular course

with extensive loops. At a distance of six or seven miles in the background could be seen through the trees which bordered the river, the walls and towers of Alessandria. Across the plain ran several country roads connecting the villages and farms. Such was the famous battlefield of Marengo, which even today is little changed. During the afternoon of the 13th, Bonaparte ordered Victor to proceed to Marengo. Here, only a small detachment of the Austrians was found, was quickly driven across the Bormida. From all these indications, Napoleon came to the conclusion that the Austrians had abandoned Alessandria and were attempting to escape by another route. He therefore directed Desey,

with one division of his corps, about 6,000 men, to march on Novi, a short distance south of Marengo in order to intercept Milas if he was endeavoring to escape by this route. It thus happened that on the evening of the 13th of June, Napoleon was unprepared for the battle of the following day. Contrary to all his principles, he had scattered his forces in the face of the enemy. He nearly paid dearly for this error.

Meanwhile, at Alessandria, all was in confusion. The Austrian communications were severed, and Melas did not know what course to pursue. He therefore called a council of war at which three plans of action were suggested. First, to cross the Poet Valenza and march on Pavia.

Second, to retire to Genoa and prepare to stand a seat there supported by the British fleet. Third, to cross the Bormida and attack the French in the endeavor to cut their way through. The third plan was adopted. It was decided to cross the river the next morning and attack the French. The army of Melas numbered 32,000 men, including 7,000 cavalry, and he had 200 cannon. At daybreak on the morning of the 14th, the Austrians began to cross the river. They at once attacked and drove back the French outposts and advanced towards Marengo.

Victor, who had arrived at Marengo the night before, received the attack of the Austrians and at first succeeded in driving them back. At about ten o'clock, Lann arrived on the field with his corps. The French line of battle now numbered about 15,000 men or less than one-half of the Austrian troops. At ten o'clock, Melaus attacked the whole French line and made a determined effort to gain possession of Marengo. both sides fought desperately the austrians with the energy of despair all the efforts of the french were unavailing to resist the furious attacks of superior numbers and both victor and lan were forced to give way they retired in disorder towards san juliano followed by the victorious austrians such was the critical state of affairs when napoleon arrived on the field at eleven o'clock he had already sent orders to de ce to return and had them hurried to the front of the front of his own when napoleon arrived on the field at eleven o'clock he had already sent orders to de se to return and had them hurried to the front with all the troops he could collect. He brought within the consular guard, the division of Monnier, and two regiments of cavalry, making in all about seven thousand men. The struggle

was renewed with increased fury, but all the efforts of Napoleon could not now turn the tide of battle in favor of the French. It was not possible to hold out any longer, and he ordered a retreat. The French, almost demoralized, retired behind the hillocks of San Juliano. They had been driven three miles beyond Marengo, the greater part of their cavalry had been destroyed, and more than two-thirds of their cannon had been captured. Melas returned to Alessandria and sent a dispatch to Vienna announcing his victory. During the day he had shown great energy and courage, but he now felt the effects of his exertions, and the weight of his 70 years bore heavily upon him. He left the army in command of his chief of staff, General Zach. Zach,

Zach now rearranged his troops for the purpose of pursuing the French whom he believed to be completely routed. At about four o'clock, the Austrian advance began, the troops moving forward in marching order rather than in line of battle. Meanwhile, Napoleon had begun to rally and arrange his troops behind the hillocks near San Juliano. At about five o'clock, Desay arrived. At the sound of the first cannon shot at Marengo, he had halted his division and turned back. Napoleon at once formed De Cés' division and the French troops about San Giuliano into line of battle.

When the advance column of Zach appeared from behind the rising ground in front of the French lines, they were surprised to find the whole French army in position for battle. The French at once attacked with fury and everywhere overwhelmed the Austrians. Two thousand men were captured, including General Zach himself.

Continuing the advance, the French forced the Austrians back to Marengo. here they attempted to make a stand but were again defeated and retired in disorder across the bormida to alessandria by ten o'clock that night all the austrians had recrossed the river napoleon had won in the afternoon the battle that he had lost in the morning a great disaster was turned into a great victory on the following morning when the french were preparing to cross the bormida in order to attack the austrians in alessandria milas sent an officer to the first officer to the first place French headquarters to propose terms of surrender. That same day the negotiations were completed and an armistice was signed. By the terms of surrender, Melas was allowed to evacuate Alessandria with the honors of war and to proceed to Mantua. In return, he agreed to give up the whole of Northern Italy as far as the quadrilateral and to surrender all the fortresses and the fortified

cities. In proportion to the numbers engaged, both the French and Austrian losses were very heavy. De Se was killed at the beginning of the battle of the afternoon, and his death was deeply regretted by the First Council and the French nation. At St. Helena, Napoleon spoke of him as follows. Of all the generals I ever had under me, Desais and Clebert possessed the greatest talents, especially Dece. Clebert loved glory only in as far as it was the means of procuring him riches and pleasures, whereas Desais loved glory for itself and despised everything else. To him, riches and pleasure were valueless, nor did he give them a moment's thought. He was a little, black-looking man, about an inch shorter than I am, always badly dressed,

sometimes even ragged, and despising comfort or convenience. When in Egypt I made him a present of a complete field equipage several times, but he always lost it. Wrapped in a cloak, Desa threw himself under a gun and slept as contentedly as if he were in a palace. For him, luxury had no charms. Napoleon had begun the passage of the Grand Saint-Bernard on the 15th of May, and, just a month later, he received the surrender of the Austrian army in Italy. In one month, he had crossed the Alps, entered Milan, severed the Austrian communications, fought and won a great battle, and as a result obtained possession of the greater part of northern Italy. Referring to this period of Napoleon's career, Allison, who certainly cannot be accused of any prejudice in his favor, writes as follows. The sudden resurrection of France when Napoleon assumed the helm

is one of the most extraordinary passages of European history. When he seized the helm in November 1799, he found the armies defeated and ruined. The frontier invaded both on the sides of Italy and Germany. The arsenals empty. The soldiers in despair, deserting their colors. The royalists are revolting against the government. General anarchy in the interior.

The treasury empty. The energies of the Republic apparently. exhausted. Instantly, as if by enchantment, everything was changed. Order reappeared out of chaos. Talent emerged from obscurity. Vigour arose out of the elements of weakness. The arsenals were filled. The veterans crowded to their eagles. The conscripts joyfully repaired to the frontier. Lavande was pacified. The exchequer began to overflow. In little more than six months after Napoleon's accession, the Austrians were forced to seek refuge under the cannon of Italy was regained, unanimity and enthusiasm prevailed among the people, and the revived energy

of the nation was launched into a career of conquest. In his admirable monograph on the campaign of Marengo, Sergeant says, at this time Bonaparte was thirty years of age. He was vigorous in mind and body. He was ambitious and had a massive determination to succeed. He had a will which no obstacle could daunt. With a marvelous intuition he was able at times to foresee just what course his adversaries would take. So accurate was his information, so profound his knowledge of military matters, that he was often able to predict what, under certain conditions, would happen. In short, he was a consummate master of war. The fact that he was a great organizer, a great tactician, and a great strategist, is the real reason why he was so

successful in war? Among all other great soldiers of the world, it would be difficult to select a single one who possessed and so marked a degree all these qualities. As an organizer, he was not excelled by either Caesar or Alexander. As a tactician, he was equal to Marlborough or Frederick. As a strategist, he surpassed every soldier of ancient or of modern times. Take him all in all, he was, perhaps, the foremost soldier of the world. End of Chapter 9 Chapter 10 of Napoleon I.

An Intimate Biography by Walter Gere. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 10. 1799 to 1804 The Consulate Six months after the victory of Marengo on the 3rd of December 1800, Moro decisively defeated the Austrians at Owen Linden, thus opening the road to Vienna.

Austria was obliged to sue for peace, and the Treaty of Luneville, which was in the main, a repetition of that of Campo Formio, was signed on the 9th of February, 1801. France was now at peace with all the nations on the continent, and only England kept up the war. She had just compelled the French to evacuate Egypt, and during the eight years that the two nations had been at war,

she had conquered many of the colonies of France, as well as of her allies, Spain and Holland. But the English people had begun to feel the burden of their enormous war debt, and a change of ministers occurred. William Pitt, the great war leader, resigned, and was succeeded by Addington, who opened negotiations for peace. After a discussion of five months, the peace of Amiens was signed 27th of March, 1802. The terms were very advantageous to France.

England recognized the Republic and restored all of the French colonies and some of the Dutch and Spanish, retaining only Ceylon and Trinidad. She also agreed to evacuate Egypt and Malta. Although nothing was said about the Rhine and Belgium, she virtually recognized the new boundaries of France which far exceeded those of the ancient monarchy. The peace which unfortunately was destined to last only a year was very popular in both countries and was received with enthusiasm everywhere. In August, the consulate for ten years was changed into a consulate for life,

and Bonaparte was given the power to name his successor. Under the consulate, one of the principal ideas of the revolution was preserved by Bonaparte, that of equality. Privilege, abolished in 1789, was never to return. All French citizens were equal under the law paying the same taxes, enjoying equal chances in life. The bourbons were to return 15 years later, but the Ancien regime was abolished forever. Feudal duties were never restored, and every French citizen continued to have an equal opportunity for employment, both in the civil and in the military service. But Bonaparte did not. believe in the other leading idea of the revolution,

that of liberty. He did not think the French people either desired it or were prepared for it. According to the exposition of his ideas, as set forth by his nephew at a later date, it was the intention of Napoleon finally to crown the edifice with the cap of liberty, but he was

prevented from so doing by the continual wars waged against him by the despots of Europe and by his final overthrow at Waterloo. But whatever our views may be as to the correctness of these ideas, the fact remains that under Napoleon there was no liberty of any kind in France. His career was one long denial or negation of it. The activities of Bonaparte's First Consul were unremitting and far-reaching, and the work which he did at that time has remained while his conquests have passed away. One of his first acts was to make peace with the church,

following the wise advice of the old Abbe de Saint-Rouf. He perceived that one of the strongest elements of strength of the monarchy was its close alliance with the papacy. The mass of the French people during all the stress and storm of the revolution had still remained faithful to their religion. Immediately on his return from Marengo, Bonaparte made overtures to the Pope, which resulted in the famous treaty or concordat, which remained enforced during the whole 19th century and was only abolished in 1905 under the Third Republic. In doing this, he was not actuated so much by religious feeling as by a shorthat,

shrewd political sentiment. It was one of his wisest acts. The army, which was anti-clerical, was bitter in its opposition, but this did not move Bonaparte from his purpose. He knew the control which the parish priests exercised over their flocks, and he meant to have them on his side. If his nephew and heir had been as wise in his day and generation, his descendants might still be occupying the imperial throne of France. Under the Concordat, the Catholic religion was recognized by the Republic. The bishops were to be appointed by the First Consul, and they in turn were to appoint the priests, with the consent of the government. Their salaries in both cases were to be paid by the state, so in fact they became government

officials. The Concordat was very popular with the people, and its effects were far-reaching. The clergy, for the most part, abandoned royalism and became firm supporters of the new regime. Although Napoleon afterwards came to consider the Concordat as a mistake, its immediate advantages were undeniable. The chief monument to the memory of Bonaparte, however, is the Code Napoleon. At St. Helena, he said, My real glory is not having one-forty battles. What will never be effaced, what will endure forever, is my civil code.

In this opinion he was not mistaken, for the code has proved more enduring than his conquests. this famous code was an orderly systematic compact statement of the laws of france before the revolution france had been governed by an old and complex system of medieval laws of different historical origins with the revolution had come a flood of new legislation which had further complicated the situation bonaparte now devoted his marvellous energies to bringing order out of this chaos and in a comparatively brief time the lawyers and the council of state to whom the task had been submitted had finished their work the underlying principle of the code was that of civil equality established by the revolution the code was later adopted by italy belgium and the german states along the rhine and is still the fundamental law of france while its influence is strongly felt in such distant parts of the globe as Java, South Africa, and Louisiana. Bonaparte presided over many of the sessions of the Council of State which framed the code, and his direct share in the work was very considerable. It is stated that, he was never inferior to any member of the Council, and that he equaled the ablest of them by the ease with which he sees the point of a question, by the justness of his

ideas and the force of his reasoning. He often surprised them by the turn of his phrases and the originality of his expression. He was considered by the lawyers a new Justinian, as he was called by the clergy a new Constantine for having arranged the Concordat. As a matter of fact, he was greater than either of them. Nor did these notable achievements absorb all the energies of this remarkable man. He organized the Bank of France, and he created the Legion of Honor, both of which institutions still exist. He reorganized the system of national education. He built and improved roads, ordered canals cut, and ports dredged. Under his intelligent rule, commerce and industry received a new impetus.

At the beginning of the consulate, many of the royalists had hoped that Bonaparte would play the role of General Monk and restore the exiled dynasty, but he had no idea of assuming this part. When this became apparent, many plots were made against his life. On one occasion, shortly after his return from Marengo, he had a very very important. very narrow escape from death by an infernal machine. The conspirators knew that the first consul expected to be present at the opera on Christmas Eve to hear a new oratorio by Hayden. They also knew that the route usually taken by his carriage was by the Rue Saint-Isses,

which is no longer in existence. It was a long, narrow street running from the carousel to the Rue Saint-Honore, where it ended near the Rue Richelieu in which the opera was then situated. This narrow street was chosen for the attempt. An infernal machine was installed in a one-horse cart which was placed opposite a house before which the first consul was to pass, and the time which it would take him to come from the Tuileries was carefully calculated so that the machine would explode at the right moment. Hayden was then the most popular composer,

and everyone was talking of his new Oratorio, the creation. The ladies of the Tuileries, Josephine, Ortense, and Caroline wished to be present, but Napoleon was not at all eager to go. Fatigued from a hard day's work he had fallen asleep on a sofa With some difficulty he is awakened and persuaded to start He enters the first carriage with Lann, Bessier and the aide-de-con of Lebrun He is followed by an escort of mounted grenadiers Josephine leaves a few minutes later having been detained by an insignificant detail of her toilette

She is accompanied by her daughter and sister-in-law and Colonel Rapp The three ladies and rap descend the stairway of the Pavilion de Flore and enter their carriage. They traversed the carousel and take the Rue Saint-Isses in which the equipage of the first consul has already disappeared. Suddenly, a terrible detonation is heard. When the explosion occurred, Bonaparte was dozing. Lannin Bessier wished to stop, but the first consul cried, A l'Opera. A moment later the carriage was at the door, and Bonaparte entered the luge,

with his usual calm face. The windows of Josephine's carriage had been broken by the explosion and Orton slightly cut on the arm by a piece of glass. Rapp descended to go and see if the first consul had been injured and the carriage continued its way

by another street. When the three ladies entered the box, Bonaparte welcomed them with a smile and then tranquilly asked for the program of the Oratorio. Soon the news of the attempt spread through the hall. Fifteen people had been killed.

and many more wounded. The First Council had escaped as by a miracle. The Oratorio was interrupted while the audience arose and applauded him frantically. A few minutes later he left the theatre and returned to the Tuileries, where he received the reports of the police and the congratulations of his ministers.

The public joy over his escape was universal. The attempt on the life of the First Council was a double shock to Josephine as it revived at once the talk about the necessity for the safety of the state, of an heir to the First Council, and this, for Josephine, meant what she feared the most. Divorce. The Comte d'Artois, afterwards Charles X,

was involved in another plot which was even more serious. His agents were the former Chouin, George Cadudal, and the Republican General Pichreux, the former instructor of Napoleon at Priyenne. They were both arrested in Paris. The former was shot, and the latter was found strangled in prison. the first consul now determined to make an example of the house of bourbon which would not soon be forgotten the young duke d'angay the last descendant of the great house of conde who was living in germany not far from the rhine was arrested and conducted to the night of his arrival the twentieth of march eighteen hundred four he was tried by a military court found guilty of having borne arms against france and sentenced to be shot at an early hour on the following morning he was executed

in the courtyard of the chateau. There was naturally a howl of indignation from the royalists everywhere. It was perfectly legitimate for them to attempt the life of the Corsican usurper, but he must not shed a drop of the blue blood of the bourbons. But the object of Bonaparte was achieved.

There were no more royalist plots against his life. When Bonaparte traversed France on his return from Marengo, he received a perfect ovation at every stage of his journey. At Dijon, he was welcomed by a delegation of young girls crowned with flowers. At Stence, he passed under a triumphal arch

inscribed with the historic words, Veni Bidi Bichi. When he entered Paris the night of the 2nd of July, the enthusiasm was indescribable. The next morning, an innumerable crowd filled the gardens of the Tuileries. In the evening, the whole city was illuminated. Every window was lighted up. Twenty years later, on the Rock of St. Helena, Napoleon spoke of this as one of the happiest days of his life. He was delighted to be with Josephine again. There was not then any cloud between them, and their life was a model of reciprocal affection. He felt that his wife was his good genius. He said to Bourienne, The noise of these acclamations is as sweet to me as the sound of the voice of Josephine.

It was the expression of La Brouillère. the harmony the more douce and the sound of voice of the femme twelve days after his return was celebrated the national fate of the 14th of July

anniversary of the fall of the Bastille the consular guard which left Milan the 22nd of June had been ordered to be present on this occasion and it was exact for the rendezvous at 10 o'clock in the morning it entered the court of the tuileries bearing the Austrian flags taken

at Marengo the guard then proceeded to the invalid where an address was made by Lucien Bonaparte, Minister of the Interior. After this, there was a grand review on the Chandemasse, where the flags were formally presented to the consuls. At this moment, the crowd went wild with joy, and broke through the lines of the troops with an irresistible flood. Everyone cried,

Vive la Republic. Vive Bonaparte. On the 21st of September anniversary of the founding of the Republic, the remains of Turin were born to their first. final resting place under the dome of the Church of the Invalide. Here, Carnot, the Minister of War, made an oration in which he exalted the great general of Louis XIV. In the evening, Bonaparte and his wife were present at a gala performance at the Teatro-Franc. The same day, the First Consul laid the first stone

of a monument to be erected in the Place de la Victoire in memory of Dece and Cleberre. This square before the revolution contained a gilded statue of Louis XIV, whose name it bore. after the second restoration the statue of des saint was removed and in eighteen twenty two replaced by an equestrian statue of the roi solace after the fate of the fourteenth of july bonaparte and his wife left the tuileries to go to malmaison which josephine had purchased two years before during napoleon's absence in egypt the chateau is delightfully situated on the left bank of the seine very near the village of reye about ten miles from paris it was at that time the favorite residence of Bonaparte, and during the summer, after his return from Italy, he passed several days there every week. At Manmaison,

the great man showed himself amiable and familiar. He laid aside his dignity and took part in the games and pastimes of the chateau. During the summer of 1801 and the spring season of 1802, Manmezon continued to be his favorite residence.

After that, its place was taken by the Chateau of Saint-Clu. Of the six dwelling places of Napoleon at Paris after he arrived at fame, three have since disappeared. The villa in the Rue de la Victoire, the Tuileries and Saint-Clou. The three that remain are the Luxembourg, where he lived for three months as first consul,

the Elis, where he resided for a few weeks during the hundred days, and a malmaison which, after many changes of hands, in 1900, was purchased by a Jewish banker, Daniel Osiris, and presented to the state. It has since been restored and refurnished in the style of the first empire and is now a museum of souvenirs of Napoleon and Josephine. Among the young girls of the consular court,

the most popular was Otis de Boernet, the daughter of Josephine. She was not particularly pretty, but was very attractive with her blonde hair and soft violet eyes. She had been educated at the fashionable school of Madame Campan at St. Germain. Here she had as companions, Caroline Bonaparte, the future Queen of Naples, Stefani de Boernet, the future Grand Duchess of Baden, Eliza Monroe, daughter of the United States Minister to France,

who was later president of the American Republic, and many other young ladies of the best Parisian families, including the future wife of Marshal Davout, of D'Uroque, the favorite aide-de-con of the emperor and of Marshal Ney, the bravest of the brave. At one time, Hortons showed a decided preference for D'Uroque, but her mother was strongly opposed to a marriage which she considered a misalliance tormented by the phantom of divorce josephine had set her heart on the marriage of her daughter to louis bonaparte in this way she thought she could reconcile the bonaparts and the beau she could not have any children by napoleon but her grandchild and the nephew of napoleon might one day occupy the throne of france which indeed happened madame campan seconded the wishes of josephine and used all of her influence

with Artans to persuade her to look with favor on Louis. Finally, at a ball at Malmaison, the autumn of 1801, the marriage was arranged. The civil marriage took place at the Tullery the 3rd of January, 1802, in the presence of the Bonaparte and Boernet families. The following day, the religious ceremony was performed in the little hotel in the Rue de la Victoire, where the young couple began their married life. The nuptial benediction was pronounced by Cardinal Caprara, who was then negotiating the Concordat with the French government. At the same time, General Murat and Caroline Bonaparte,

who had only been united by a civil bond, had their marriage blessed by the church. Josefine also wished to have the same privilege, but Napoleon absolutely refused, either from reasons of public policy or in order to keep the way open for a divorce if in the future he desired one. The shabbily furnished little villa in the Rue de la Victoire

after being occupied for a shawl, short time by Louis and Ortense, was loaned by Napoleon from time to time to some favorite general. It was not finally torn down until 1860. The site is now covered by the houses number 58 and 60, and the courtyard in which the resplendent officers gathered on the morning of the 18 Brumere is now divided between the courts of these two houses. The street in those days was almost a country road bordered by small villas. Two of these, besides the hotel of Josephine, were to be a with the name of Napoleon. In one, Mademoiselle Elinard de Nuell gave birth the 13th of December, 18006, to a boy who bore a

striking resemblance to the emperor and who was named Leone. He lived through four governments of France and died the 15th of April, 1881, under the Third Republic. In another modest dwelling in the same street lived the loving and devoted Madame Valesca, whose son by the emperor was the gifted soldier, diplomat and writer who was a brilliant figure under the Second Empire. He also bore a striking resemblance to the Emperor. At Paris on the 10th of October, 1802, was born the first child of Orteans, Napoleon Charles, who was to die at the Hague in his fifth year. Because of his strong family resemblance to Napoleon, and the interest which he always showed in the boy, the calumny was spread at a later date

that he was really the child of the Emperor. Boreen, who certainly cannot be accused of any great goodwill towards Napoleon, denies this accusation in the strongest terms. In his memoirs, he says, I am happy to be able to give the most formal and positive denial to the infamous supposition that Bonaparte ever had for Otence any other feelings than those of a stepfather for a stepdaughter. Authors without belief have attested without proofs, not only the criminal liaison which they have imagined, but they have even gone so far as to say that Bonaparte was the father of the eldest son of Otance. It is a lie, an infamous lie. During the consulate was begun the

work of beautifying Paris, which was continued under the empire and completed under Napoleon III. The abolition during the revolution of the many religious institutions of old Paris had made possible great works of reconstruction. Up to the end of the revolution, the magnificent Place Vandhomme, so familiar to all visitors to Paris, was connected with the gardens of the Tewan, by the narrow passage of Efejons. On the north side of those gardens facing the manage was the much-frequented terrace, where now stands the Hotel Continental. The manage had been built for the equestrian training of Louis XIV when a boy, and was converted into a place of meeting for the assembly after its removal from Versailles to Paris. This narrow passage was

enlarged under the consulate to the present Rue de Castigione, which connects the Rue Saint-Henoré with a fine rue de Rivoli, which was begun at the same time, but was not cut through to the Place de la Bastille until the reign of Napoleon III. The Place Vandome, begun under Louis XIV, and first called Place Louis Le Grand, was later named for the Duke de Vandome, the son of Henri by Gabriel Destre, whose hotel once occupied this site. The column was erected under the empire in imitation of that of Trajan at Rome. On the top was originally placed a statue of the emperor in a Roman toga, which was removed at the time of the restoration. A second statue in the familiar hat and greatcoat, which is now in the Invalide, was erected by

Louis-Philippe. Under the Second Empire, this was in turn replaced by a replica of the first statue. From the Place Vardome, the handsome Rue de la Peix, originally called Rue Napoleon, was constructed north to the bouleboards upon the site of the Gerdin of the convent of the Capucine. The Church of the Madeleine, begun under Louis XIV, and unfinished at the time of the revolution, was ordered completed as a Temple de la Gloure, in honor of the army. But the building, which was not finished until the reign of Louis-Philippe was given back after the restoration to its original destination.

The renovation of the Louvre was ordered, and this museum became the treasure-house of painting and sculpture enriched by works of art taken from many Italian cities. Orders were also given for the construction of vast galleries which were to connect the old Louvre with the Pavilion de Marsein and form a splendid facade on the new Rue de Rivoli. This work, arrested by the downfall of the empire, and completed by the great man's nephew, is an enduring monument to the memory of the two Napoleons.

Other works which combined beauty with utility were the prolongation of the keys along the left bank of the seine, the construction of three new bridges, the improvement of the Jardin des Plante, and the laying out of many parks and open spaces. At a later date, the victories of the Empire were commemorated in the erection of the Ark de Triomph. Some of these works were not carried out until the time of the Empire, but they represent the designs of the First Council,

and may therefore be mentioned here. On the 15th of August, 1802, a splendid fate was given at Paris to celebrate the proclamation of Bonaparte as First Council for Life That day, the festival of the Assumption, was also memorable as being Napoleon's 33rd birthday, and as the anniversary of the Concordat. The first consul now began to sign his name Napoleon, like monarchs, and a little by a little to surround himself with the regal state. Saint-Clu took the place of Malmaison as a residence during the summer season,

and at this chateau and at the tuileries, the pomp of the Ancien Regime was copied. Du Roque was appointed governor of the palace, and regular court etiquette was instituted. Republican simplicity and dress gave place to sumptuous uniforms and gorgeous liveries which recalled the days of the monarchy. The First Council, however, still clung to his simple habits, and generally wore the uniform of a colonel of the Chasseur de la Guard, which was also his usual costume when Emperor. He always retained his early dislike of luxury and display, and court ceremonial was ever irksome. to him. He adopted it as a matter of policy rather than from personal inclination.

A very interesting account of Napoleon's appearance at this time is given by John Leslie Foster, who visited Paris shortly after the piece of Amiens. He is about five feet seven inches high, delicately and gracefully made. His hair are dark brown, thin and lank. His complexion, smooth, pale, and sallow. His eyes, gray but very animated. all his features, particularly his mouth and nose, fine, sharp, defined, and expressive beyond description. The true expression of his countenance is a pleasing melancholy, which, whenever he speaks, relaxes into the most agreeable and gracious smile you can conceive.

To this you must add the appearance of deep and intense thought, but above all the predominating expression, a look of calm and tranquil resolution and intrepidity which nothing human could discompose. He has more unaffected dignity than I could conceive in man. He speaks deliberately, but very fluently, with particular emphasis, and in a rather low tone of voice.

While he speaks, his features are still more expressive than his words. In the interesting but unreliable memoirs of Madame de Rémusa, we catch a glimpse of the life of this pervenue court, attempting to imitate the manners

of the Ancien Regime. Napoleon's reason for enduring this mummery is frankly given in his statement. It is fortunate that the French are to be ruled through their vanity. There are abundant reasons for thinking, says Rose, that Napoleon valued the peace of Amiens as a necessary preliminary to the restoration of the French colonial empire. He had never really relinquished his designs on Egypt,

and still set a high value on the Valley of the Nile and the Isthmus of Suez. Even at St. Helena, he said emphatically, Egypt is the most important country in the world. The French possessions beyond the seas had never shrunk to a smaller area than during the last year of the war with England. It was therefore a source of great satisfaction to Napoleon to recover possession of the large and fertile island of Saint-Doming or Haiti, which in the early years of the last century loomed far more important than at the present day. Under the monarchy, the trade of the French portion of this island represented more than half of the ocean commerce, of France. During the revolution, there had been a terrible servile revolt under the leadership of

to Saint-Louverture, a man of great sagacity and force of character who had conquered and ruled the entire island. As soon as peace was signed, Napoleon sent his brother-in-law, General Leclair, to govern the island as Captain General. The expeditionary force consisted of over 60 battleships with 20,000 troops on board. The forces of the black dictator were overwhelmed and he himself was sent to die as a prisoner in France. Many of the French soldiers, including General Leclair, himself, succumbed to the unhealthy climate. The history of the former extensive French possessions in North America could hardly be recalled by ardent patriots without a pang of remorse. At the beginning of the Seven Years' War, France was master of Canada and Louisiana, which were connected

by a line of interior military posts, while the English were confined to a strip of territory along the Atlantic coast. The Pompadour, who was the virtual ruler of France, joined the alliance of Austria and Russia against Prussia and England. The mistress of Louis the 15th could not be persuaded to send succor to the brave Montcalm and the capture of Quebec by Wolf's army in 1759 virtually marked the end of French control on the American continent, although Canada was not formally ceded to England until the peace of Paris in 1763 at the conclusion of the war. The same year, Louisiana was transferred by England to Spain in return for other concessions made by the Court of Madrid. Many efforts were made by France to regain her former

Mississippi province, but all in vain until July 1800 when Spain agreed to transfer Louisiana to France in return for the session of Tuscany to the heir of the Duke of Parma. This young man had married the daughter of Charles IV of Spain, and for his benefit, the contemptible king was ready, Nay, eager, to barter away the half of a continent. On one pretext or another, however, the actual transfer was delayed over a period of two years. The opposition of the United States to having the mouth of their greatest river in foreign hands was very strong, and President Jefferson sent Monroe to Paris to purchase the French claims. For many reasons Napoleon was willing to agree to the bargain,

and, for the paltry sum of sixty million francs, the United States gained a peaceful title to Louisiana, and the vast tracts west of the Mississippi. But it proved, after all, an excellent bargain for France, as it prevented the territory from falling into the hands of England when hostilities began again within a few months. An attempt at this time to revivify French influences in India was also thwarted by the breaking of the peace. In no other way was Napoleon's statesmanship revealed more clearly

than in his whole attitude towards European and colonial politics, which were so strongly to affect the fortune, of the nations during the latter part of the nineteenth century. His grand schemes failed because of the relentless hostility of England, and not because, as stated by Rose, they were too vast fitly to consort with an ambitious European policy. When in the words of Talleyrand, he, Napoleon, began to sow the seeds of new wars which, after overwhelming Europe and France, were to lead him to his ruin. It was the English aristocracy which, in its determination to Christ, Russian Napoleon, formed coalition after coalition against him because he was justly regarded as

the full of special privilege. For the accomplishment of this end, during a period of nearly a quarter of a century, Europe was deluged in blood. And then after his fall, English writers endeavored to prove that Napoleon was a tyrant who threatened the liberties of the world. Even a historian as generally fair as Rose is not able to entirely overcome this old insular prejudice. As has already been stated, The peace between France and England was not of long duration. The agreement to evacuate Malta had not been carried out by the English government whose apprehension had been aroused by the colonial projects of the First Council.

In fact, the peace between the two nations was little more than a truce. After much diplomatic discussion, Great Britain broke off negotiations on the question of Malta and withdrew her ambassador from Paris the 12th of May, 1803. In five years, the situation of France. France with regard to England had materially changed. In 1798, Bonaparte had advised the directory against an attempt to cross the channel. Now the resources of France were vastly increased, and in 1803, he decided to undertake the invasion of England. He began preparations with his usual thoroughness.

Every port on the channel was improved and fortified. From Antwerp to Dieppe, camps were formed in which troops began to assemble. hundreds of gunboats and light cruisers were collected. But it was as useless now as five years before to attempt a crossing while the British fleet held command of the seas. Napoleon therefore planned a gigantic naval campaign to give him control of the channel. There were two principal French fleets,

one of which was at Brest, where it was closely blockaded by Lord Cornwallis, while the other was at Toulon, watched by Lord Nelson. Under instructions from Napoleon, in the spring of 1805, the Toulon fleet stole out, sailed through the Strait of Gibraltar, and made for the West Indies, with Nelson in hot pursuit. It then turned back, and again, evading Nelson sailed for Ferol, a port in the northwestern part of Spain where it was to free a small squadron which blockaded there and then proceed to breast. So far, Napoleon's scheme had worked

perfectly, and he hoped with the combined fleets to overpower Cornwallis and control the channel. But his plans were ruined by the incompetency of the French Admiral Villeneuve, who after an indecisive action with an inferior English fleet off Ferol on the 22nd of July, sailed for Cadiz instead of Brest. Napoleon was furious and threatened to remove Villeneuve. In order to forestall this action on the 21st of October, the French Admiral came out of Cadiz and met the English off Cape Trafalgar. The Franco-Spanish fleet was defeated and almost entirely destroyed by the

superior skill of Nelson, but the greatest of English admirals paid for the victory with his life. In the meantime, however, other events had put a stop to Napoleon's plan for an invasion of England, and the campaign of Austerlitz had begun. End of Chapter 10. Chapter 11 of Napoleon I first and intimate biography by Walter Geer. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. The Empire After the execution of the Duke Dengen, the first consul expressed to Joseph his intention of founding a Napoleonic dynasty. I always intended, he said, to end the revolution by the establishment of heredity.

But I thought such a step could not be taken before the lapse of five or six years. But events had moved faster than he expected. The Jacobin had looked upon the pomp and parade of the consulate court as a prelude to the return of the Bourbons, with the first consul in the role of Monk. They therefore hailed with joy the execution of Angain. Henceforth, it would be war to the knife between Bonaparte and the Bourbons. A few days after the execution, Foucher appealed to the Senate to establish hereditary power in the person of Napoleon as the surest means of preserving the benefits of the revolution. He argued that this would put an end to the royalist's plots, for even if they struck down

the man they could not end the system. So, as events turned out, the royalists thwarted their own purposes and ensured the establishment of the empire. Appeals more or less spontaneous now began to pour in from all parts of France for the adoption of the principle of hereditary rule. There is no doubt as to the fact that Napoleon, both as a warrior and as a statesman, had established a valid claim to the nation's gratitude. After hearing Foucher's adroit speech, the Senate voted almost unanimously in favor of hereditary rule. In the tribunate only one member, Carnot, voted against the proposition. On the 18th of May, 1804, a Sanatus Consultum formally decreed to Napoleon Bonaparte the title of Emperor of the French. A committee of the Senate waited upon Napoleon at the Chateau of Saint-Clu to notify him,

and the following day he came to the Tuileries where he held a large reception. Napoleon, who at the beginning of his career, had expressed such strong Republican sentiments, was at the bottom of his nature essentially monarchical. One of his deepest regrets, says Metternich, was that he could not invoke the principle of legitimacy as the basis of his power. Few men have felt more profoundly than he how much without this foundation, authority is precarious and fragile,

and how exposed it is to attack. Napoleon expressed the same sentiment on one occasion when he said that he was the only sovereign in Europe who could not return to his capital after a defeat with the same assurance of welcome as if he had gained a victory. The dignitaries of state under the Empire were the Constable of France, Louis Bonaparte, the Grand Elector, Joseph Bonaparte, the High Admiral of France, Joachim Murat, the Arch-Chancellor of the Empire, Cambassarrez, the Arch-Chancellor of State, Eugène,

and the Arch-Treasurer of the Empire, Lebrun. With the Emperor, these six grand dignitaries formed the Grand Council of the Union. the Empire. The titles had been borrowed in part from the Holy Roman Empire and in part from the old monarchy of France. Two of the dignitaries were Napoleon's brothers who stood next to him in line of succession, two were his relations by marriage, and two were his former colleagues in the consulate. The other two brothers of Napoleon were absent and out of favor. Lucien for having married Madame Jubertu, after the death of his first wife, and Jerome because of his marriage with Miss Patterson of Baltimore. The new constitution of the year 12 of the Republic was now submitted to popular vote.

The plebiscite was worded as follows. The French people decree the heredity of the imperial dignity in the descendants direct, natural, legitimate and adopted of Napoleon Bonaparte, and in the descendants direct, natural and legitimate of Joseph Bonaparte and Louis Bonaparte. All of the brothers were offended by these stipulations. Lucien and Jerome because they were excluded from the line of succession, Joseph and Louis because their children were mentioned instead of themselves. More than three and a half million votes were cast for the new constitution, a number which exceeded those given for the consulate and the consulate for life.

Only 2,500 votes were recorded in the negative. Besides the grand dignitaries of the empire mentioned above, there were six grand officers of the crown. Napoleon's uncle, Cardinal Fesh, was Grand Amonor. Talleyrand, Grand Chamberlain, and later Vice-Grand Elector. Bertie, Chief Ranger, and later Vice-Constable. Coulincourt, Master of Horse, D'Iroch, Marshal of the Palace, and Seguer, Master of Ceremonies.

There were also four Colonel Generals. Davout, Commander of the Grenadier at-byte. Sue, Commander of the Chasseur-at-A-Pie. Bessier, Commander of the Cavalry. and Mortier, commander of the artillery and the sailors. These officers of the Imperial Guard formed a part of the household of the Emperor

and enjoyed the same prerogatives as the Grand Officers of the Crown. The Emperor's mother was to be styled, Madame Mare, and his sisters became Imperial Highnesses with their several establishments of ladies-in-waiting. It now remained to satisfy the Army

by no means an easy task, and Napoleon revived for the best of benefit of his most distinguished generals, the ancient and honorable title of Marshal of France. This dignity originated in the 13th century. There was at first only one Marischal de France, and there were but two until the time of Francis I. Their number afterwards became unlimited. The list of the new marshals was published in the Monitre of the 19th of May, 18004. It comprised 14 names on the active list and four honorary appointments with seats in the Senate. The original 14 were Bertier, Murat, Monce, Jordan, Massena, Ogerot, Bernadotte, Sult,

Brune, Lann, Mortier, Ney, Davout, and Bessier. While on the inactive list, Le Favre, Perignon, and Cerruilliers, all of whom except Le Favre were over 50 years of age. An examination of the list reveals in most cases the reasons for the selection. Messenna was the greatest soldier of France, and the only one with perhaps the exception of Davout and Sult, who was capable of independent command. Berthier as chief of staff, and Murat and Lann as division and corps commanders in Italy and Egypt had one distinction. Ney and Mortier were considered as coming men. Becier was commander of the cavalry of the new

Imperial Guard. The appointments of Ogerot and Bernadotte were made mainly for political reasons. The names of the others were connected with glorious victories of the Republic. At the time of the first creation, Morro, the victor of Hoanlinden was in disgrace, and Osh, Clebert, Desais and Leclair were dead. But there were other officers of distinction, like MacDonald, Victor, Saint-Cere, and Marmon, who thought they should have been included and were much disappointed. Before the end of the empire, eight more Baton were granted. In 1807, Victor was made honorary marshal, not on the active list.

MacDonald, Udino, and Marmon were appointed in 1809 for their exceptional services during the campaign of Vagram. It was said at the time that Napoleon, having lost Lann, needed three marshals to fill his place, but it is only fair to state that although none of the new men was to be compared with Lann, they were all quite as good generals as some of the marshals on the original list. In 1811, Suchet received the baton for his services of the Battle and Siege of Valencia, and Saint-Cia was appointed during the Russian Campaign of 1812. Prince Boniatowski was honored only two days before his death at Leipzig in 1813. The last marshal to be appointed was Grouchy,

just prior to the Waterloo Campaign of 1815 in which he proved himself so grossly incompetent. Of the 26 marshals, nine had held commissions ranging from lieutenant to general, in the old royal army. Eleven had begun as privates in the ranks, and of these nine had risen to the rank of sergeant. But it must be remembered that the standing of the non-commissioned officers in the old service was very high, as the officers left to them the entire organization, discipline, and control of the troops. It is rather a remarkable fact that only three of the marshals lost their lives on the field of battle. Lan received his death wounds at Esling in 1809. Becierge, was killed at Lutzen in 1813, and Poniatowski was drowned in the Elzer after the Battle of Leipzig

the same year. Five met violent deaths after the fall of the empire. Murat and Ney were shot, Berzi died from an accident, and Brun was murdered in 1815, and Morty was killed by an infernal machine at Paris in 1835. All the other marshals outlived the empire, most of them by many years, the last two survivors, Sout and Marmont, living until after the middle of the century. When Napoleon became emperor, he was 35 years of age. He was in the prime of life in the full possession of all his magnificent intellectual powers. He was gifted with a wonderful brain, perhaps the most marvelous ever given to man, lucid, precise, tireless, swift in its processes, tenacious in its grip, served by an accurate and capacious memory.

All of his intellectual resources were available at any moment. He said of himself, Different matters are stored away in my brain as in a chest of drawers. When I wish to interrupt a piece of work, I close that drawer and open another. None of them ever get mixed. Never does this inconvenience or fatigue me. When I am ready, I shut all the drawers and go to sleep.

In him there existed a rare combination of the poetic and the practical, the dreamer and the man of action, joined to an almost superhuman activity. At St. Helena, he said, Work is my element for which I was born and fitted. I have known the limits of my arms and legs. I have never discovered those of my power of work. He never spent more than 20 minutes at his meals

and needed only four hours of sleep a day. He was able to fall asleep at will and awaken with his mind instantly alert. Working 16 to 20 hours a day he drove his secretaries at full speed. His published correspondence fills 32 volumes, although not more than a third of his letters have yet been printed. His proclamations and his bulletins were masterpieces.

His conversation was brilliant and animated. Everyone listened to him with pleasure. Although he was frequently rude and ill-bred in his manners, when he wished to gain his point, no one could be more fascinating. All writers have spoken of the charm of his sense, smile. No more attractive picture of Napoleon has ever been sketched than that of the royalist marquise de la Tour du Pen in her charming recollections of the revolution and the empire. Says Hasen,

he made his minister's mere hard-worked servants, but he won the admiration and devotion of his soldiers by the glamour of his victories, and he held the peasantry in the hollow of his hand by constantly guaranteeing them their lands and their civil equality, in their opinion, the only things in the revolution that counted. He was as little as he was big. He is a man of whom more evil and more good can be said and has been said than of many historical figures. He cannot easily be described and certainly not in any brief compass. He ranks with Alexander, Caesar, Chalemang, as one of the most powerful conquerors and rulers of history.

It is by no means certain that Napoleon would not be considered the greatest of them all. In the award of honors, many outspoken Republicans like Sirius, Sincere and MacDonald were excluded. Bernadotte, though not in favor, was treated with consideration because he had married the sister of Joseph's wife. He was presented by Napoleon with the house in Paris, which had formerly belonged to Moro, while the latter's estate of Groubois near Paris went to the faithful Bertier. But the Grand Army was entrusted to the command of men upon whom Napoleon could absolutely rely, like Davout, Sult, and Ne.

The record of the great generals of the Republic is in the main, a gloomy one. Osh had died in the Rhineland. De Se was killed at Marengo, and Clebert was assassinated the same day at Cairo. Leclair was a victim of the unhealthy climate of Saint-Domingue. Pich Grue was strangled in prison, and Morrow was put on trial for high treason. The evidence against Morrow was not conclusive. The utmost that could be proved was that he desired Napoleon's overthrow, that he had three interviews with Pich Grue and that he did not reveal the plot to the government.

He was condemned to two years in prison, but was accorded the permission to retire to the United States. In order to furnish him with funds for his exile, the Emperor purchased his house in the Rue d'Anjou-Sin-Henorri for the sum of 800,000 francs, much more than its real value, and presented it to Bernadotte. Through the supplications of Josephine and Madame Murat, the death's sentences of the Duke de Polignac and the Marquis de Riviere were commuted to four years of imprisonment followed by deportation, and these two acts of clemency did much to diminish the irritation of the royalists. Napoleon was now absolute master of France. Although the new coins of the empire bore the inscription, Republic French, Napoleon Emperor, only the shadow of the Republic remained. No one longer thought of

it. The Republican fate of the 14th of July was celebrated by a solemn distribution. of the crosses of the Legion of Honour. It was the first public appearance of the new sovereigns. For the first time they traversed in a carriage the Grand Alley of the Gardens of the Tuileries. Accompanied by a magnificent escort, they went in great state to the Igleses des Invalides, which during the Republic had been a temple of Mars, and which the empire had again made a Catholic Church. During the ceremony, the Emperor called to him Cardinal Caprara, who had negotiated the Concordial

and who was soon to be very instrumental in persuading the Pope to come to Paris for the coronation. Detaching from his neck the grand cordon of the Legion of Honor, Napoleon presented it to this venerable prelate. In spite of the enthusiasm of the people and of the army, it was already evident to serious observers that the new regime, without the solid foundation which resists misfortunes had need of perpetual success in order to endure. Napoleon was condemned not only to succeed, but to dazzle and to subjugate the world his empire demanded extraordinary pomp gigantic adventures colossal victories like his nephew napoleon the third he comprehended the difficulties of his role and realized how necessary it is to give a nation glory in order to make it forget its liberty this perpetual need of action and of renown was to be at once the cause of the strength and of the weakness of napoleon's career before being crowned by the pope In imitation of Charlemagne, Napoleon wished to visit the tomb of the great emperor of whom he considered himself the worthy successor.

In his visit to Ex la Chappelle, he was preceded by several days by the Empress who wished to take the waters of that city. Three days after the July Feet, the emperor had left the camp at Boulogne. After remaining there several weeks and visiting other points along the coast, Napoleon rejoined Josephine at Ex La Chalepel on the 3rd of September. When the great emperor's tomb was opened, his skeleton was found clothed in Roman garb. The double crown of France and Germany encircled the skull. Beside him lay his famous sword, and around his neck was hung the celebrated talisman which brought him success.

This talisman was a piece of the real cross encased in an emerald which was hung to a thick gold ring by a slender chain. This relic was presented to Napoleon by the city authorities, and he wore it on his breast at Austerlitz and Vagram. In 1813, he gave it to Artance. The talisman was in the bedroom of Napoleon III when he died at Chislehurst, and in 1920, just before her death,

was presented by the Empress Eugenie to the treasurer of the celebrated cathedral at Rince, which was so much damaged by the German bombardment during the Great War. From Ex la Chappelle, the sovereigns proceeded via Collegne to Mayance. Here the emperor found himself surrounded by a regular court,

court of German princes. The journey along the banks of the Rhine made a great impression on France and on the rest of Europe. Napoleon desired to have his imperial title consecrated by a grand religious ceremony, which would have an immense effect on the whole Catholic world. The date of the coronation was finally fixed for the 2nd of December, 1804. Just a month before the Pope Pius the 7th, then 62 years of age, set out for Paris. Three weeks later, he was made. met by Napoleon at Fontainebleau, where he remained several days and then proceeded to Paris and took up his quarters in the Tuileries in the Pavilion de Flore. All Paris was agitated by the approach of the great event. The hotels were full to overflowing. There were rehearsals of the

coronation as for a great theatrical production. All the details had been arranged by the Emperor in advance with as much care as the plan of a great battle. At last the second of December dawned. From early morning, all Paris was on foot. The sky was overcast and it was very cold, but no one thought of the rigor of the season. The Pope left the Tullery for Notre Dame at nine o'clock, and Napoleon and Josephine followed an hour later in a carriage with Joseph and Louis. Arrived at the palace of the Archbishop, Napoleon put on the coronation costume. Over a narrow robe of white satin he wore a heavy mantle of crimson velvet. On a On his head he placed a crown of golden laurels.

On his neck, the collar of the Legion of Honor in diamonds. At his side a sword ornamented with the regent diamond. After the high mass the Pope blessed the imperial ornaments and then returned them to the emperor, the ring which he passed upon his finger, the sword which he replaced in its sheath, the mantle which was attached to his shoulders by the Chamberlains, then the sceptre and the Hand of Justice, which he gave to the arch-treasurer and the arch-treasurer and the arch-ch Chancellor. The only ornament which remained to be handed to the Emperor was the crown. As the Pope was about to proceed with this last act of the ceremony, Napoleon took from his

hands the sign of supreme power and proudly placed it himself upon his head. He then approached the Empress, who was kneeling before him, and tenderly placed the imperial diadem upon her head. This scene is familiar to all who have seen in the Louvre the celebrated painting of the coronation by David, which, however, is not entirely accurate, as Madame Mare, who was not present, is depicted. The ceremony was a great success, and Napoleon said to Joseph,

If our father could see us now. It was after six o'clock when the imperial party returned to the Tullery, and Napoleon, fatigued after so much pomp, resumed with pleasure his modest uniform of colonel of the Chasseur de la Garde. He dined alone with Josephine, whom he begged to, to retain the diadem, which she wore so gracefully, and which became her so well. The coronation was the signal for a series of fete, of which perhaps the most brilliant,

was that given to the emperor and empress by the marshals of the empire at the opera, which was then located in the Rue Richelieu. This building was torn down under the restoration after the death of the Duke de Béry, who was assassinated on the very threshold of the theatre. It was succeeded by the building in the Rue Le Peltier, constructed on the side of the former gardens of the Hotel de Choiselle, which was the scene of the celebrated attempt of Orsini on the life of Napoleon III in 1858.

Two years later, the present's superb National Academy of Music was begun in the Place de l'Opera, but was not finished until four years after the downfall of the Second Empire. The visit of the Pope to Paris was marked by two other religious ceremonies. Josephine had informed him at Fontainebleau that her union with Napoleon had never been blessed by the church. He at once announced to Napoleon that a religious ceremony must be performed before the coronation. So Napoleon and Josephine were privately married in the chapel of the Tullery by Cardinal Fesh on the evening before the coronation.

A week before the departure of the Pope for Rome, the second son of Louis and Orteans, Napoleon Louis, was baptized with great pomp by the Pope himself at Saint-Clu on the 24th of March 1805. the gallery of the chateau was converted into a chapel for the ceremony on this occasion madame maire was present on the fourth of april eighteen hundred five the pope left paris and about the same time the emperor and empress set out from fontainebleau for milan where napoleon was to be crowned as king of italy at turin on the twenty ninth of april they made their adieus to pious the seventh who proceeded to rome on the third of may napoleon met at alacenton his youngest brother, Jerome, who had incurred his displeasure by the marriage with Miss Patterson two years before. Before leaving Paris, the emperor had finally persuaded his mother to sign a formal protest against this marriage on the ground that under the law of the year one of the Republic, any marriage was null and void, if contracted by a minor without the

consent of his father and mother. A few days later, Jerome arrived at Lisbon with his wife. He was allowed to land, but she was forced to re-embark for England. under orders from the emperor, Jerome traveled post-haste to Italy. After a decisive interview with Napoleon, Jerome basically agreed to abandon his wife and her unborn child and was again restored to favor. Napoleon's coronation as King of Italy took place the 26th of May, 1805, in the beautiful Cathedral of Milan. The weather was magnificent and the city was crowded with people. Josephine, although she bore the title of Queen of Italy,

was not to be crowned. After the religious ceremonies, which were similar to those at Notre Dame, Napoleon himself placed upon his head the celebrated iron crown of the ancient kings of Lombardy, at the same time using the traditional formula, God gave it me,

woe to him who touches it. He then took the crown of Italy, which he placed on his head in the same manner. On the 7th of June, Napoleon appointed Prince Ejean de Boernet as viceroy of the Kingdom of Italy, and three days later, with Josephine, he left Milan on a visit to the celebrated battlefields. The first week in July was passed at Genoa, where magnificent fate were given to celebrate

the incorporation of the ancient republic in the French Empire. From Genoa they proceeded to Turin, where the emperor received news of the organization of the Third Coalition. Napoleon, accompanied by Josephine, left immediately for France. traveling incognito at full speed without any escort, he arrived at Fontainebleau on the 11th of July after an absence of exactly 100 days. The speed at which Napoleon traveled may be of interest. Four days after his arrival he wrote a jane as follows.

I arrived at Fontainebleau, 85 hours after my departure from Turin. Nevertheless, I lost three hours on Montsenie and I stopped constantly on account of the Empress. one or two hours to breakfast and one or two hours to dine made me lose eight or ten hours more. The distance by rail is about 440 miles, and the express trains via the Monsigny Tunnel make the run today in about 14 hours. Allowing for the delays of which he speaks and the longer distance by road, Napoleon traveled at the rate of nearly seven miles an hour. Napoleon at once began to work on the plans for the campaign which was to open the following month,

and which was to end on the anniversary of his coronation in the glorious victory of Austerlitz. End of Chapter 11 Chapter 12 of Napoleon I, An Intimate Biography by Walter Gear. This Libre-Fox recording is in the public domain. 12, 1805, Austerlitz On the 2nd of January 1805, a month after his coronation, Napoleon wrote a personal letter to George III proposing peace. He still had his mind said on his plan of colonial expansion to which Great Britain was the greatest obstacle. French trade had been driven from the seas and

French fleets were blockaded in their ports. Some of the West India Islands had again passed into the hands of England, and Napoleon had been forced to sell Louisiana to save it from the same fate. England had not evacuated Malta as agreed, and London had become a hotbed of royalist conspiracies against Napoleon's person and government. A superb army had been assembled at Puyloing for the invasion of England. The Pacific Addington had retired from office and Pitt, the great war leader, had returned to power. His first move had been to form the third coalition against France. The king's reply to Napoleon's overtures was that he must consult the continental powers

and in particular Russia before giving a definite answer. The Tsar had been much mortified. by the secondary part which he had played in the settlement of affairs in Germany after the peace of Luneville. In October 1803, the Austrian government was invited to make arrangements for joint action with Russia, but shrunk from the prospect of another war. A year later, in November 1804, she finally agreed to sign a declaration, but not a treaty, by which the two powers undertook to resist further French aggressions in Italy and Germany. At length on the 11th of April, April 1805, a formal treaty was signed, by which the two powers agreed to form a European

League for the restoration of peace and of the balance of power. Holland, Switzerland, and Italy were to be freed from French control. England promised to pay a large annual subsidy for the maintenance of the troops employed against France. At a moment when it seemed possible that the coalition might fall through, Napoleon brought the matter to a head by his decision to assume the crown of Italy. He had first offered the crown to Joseph, and then on his refusal to Louis, but both declined to give up their rights to the imperial

succession for a nominal kingship. Napoleon therefore announced his decision to himself assume the iron crown of Lombardy. In June, Genoa was formally annexed to the empire, and Luca turned into a principality for Elisa. Shortly

afterwards, Parma was also annexed. By these steps, all Italy west of Adage and north of Tuscany was brought under the direct rule of Napoleon. As we have already seen, Napoleon arrived at Fontainebleau on his return from Italy on the 11th of July. After remaining there a week, he went to Saint-Clue with Josephine, and the night of his arrival they attended the opera where Napoleon received a warm reception. He then proceeded to Boulogne, where he held a review of the army which had been assembled for the invasion of England.

On the 7th of July, Francis II signed the formal orders for the mobilization of the Austrian armies, and on the 22nd, Villeneuve, after an indecisive action with the English fleet of Ferol, set sail for caddies instead of breast as ordered by the emperor. News traveled very slowly in those days, and definite reports of these two events did not reach Napoleon at Poulogne until the second week in August. It will always remain a mooted question whether Napoleon was really seen. serious in his intention of invading England, but the weight of evidence seems to be in the affirmative. But whatever his intentions may have been, he was now forced to change his plans. Calling Daru, the commissary general of the army, to his headquarters at Pond de Brick,

a small chateau-a-lige from Boulogne, where he stayed when he went to inspect the ocean camps at four o'clock in the morning he began to dictate, unhesitatingly and in his usual concise manner, the plan of the 1805 campaign as far as Vienna. When he had finished at nine o'clock, he ordered Darou to leave at once for Paris, and with the utmost secrecy prepare with General de Jean, the Minister of War, the detailed orders for the marches. Napoleon himself also set out for the capital, where on the 27th of August he signed the official marching orders, directing the steps of the Grand Army towards the Rhine. The newspapers were strictly enjoined not to publish any reports of these movements of the troops,

and Napoleon remained quietly at St. Clue until the twenty-year. 3rd of September, in order to lull any suspicions of the Allies. At the same time that the Emperor dictated his plan of campaign on the 13th of August, he instructed Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to demand of the Austrian government that it should immediately disband its army, and to intimate that if he did not have assurance on this subject within two weeks, the Emperor Francis should not celebrate the Christmas festival in Vienna. In many respects, Austerlists is the most interesting of all Napoleon's campaigns.

It was the first in which he commanded as emperor. The army was much the largest which he had yet had under his orders, and according to his own statement it was the best he ever commanded. The final victory was the most brilliant and the most decisive he ever won, a real chaduvre of battles of which he was always very proud. It may therefore be of interest to speak here of some of the generals who won undying glory under Napoleon's leadership, and to examine briefly his method of conducting his campaigns.

The Grand Army had been encamped for two years on the shores of the Channel wholly engaged in military exercises. Napoleon had occupied this time in perfecting its organization, and never was there anything finer or more marshal. The system of divisions employed during the Revolution had been abandoned, and the army was organized in seven corps, up from two to four divisions each commanded by marshals. There were also powerful reserves of cavalry and the Imperial Guard. The marshals were all men tried in many battles, but all were not at first given assignments. Bernadotte had the first corps. Astute, calm, selfish, calculating, of more polished manners than most of the marshals,

he had considerable powers of command, but Napoleon never fully trusted him, and perhaps employed him in the field because he thought it dangerous to leave him behind in France. Marmont, formerly in aid de Gaunt and an artillery officer commanded the Second Corps, although he had not yet been made marshal. DeVu was at the head of the third corps. With the exception only of Messina, he was the ablest of the marshals. He was a stern disciplinarian,

but popular with his men for whose comfort he was ever solicitous. Suit was placed in charge of the fourth corps. He was a man of large frame with an active mind. In Switzerland and at Genoa, he had given proofs of superior talents. He was a capable command.

but he was detested by his subordinates. Lan had the Fifth Corps. He had first attracted the attention of Napoleon by his bravery in Italy, where he promoted him on the field of battle. He had watched Lan's progress as a commander and seen him steadily improve. He said of him at St. Helina,

he was a pygmy when I took him, a giant when I lost him. Napoleon had for him a warmer feeling of friendship than for any of his other marshals. at his deathbed the emperor could not control his grief. Lan feared the emperor no more than he did the enemy and never failed to express himself with a frankness and familiarity which would not have been tolerated from any other general.

Neh commanded the Sixth Corps. The bravest of the brave occupied a unique position in the army. His good nature made him a general favorite with his officers and men. Like many of his associates, he did not understand war, on the map, but on the field of battle he had no equal. He was at his best in command of the rear guard of a retreating army.

In Portugal and in Russia he proved himself a great soldier. In his career there is much that is pathetic which blots out his faults and compels our admiration. Ogerot was put in charge of the 7th Corps which was formed later at Brest. His imposing personal appearance

and martial air had made his fortune, but he did little in later campaigns to justify the reputation he had gained in Italy. Bessier commanded the Imperial Guard with which his name will forever be associated. Acting always under the personal orders of the Emperor, he never had any opportunity to establish a reputation for originality or independence.

Murat was at the head of the reserves of cavalry. He is, perhaps, the most picturesque figure among Napoleon's generals. He owed his position more to his connection by marriage with the Emperor than to his military merits. With but limited intelligence, brave to a fault, vain and ambitious, he was the Bo Ideal of the leader

of a cavalry charge. But he was not in any sense a great cavalry general, and even on the battlefield frequently handled his men badly. The commanders of the Grand Army were remarkable for their comparative youth. Napoleon was 36,

and Sue, Lan, and Ne were the same age. DeVu was a year and Murat two years younger, while Marmon was only 31. The oldest were Bessier, 37, Bernadotte, 42, and Ogerot, 48. Among the division commanders were many men who attained great distinction in after years. Udino, Soucher and Grouchy all later made marshals. Vondam, DuPont and Saint-Illère, all names well known in the history of Napoleon's campaigns, but it is impossible to dwell on them here. From this portrait of Napoleon's marshals, it will be seen that with the exception of Davout and Sult, there was none

to whom he could then entrust an independent command. The seven corps, each up from two to four divisions, varied greatly in numbers, a sure gauge of Napoleon's opinion of the ability of the respective commanders. Ogeron had 14,000 men, Bernadotte and Lann each 18,000, Mermont 21,000, Ne, 24,000, Davout, 27,000, and Soule. 41,000. The guard under Bessier numbered 6,000, and the cavalry under Murat 22,000, a grand total of 191,000 men. At this time, Massena with 50,000 men in Italy, was opposed to the Archduke Charles with double his forces. Massena, whom Napoleon called L'Enfons Chiris de la Victoire, was the ablest of the marshals and the one best fitted for independent command. At Zurich,

the defense of Genoa, he had showed great vigor. He was a man of strong character, tried courage, and great resolution. He ranked very high among the generals of the day. At that time he was in his fiftieth year. The brain, the soul of the whole organization, was Napoleon himself. He alone commanded in chief, combining in his own person the functions not only of head of the state, but also of Generalissimo, and of chief of staff, in fact, if not in name. herein lay the great defect of his military organization which became more and more evident with the growth of his armies in later years napoleon was fortunate enough never to be wounded but once and then not seriously and he had an iron constitution which bore all the fatiques of his numerous campaigns but if anything had happened to him at a critical moment there was no one to replace him berthier the nominal chief of staff was only a very able and very useful head clerk who received in the name of the emperor the reports of the marshals and signed his orders for him.

The only time that he ever had the opportunity of acting on his own initiative at the beginning of the Vagram campaign, he nearly brought the army to disaster. If the senior Maltke had been killed or fallen sick, there were many officers on the Prussian staff who could have filled his place with credit, but Napoleon was the one-star performer who never had an understudy. During his campaigns, Napoleon was always accompanied by Bertrand. D'Eauroque and Coulincourt, besides several secretaries and a crowd of Aid de Kahn. Dureauk did not possess a brilliant mind,

but was faithful and upright, and very useful to the Emperor whose entire confidence he possessed. Coulincourt was always by the Emperor's side, his duty being to accompany him everywhere. He was an excellent general officer, frank and loyal, and loved and esteemed by all. After the death of D'Uroch in 1813,

he combined the duty of Grand Marshal with those of Chief Equiry. The above-mentioned officers with numerous attendants and servants constituted the Emperor's military household, which at the end of 18006 numbered 800 persons. The Emperor's personal domestic staff consisted of Constant, his head valet de Chambre, from 1800 to 1814, and three assistants. Next to Constant, the most intimate of Napoleon's servants,

was the Mameluke Rustin, who always guarded him at night, and acted as outrider by day carrying his great coat and portmanteau. To complete the description of the Emperor's household, it remains to speak of his staff of secretaries, who were very few in number for the arduous duties required of them. Napoleon did not like new faces. Consequently, he had, from 1796 to 1815, only three private secretaries. Bourienne, his old-school friend,

whom he was obliged to dismiss for dishonesty in 1802, Minerval, who was in all the campaigns of the empire until 1813, and finally Féin. During a campaign, it was Napoleon's custom to remain at headquarters until the last moment, and then travel rapidly by carriage so as to be at the head of his core the moment his presence was necessary. The interior of his travelling carriage was so arranged that he could use it as a bed by night, and so travel without fatigue. For the past 80 years, the most interesting exhibit at Madame Tussaud was in life, London, has been the last traveling carriage used by Napoleon, which was captured by the Prussians

after the Battle of Waterloo. It was built for him in 1811 and was employed during the Russian campaign of 1812 and the following year in Germany. It carried him from Fontainebleau to the coast in 1814 and from Paris to Belgium in June 1815. In general design, it may be described as a two-seeded Berlin de voyage. The coach is very heavily and strongly built. and the exterior is very plain, the only mark of distinction being the imperial arms emplasent on the door panels.

The body is swung on thick leather straps attached to strong sea springs. At the four corners of the body there are square black metal lamps made to take large wax candles. A traveling trunk was carried behind on a rack. The coach was drawn by six heavy Norman horses,

four driven by the coachman, and the leaders under control of a postillion. The interior is more interesting than the exterior. There are two deep and roomy seats divided by a movable armrest. High up in the front of the vehicle are a pair of windows, beneath which in the space usually occupied by the front seat, there is a curious bulkhead or boot which constitutes the most unusual feature of the carriage. Folding into this receptacle opposite the right-hand seat used by the emperor,

there is a well-appointed desk which, when drawn out, comes over to the back seat. behind this there is a secret compartment for money and objects of value. Below these fittings there is a large cloth covered door, hinged to open towards the middle of the coach so that it divides the lower portion of the interior into two separate parts. When so placed, it exposes a large cavity forming the foot of the sleeping compartment. Here, neatly encased within a receptacle six inches deep and three feet high, folded, ready to be withdrawn at a moment's notice, is Napoleon's bedside. When connected by a board with the seat, which constituted the head of the bed, this formed a very

comfortable couch on which the emperor could repose at full length. In the same space were carried the mattress and bed linen. The other side of the carriage is similarly arranged, but with drawers in place of the desk. In these were carried toilet articles and a complete table service. The interior is lined throughout with dark blue cloth, and there is an oil reading lamp in the center of the back of the carriage. When at the head of his troops, the emperor rode on horseback. He had a bad seat and was only a mediocre horseman, but his endurance, until he became stout after the age of 40, was remarkable. In Spain in 1809, he covered the distance from Valladovid to Burgos nearly 80 miles and five hours. In such cases, he had relays and changed horses every 10 or 15

kilometers. He usually rode small white Arabian horses, the appearance of which is familiar to us from Messonnier's paintings. They were good-tempered, gentle gallopers and easy amblers, and trained with the greatest care so as to be accustomed to all sorts of sounds and the sight of all kinds of objects. The white-steed marengo, which he rode at Waterloo, lived to take part in his funeral procession in 1840. At his headquarters in the field, whether temporary or permanent, Napoleon always required besides his sleeping room, an office in the center of which was a table with his map spread out. In the corners of the room were tables for his secretaries. The emperor usually retired at eight o'clock after dinner, and rose again about one or two in the morning when the

reports began to come in. On the map, which was surrounded by twenty or thirty candles, the positions of his corps and also of the enemy as far as known were marked by pins. It was on this that he worked, moving his compass, open to the scale of six to seven leagues, the length of a march. As soon as he had made up his mind, he began to dictate his orders rapidly while walking around the room. It was always difficult for his secretaries to keep pace with him. As soon as the orders were written out, they were presented for his initial. An abstract was made for the files, and the orders were then dispatched to the different marshals so that the Corps would be ready to march at daybreak.

It is remarkable that Napoleon made large use of civilians for the secretariat of his staff. Notwithstanding his faults, Napoleon's staff system worked admirably in his own hands. The coalition plan of campaign was for 60,000 Austrians and 90,000 Russians to operate in the Danube Valley under Archduke Ferdinand, with Mack as his chief of staff, while 150,000 Austrians under Archduke Charles, were to be in Italy on the adagee, where the main attack was to be delivered against the French, who were expected to be under the personal command of Napoleon. But Napoleon gave Massena the command in Italy with a strong corps and ordered him to contain the Austrians there

until the campaign took a decisive turn in Germany, while he himself took the command of the Grand Army of Seven Corps with a strength of about 200,000. At the outset, the campaign took a favorable turn for Napoleon when Mag issued orders for his troops to cross the frontier at once, without waiting for the Russians, with the idea of cutting off Bavaria from her alliance with France. The Sixth French Corps left their camps on the 27th of August, and the Guard left Paris the same day. All had orders to march by the shortest way to the Rhine and the main with a general line of direction on Ulm.

The distance from Boulogne to Strasbourg is about 300 miles, and the troops covered it in 29 days, crossing the Rhine on the 27th of September. Napoleon himself left Paris the 23rd September and was at Strasbourg three days later. There he learned that Mack had entered Ulm on the 20th. Continuing his advance and finding no signs of Mac, Napoleon crossed the Danube on the 7th of October,

leaving only the Corps of Ney on the north side to bar the roads from Ulm to Bohemia. Forming his troops into three groups, the emperor directed Lann and Murat to march on Ulm, while Bernadotte and Marmon were to airste, advance on Munich and hold off the Russians who were erroneously reported to have arrived there. Napoleon himself, with the two strong corps of Sult and Davout, advanced on the 10th to Oxford, where he was in a position to support either Murat or Bernadotte according to circumstances.

While Napoleon was breaking up the camp at Boulogne the last of August, Mack had marched into Bavaria to force her either to join the coalition or remain neutral. The Bavarians fell back to Bamburg, and Mac took up a position between Ulm and Lake Constance to await the arrival of the Russians, who were still 250 miles away and could not be expected before the middle of October. He was looking for the French, who had usually advanced through the black forest to follow the customary route. About this time he received the news that Napoleon, with his main army, was coming to Germany, and not going to Italy. He immediately gave orders to change the direction of large bodies of troops which were marching to Italy,

but it was too late to do any good. All of Napoleon's movements up to his arrival at Stuttgart had escaped Max's knowledge. Finding at last that Napoleon was on the way to envelop his right flank and cut off his line of communications, in six days he made no less than six different plans to escape from the net-fast closing around him, but all in vain.

He tried first to oppose Napoleon's crossing the Danube. Next, to retreat through Oxford, then to cross the Danube to the north. Then, to retreat by way of Ome, into Bohemia. Then, after determining to remain in Oom, he finally again decided to retreat into Bohemia. But it was now too late. Napoleon was advancing on both banks of the river, and on the 15th, Mac was driven back into the fortress, which was now entirely dominated. On the 17th of October, he surrendered with 23,000 men. Two large detachments which attempted to escape were also surrounded and captured. In all, 50,000 Austrians were taken prisoners.

Only Archduke Ferdinand with a small force succeeded in getting away safely. The Austrians had been beaten almost without firing a shot. It was a repetition on a larger scale of the strategy of Marengo. The whole o'm maneuver, says Dodge, is one of the very finest in history. napoleon immediately turned back his main body to join bernadotte and concentrate his forces this was accomplished on the twenty fifth when the french were about two hundred twenty-five miles from vienna to which they now advanced rapidly on the thirteenth november murat seized the bridge across the danube at vienna by a stratagem so that napoleon could cross the river immediately the next two days he gathered together the troops that had crossed the river and pressed on to brune there he came to a halt as he came to a halt as he had crossed the river immediately the next two days he gathered together the troops that had crossed the river and pressed on to brune there he came to a halt as he had only fifty thousand men actually in hand the guard and the corps of lan and sult in spite of the great success of his campaign up to this point the position of napoleon was really critical the french army was four hundred miles from its base and was much weakened by detachments its long line of communications ran through southern germany which was friendly but to the north prussia was beginning to arm winter was already at hand and both the two

the emperor and his soldiers were anxious to be back in France. The Tsar believed that Napoleon had only a very weak force at Brune, so he decided to attack him there, which was exactly what Napoleon wanted. The Allies advanced so slowly that the Emperor had ample time to concentrate his forces. On the 30th November the French outposts were driven in. Napoleon immediately penetrated the designs of the Allies and did his best to encourage them. He drew his troops slowly back and took up a position which he had selected between Brun and Austerlitz, which lent itself well to the turning movement of which the Allies were aiming.

There the French army took station on the night of the 1st of December, while Kutuzov disposed his troops on the rising ground opposite. The terrain of Austerlitz is very much broken. There are a number of hills and valleys which will hide large bodies of troops. In the square of, say, ten miles from east to west by seven miles, from north to south, the fortress city of Brune occupies the northwest corner, and past it in a marshy lowland a mile wide, flows the Schwatsois River, bordering the field on the west. From the river to the east, the ground rises and falls in a gradual ascent to the plateau of Pratton,

which occupies the center of the theatre, and from thence it gradually descends to the town of Austerlitz. Southwest of Protson, on the southern boundary of the square, there are two large ponds. The plateau is skirted on the west by a brook called Goldbach, and on the east and south sides flows the Littawa River. The road from Brune to Vienna runs due south along the west bank and the Schwarzoa. The country is dotted with villages which are connected by good dirt roads. There are a few woods, and the theater, though full of hails and dais,

forms a good field of maneuver. At the time of the battle, the ponds were frozen, and the ice on the marshy ground gave a secure footing. Napoleon, who had been on the ground for several days, had been in the saddle most of the time, and ridden over the entire country to the north of the Lituwa. Any ordinary general would have occupied the heights of Protson and fought a defensive battle, but he wanted a fight to a decision and not only an ordinary battle, as he expressed it. The trained eye of Napoleon had not failed to catch the intention of the Allies,

which was by a wide circuit of the French right flank to seize the road running south from Brune, cut him off from Vienna, and recover the capital. This would also enable them to join hands with Archduke Charles who was coming up from Italy. As a strategic measure, their course was proper, but from the tactical standpoint, the long circuit was an error, and just one of those which Napoleon liked to see his enemies commit. Their maneuver would enable him to pierce their center, cut them in two, and decisively defeat them. To the average commander, says Dodge, It would have been a gambling transaction. To Napoleon, it was betting on a certainty.

With this object in view, Napoleon left the Protson to be occupied by the enemy, and drew up his army behind the brook with his left flank on the Stanton Hill, which he had caused to be strongly entrenched. Lan was at the left, Sult in the center, and Davout, who had just arrived at the right. Bernadotte also came up in the afternoon and went into position between and to the rear of Lann and Sulte. Murat and the cavalry were placed behind Lan. Bessier, with the guard in reserve, was back of Bernadotte in the vicinity of the hill where the emperor had his bivouac. The French right, under Davout, was intended to contain the allied left, which was reaching around to the Vienna Road until the moment arrived for Napoleon, with his mast left and center to take advantage of any opening.

The emperor had by his side, Bertie, Junot, his first aide-de-con, and all his staff. nearby stood the guard. As from his bivouac he calmly watched the movements of the Allies, Napoleon saw his judgment confirmed that they were attempting to turn his right, and that in so doing their right and left wings would get separated by the plateau of Protson, which would give him an opportunity to break through the center. The Allies were convinced that the French would fight a defensive battle, and their only fear was that they would try to escape.

During the afternoon of the first, contrary to his evening, usual habit, the emperor assembled his marshals and explained to them in detail his plan of battle, and told each one the role which was assigned to him. Napoleon was so confident of victory that he even went so far as to explain to his soldiers what he was about to do. In a proclamation to the army, he said, while they are marching to turn my right, they will present me their flank. During the evening when the emperor made the round of the bivouacs, he was greeted with the utmost enthusiasm. It was the eve of the first anniversary of his coronation. In an instant, torches of straw were put at the top of thousands of poles, and from 70,000 throats there came

a simultaneous cry of, Vive l'empereur! At one o'clock, the emperor retired, and took a short rest until between four and five when the troops began to move into their respective places. He then took his station on the Bivouac Hill with the marshals around him, ready to receive their final orders. A thick fog covered the landscape, but by seven o'clock the tops of the hills began to appear. Suddenly, the sun of Austerlitz burst forth in all its glory, and showed the heights of Protson for the moment denuded of troops. The enemy, as he expected, had weakened his center and given Napoleon the opportunity he sought. The Allied left, 30,000 strong, was marching to turn the French right and seized the Vienna road.

Turning to Sult, whose troops were massed in two lines of battalions in column of attack, the emperor asked, how long a time do you require to reach the heights of Protson? Sult replied, less than twenty minutes. In that case, let us wait a quarter of an hour more. In the meantime, the strong allied force was making good progress against the French right and their heads of columns were getting well across the Goldbach. But Davout, fighting with the war, fighting with the French right, and their heads of columns were getting well across the Goldbach. his usual stubbornness was keeping the Russians in check, and this flank was never in any real

danger. It was nearly nine o'clock when Napoleon finally gave the order for suit to attack, and his force was soon in rapid motion towards the plateau of Protson. The other marshals, Murat, Lan, and Bernadotte galloped down from Bivouac Hill to head their respective corps. Napoleon had been remarkably accurate in his timing. At this moment an allied column, accompanied by headquarters, the Tsar and Kutuzov in person was climbing the opposite side of the plateau. This force was marching in root order, thinking that the French were yet far distant. On reaching the brow of the plateau, the Russian commander was astonished beyond measure to see the French about to assault the hill with a force far outnumbering his own.

Realizing his danger, Kutuzov made a brave resistance, but was soon driven back down the hill. While the possession of Protson was being contested, Lann, Murat and Bernadotte were delivering a strong attack on the left and gaining ground steadily. Here there was a sharp fight between the French cavalry under Murat and the Imperial Russian Guards commanded by Grand Duke Constantine. To put an end to this conflict, Napoleon ordered in Bessier with the cavalry of the Imperial Guard,

and these superb squadrons easily rode down the Russian cavalry. Bernadotte and Lann again advanced, and by 11 o'clock, the whole Russian right was in full retreat on Austerlitz. In the meantime, far away to the south, the Allied left was being held in check by the superb work of the French right under Davout. A huge gap of three miles lay between the two Allied wings, where Sult was driving back the weak Allied center. As an exhibition of grand tactics, Austerlitz will ever remain a model. Before noon, Sult was in full possession of the Protson. The Allied army had been cut in two, and their left, fighting on the goldback, had been caught in the triangle between the brook, the ponds, and the Litoa,

with its line of retreat completely severed. The Emperor had followed the advance of his left wing until he saw that there was no further danger from that quarter. He then galloped over to Sult, followed by the guard. In passing, he told his men that the battle was won, and the chairs swept like a tidal wave along the intercourse. entire line. Sult now turned south from the Protson and took the Allied line in reverse, while Davout, who had been standing on the defensive attacked in force. By two o'clock,

the Russians were completely surrounded, and men and guns were captured by wholesale. Two thousand men attempting to cross the ponds were destroyed by the French artillery, which broke the ice. From St. Anthony's chapel, south of the Protson, the emperor watched the destruction of the Allied left-wing. At the fall of night, the valley of the Litoa separated the two armies. The French bivouacked in the position the Allies had held the night before. The two emperors were at Austerlitz, preparing to retreat into Hungary. Napoleon had under his colors at Austerlitz about 65,000 men, and his losses were not far from 7,000. The Allies put in line about 85,000, and their loss in killed, wounded and missing was fully 25,000 men,

and 160 guns. But these losses are no adequate measure of the victory. The beaten army was completely demoralized. There was no longer any organized force, only a disordered band of marauders. Few victories have been more splendid than Austerlitz or better deserved. Napoleon never ceased to feel that Austerlitz was his most brilliant battle.

Marengo, Ulm, Yenna, were battles won as the result of able strategic combinations. rivoli austerlitz dresden exhibited napoleon's grand tactics on the battlefield as the others did not at dusk napoleon rode over the field according to his habit addressing each regiment as he passed for he knew by heart the history of every one to the fifty-seventh he said remember years ago i named you the terrible the infantry of the guards shed tears of rage at not having been put in by midnight napoleon took up his quarters of the house of posositz about three miles northwest of australitz on the road from brune to ulmust hither at early dawn on the third came prince lichtenstein from the emperor francis with the request for a truce and a personal interview the message from the austrian emperor was the first intimation napoleon had of the full effects of his victory and he resolved at once to secure all its roots he refused the truce but made an appointment to meet francis on the following day At the same time he gave Murat orders to pursue the enemy. To Teleran, who was at Vienna trying to arrange terms of peace, he sent a courier saying,

I can write you only two words. An army of 100,000 men commanded by the two emperors, is entirely destroyed. All protocols become unnecessary. The negotiations become null. On the afternoon of the 4th, the emperor of Austria visited Napoleon at his headquarters near the mill of Sadritschitz, where an agreement was made to stop hostilities. The Russians were to retire to Poland, and terms of peace were to be arranged at once at Presburg.

By the treaty signed the 26th of December, 1805, Austria paid heavily. To Italy, she ceded Venetia and part of Istria, and Dalmatia and to Bavaria, the Tyrol. The king of Naples ceased to reign. The electors of Bavaria and Vertemberg were recognized as kings, And so, by the irony of fate, Napoleon bestowed a crown on the daughter of George III. The peace of Presburg shattered the Third Coalition organized by William Pitt.

When the news of Austerlitz reached London, Pitt was already on his deathbed. He asked to have the map of Europe unrolled before him. After gazing long and steadily upon it, he said, Henceforth, we may close that map for half a century. On the 23rd of January, 18006, he passed away at the age of 47, exclaiming with his dying breath, Alas, my country! The coalition, already dismembered, had lost its soul. End of Chapter 12.

Chapter 13 of Napoleon I. An Intimate Biography by Walter Gear. This Liebervox recording is in the public domain. 13 18006 Yenna and Auerstadt From the tactical point of view Austerlitz was Napoleon's greatest battle He was still to gain many other victories

But none so brilliant or so decisive Up to this time Fortune had always smiled upon him The hour had not yet come When he was to make too great demands upon her favors Fourteen months later Abidst the blood and snow of the cemetery on the frozen plain of Aélo, he was to have something like a gloomy vision of the future,

a prophetic perspective of the Russian disaster, the first warning of an outraged providence. He was then to remark, This scene is enough to inspire in princes the love of peace and the hatred of war. But no such thoughts came to his mind at Austerlitz. War then appeared to him only on its brilliant side. On the third and fourth of December, Napoleon sent Josephine, in letters giving a full description of the extent of his victory. Peace with Austria had been agreed upon, and the Russians were going home.

The Battle of Austerlitz is the finest of all that I have fought. Forty-five flags, more than 150 pieces of cannon, the standards of the Russian Guard, more than 20,000 killed. A horrible sight. From Austerlitz, Napoleon went on the 5th to Vienna. The middle of November he had written Josephine at Strasbourg, instructing her to proceed to Munich, where he now went to join her. In the Bavarian capital he was surrounded by all the princes of the South German states. The Margrave of Baden was then 70 years of age. He had lost his son, and his heir was

his grandson, Charles, then 20 years of age. The mother of this young prince was very much opposed to the French and her sympathies, and one of his sisters had married the Tsar, who was still at war with Napoleon. Another sister had married the elector of Béphers. Bavaria, and he himself was the fiancée of the young Princess Augusta, the elector's daughter by a previous marriage. These family arrangements, however, did not meet the approval of Napoleon who had other plans in view. The Empress arrived at Munich the 5th of December, and a few days later the rumor was circulated that her son Eugen was to marry the Princess Augusta. Maximilian, elector of Bavaria, was then 50 years old. He had lost his first wife, by whom he had

one daughter, Augusta, born in 1788. He had then married Caroline, the sister of Prince Charles of Baden, to whom Augusta was betrothed. The elector was entirely French in his sympathies. Belonging to the cadet branch of the family, he had only become elector by the extinction of the reigning branch. He had no fortune as a youth, and under Louis XVI he had served in the French army and commanded the regiment of Assas. The happiest days of his life had been passed in France. The Treaty of Presburg gave to Baden, Bavaria, and Vertemberg, very considerable increases of territory, and the two electors the title of king. Napoleon had decided that these aggrandizements should be paid for by three marriages,

that of his stepson, Prince Eugen with Augusta, the daughter of the King of Bavaria, that of Prince Charles of Baden with Josephine's cousin by marriage, Stephanie de Boernet, and that of his brother Jerome with the Princess Catherine, daughter of the king of Vortembourg. On New Year's Eve, Napoleon entered Munich under a triumphal arch erected in his honor. Four days later, he wrote Eugenie to start at once for Munich and to travel incognito as rapidly as possible. Napoleon was desirous of returning at once to Paris where his presence was necessary, but he remained at Munich to overcome the objections of the queen to the marriage.

In all justice to Napoleon, it must be said that he endeavored to gain his ends only by pleasant means. He exercised all of his powers of seduction and was so attentive to the queen that he even aroused the jealousy of Josephine. Eugène arrived at Munich on the 10th of January. The viceroy of Italy was then 24 years of age. Without being handsome, he had a perfect figure. Like his father, he danced well and excelled in all kinds of physical exercises. He was frank and simple in his manners and affable with everybody.

He had a very gay disposition and was, always happy. Napoleon was very fond of him and treated him like a son. Eugène showed much tact in his relations with his future wife, and courted her as assiduously as if their marriage was not already arranged. The fears of the young princess soon gave place to joy, and what was to have been a marriage de raison became a real marriage d'amour. The wedding took place on the 14th January, 18006 in the royal chapel and was celebrated with great pomp. Napoleon formerly adopted Eugène and in the marriage contract gave him the name of Napoleon Eugène de France. In the future, he always addressed him in his letters as,

Monfice. The Princess Augusta proved to be a model wife and mother in the marriage was a very happy one. After the downfall of the empire, she resisted all the efforts of her family to have her abandon her husband and remained faithful to the end. A week after the wedding, Ejean and his wife left for Milan, while the emperor and empress started for Paris, arriving at the Tullery the night of the 26th of January. On the 1st of January, 18006, the Republican calendar came to an end after 13 years, three months, and ten days. So, the last vestige of the Republic of the Republic was effaced, except the inscription, Republic Francise Napoleon Emperor, on the coins.

On the 8th of April, 1806, in the chapel of the Tuileries, was celebrated with great pomp, the marriage of Stephanie de Boernet with Prince Charles of Baden. If anything could prove the power which the victor of Austerlitz then exercised over the continent, it was certainly this marriage of the daughter of a French senator, with the prince belonging to one of the oldest and most illustrious families in Europe, who by his three sisters was the brother-in-law the Tsar of Russia, of the King of Sweden, and of the King of Bavaria. What then was the origin of the young girl whom the prince had married?

the Marquis de Boernet, the father of Josephine's first husband, had a brother Claude, who had a son of the same name, who was the father of Stephanie, born at Paris the 28th of August 1789. After the death of her mother, she was confided to the care of an aunt, a religios, who brought her up. Her maternal uncle had the happy thought of taking her to Paris and presenting her to the wife of the first consul. Josephine, who was her aunt at la Maud de Bretagne, took an interest in the girl and sent her to the school. of Madame Compin. When she came to the Tuileries after finishing her education, Napoleon took a great fancy

to her, and a month before her marriage she formally adopted her as his daughter, thus giving her precedence at court over his own sisters. This second marriage arranged by Napoleon also proved a very happy one. Stephanie won the affections of her new family and of her subjects, and her death in 1860 during the Second Empire was much regretted, both in Baden and at Paris. Her eldest daughter, Louise, became the mother of the Queen of Saxony. The second, Josephine was the mother of the first king of Romania, and of that Prince of Hoenzolan, who, as candidate for the Spanish throne in 1870, was the indirect cause of the Franco-German

War. The youngest daughter, Marie, married the Duke of Hamilton, a great Scotch lord. The day after the signature of the Treaty of Presbyrne, Napoleon announced in a military order addressed to the army that the Bourbon dynasty in Naples had ceased to race. Even the Austrian historian Furnier says that, the pretext for this step had it must be acknowledged been furnished by the Neapolitan court itself. During the campaign of Austerlitz, Queen Caroline had deliberately broken her promise given to France in August to remain neutral, and had opened the port of Naples to British and Russian troops. After the battle, the Tsar recalled his troops, and the English government followed his example.

Napoleon made no reply to the abject letter of the Queen. imploring his clemency and sent his troops to take possession of Naples, whence the royal family had taken flight. On the 30th of March, 18006, Napoleon announced his intention of making his brother Joseph King of Naples without forfeiture of his rights to the imperial succession. At the same time, in another decree, the emperor announced the formation of twenty titular duchies in the newly acquired Italian territory, one-fifteenth of the revenue from these lands,

amounting to from 60 to 100,000 francs a year in each case to serve as an endowment. The new duchies were conferred upon the marshals and other dignitaries of the empire. Following is a partial list of the dukes as later appointed. Dalmatia Sulte, Istria

Bessier, Frioli Duroque, Beluno, Victor, Treviso, Mortier, Bassano, Marais, Vicenza, Coulincourt, Rovigo, Savarie, Otranto, Foucher, Taranto, MacDonald, and Rego, Odino. Among the other titles conferred by the Emperor at this time or later were, Murat, Grand Duke of Bergue and Le Cleve, Talleyrand, Prince of Benevent, Bertier, Prince de Neufthel, and Bernadotte, Napoleon next turned his attention to Holland. This country had been conquered by the Republican armies and had been brought entirely under French influences. The Batavian Republic

had been established with a sort of consular government having a grand pensionary at its head. Soon after the establishment of the empire, there was a rumor at the Hague that Napoleon intended to set up a monarchy again in the low countries. Early in 18006, a deputation of Dutch notables with Admiral Verroule at their head, was sent to Paris to avert the threatened danger. In a letter to Talleyrand 14th of March, 18006, the emperor stated his intention of re-establishing the monarchy with his brother Louis as king. The opposition of the Dutch delegation was swept away, and on the 5th of June 1806 at the Tullery, Napoleon announced the establishment of the new monarchy under King Louis. The primary cause of the breach between France and Prussia in

was the question of Hanover. This electorate since 1714 had been under the sovereignty of Great Britain. In that year, the elector George Louis became George I, King of Great Britain and Ireland, through inheritance from his mother, who was the granddaughter of James I of England. The first two Georges preferred Hanover to England as a place of residence, and George III was the first Hanoverian king who was English in his sympathies. In 1803, when war was renewed between England and France, Napoleon sent an army under Morteur to occupy Hanover.

Prussia had long been anxious to possess the electorate in order to round out her lands which were much separated by intervening territory, and Napoleon used Hanover as a bait to keep Prussia neutral during the campaign of 1805. The Allies at the same time were endeavouring to obtain the support of Prussia, and the Tsar Alexander visited Berlin for this purpose when he was on his way to join his army in Moravia. Queen Louisa at this time conceived the idea of uniting the two sovereigns by a solemn oath, and at midnight on the 4th of November, 1805, Alexander and Frederick William went to the Garrison Church at Potsdam, where over the tomb of Frederick the Great, they bound themselves to support the allied cause. Prussia, however, was not then ready for war and demanded until the middle

of December to complete her preparations. Before that date arrived, the battle of Austerlitz was fought, and Austria sued for peace. Under the changed conditions, Napoleon was no longer willing to allow Prussia to maintain even a neutral position, and demanded an alliance with France. This compact was signed at Vienna the 15th of December, 1805. At the same time, England was also endeavoring to obtain the support of Prussia and Frederick William was placed in an embarrassing position. He had to choose between the half of Belgium and the Rhineland as offered by England and Hanover as a gift from Napoleon. On the 3rd of January in 1806, an important state council was held at Berlin,

at which it was decided to demand of Napoleon some important modifications to the Schoen-Brun Treaty. Prussia was endeavouring in short to steer halfway between France and England and gain Hanover. The Prussian government was so sure of Napoleon's acceptance of the proposal. changes that it was decided to put the army at once on a peace footing. The Emperor, however, took the ground that as Prussia had not formally ratified the treaty as drawn, it was null and void. Having thoroughly frightened the Prussian envoy, Napoleon came at once to the point he wished to gain and demanded that the North Sea ports of Germany should be closed to English commerce. This agreed to, Hanover was handed over to Prussia. It was

indeed a Greek gift. The acceptance of Hanover on those terms meant the disapproval of Russia and the hostility of England. In the spring of 1806, overtures of peace were exchanged between Paris, London, and St. Petersburg, and there seemed hope that after 14 years of almost continual war, Europe might find some repose. Even the English historians reluctantly admit that Napoleon seems to have wanted peace for the consolidation of his power in Europe and the extension of his colonies and commerce. Austria was still dazed from the effects of the blow she had received at Austerlitz, and even the Tsar was no longer in a warlike mood.

The New English ministry was strongly inclined towards peace. Holland, South Germany and Italy were under the control of Napoleon. The other powers were either helpless or inert. Fox, who had always been favorable to a good understanding with France, was assured by Talleyrand of the Pacific desires of the French Emperor. France desired not a truce but a permanent peace. When informed that George III above all things would require the restoration of Hanover, Telerin, after consulting the Emperor, declared that that should not stand in the way.

While these negotiations were going on, the 12th of July 1806, was signed the Act of the Confederation of the Rhine that ended the old Germanic Empire. After a thousand years of existence was sounded the death knell of an empire which Voltaire with equal wit and truth had described as neither holy, nor Roman, nor an empire. The emperor, Francis II, made no protest,

and assumed the title of Francis I of Austria. Thus, says Rose, feebly flickered out the light which had shed splendor on medieval Christendom. Kindled in the Basilica of St. Peter's on Christmas Day of the Year 800 in an almost mystical union of spiritual and earthly power,

by the blessing of Pope Leo on Carl the Great, it was now trodden underfoot by the chief of a more than Frankish state who aspired to unquestioned sway over a dominion as great as that of the medieval hero. For Napoleon, as protector of the Rhenish Confederation, now controlled most of the German lands that acknowledged Charlemagne, while his hold on Italy was immeasurably stronger. The old German laws were soon replaced by the Cod Napoleon, and a close offensive and defensive alliance was formed between Napoleon and the 16 princes of the new Confederation, who agreed to furnish 63,000 troops at the demand of the new protector.

The principal states included in the Confederation were Bavaria, Vortembourg, Baden, Hezdomstadt, and Nassau. At the same time, a number of free cities, as well as of imperial counts and knights, were wiped out. Augsburg and Nuremberg were given to the king of Bavaria, and Frankfurt was bestowed on Dahlberg, the prince primate of the confederation. It will thus be seen that the first steps toward German unity, which Bismarck was to carry to a conclusion two generations later, were taken by the new Chalemang. The correspondence of Napoleon at this time proves that he was more preoccupied with the affairs of Italy than with those of Germany. For one letter that he wrote about Hanover he sent twenty to Joseph or Eugène impressing upon

them the necessity of keeping a firm hand, and above all, of conquering Sicily. But if Sicily was a stumbling block in the negotiations with England, Hanover, was the cause of the war with Russia. Queen Louisa constantly urged her weak and vacillating husband to resist the continued French aggrandizements in Germany and to ally himself with Russia. Louisa at that time was thirty years of age. The daughter of one of the minor German princes, her youth had been spent in poverty and obscurity until her charms captured the heart of the crown prince of Prussia. A comparison has often been. drawn between Louisa and Marie Antoinette. Both were mated with cold and uninteresting

consorts. Frederick William, like Louis, could only inspire the respect due to an insignificant but well-meaning man, while all the fervor of loyalty was aroused by his queen. Louisa, however, was more stayed and homely than the vivacious daughter of Maria Teresa, and did not interfere much in state affairs until after the crash came. Then she became the inspiration which kindled the fires of German patriotism. At the instigation of the Queen on the 8th of August, Frederick William sent a letter to the Tsar imploring his assistance. Alexander wrote a cheering response promising his help.

Thinking to take Napoleon off his guard, Prasat once began her preparations for war. Napoleon, however, was not deceived, and he adopted towards Frederick William the tone of a friend who was grieved by an unexpected quarrel. He stated that he intended to propose some equivalent for Hanover if England insisted on his restitution as a sine qua non of peace. But, he added, if your young officers and your women at Berlin want war, I am preparing to satisfy them.

Yet my ambition turns wholly to Italy. She is a mistress whose favours I will share with no one. On North Germany I have no claims. The whole tenor of Napoleon's correspondence shows that before the first week in September he did not expect a new coalition. As Rose admits, It is perfectly true that he did not make war on Prussia in 1806,

any more than on England in 1803. He only made peace impossible. This final statement is simply begging the question. One might as well say that Serbia, in 1914, made peace impossible when she failed to yield to the unreasonable demands of Austria. The condition on which Prussia urgently insisted was the entire evacuation of Germany by French troops, which Napoleon refused until Prussian.

Prussia demobilized her army. In the meantime, Russia was awaiting the arrival of a Prussian officer at St. Petersburg to concert a plan of campaign. When he came, he had no plan, and the Tsar refused to march his troops into Prussia. Austria also refused to move until the Allies had gained a victory. So, at the outbreak of the war, Prussia could only count on the feeble support of Saxony and Weimar. The Prussian War Party had now gained complete control. and an ultimatum was sent Napoleon on the 6th of September, demanding that he should immediately evacuate Germany,

and should send an answer before the 8th of October. No more short-sighted act can well be conceived than this throwing down the gauntlet to Napoleon, who had 180,000 veterans already in Germany, while Prussia's ally the Tsar could not get his troops on the field of operations for months to come. Napoleon at this time had a population of nearly 60 millions from which to draw troops, and during the Jena campaign, he had 80,000 men in training in France in addition to the Grand Army of 200,000 men in Germany. As Napoleon himself stood like a giant among all the captains of his age,

so also the Grand Army was in a class by itself. The world had never before known so superb a fighting organization. Prussia, including its ally Saxony, had a population of some 12 millions from which to draw its army. The country was not rich and the government was home. hopelessly out of date. Nothing had been changed since the days of Frederick, but the inspiring soul of the great king was no longer there.

At the beginning of hostilities, the Prussian army, including the Saxon contingent, did not much exceed 150,000 men, ready for duty. The army was also poorly armed and equipped. Like the French army at the outbreak of the Franco-German War, it was living on the traditions of the past and believed itself to be the first army in the world, but with no solid basis for its country.

confidence. The commanders were not deficient in ability, but were lacking in experience. As Dodge-pithely sums up the situation, the French army believed itself to be superior and was actually so. The Prussian army believed itself to be superior, and was not. After the peace of Presburg, the Grand Army had not returned home, but on one pretext or another had been kept in South Germany. In August, 18006, the army lay mostly in Bavaria, and was under the command of Bertie whose headquarters were at Munich. As a further proof that Napoleon at the beginning of September was not expecting war, there may be cited this letter of the fourth to Bertier,

authorizing him to give leaves of absence to a number of officers and to take one himself. A few days later the situation became more menacing. On the tenth, the emperor wrote Bertier from Paris that his sources were starting the next day and that the guard was soon to follow. This body of 13,000 picked men under the command of Bessier was transported from Paris to Mayans by post in 700 four-horse wagons and covered the distance of 260 miles in eight days. From Mayans northeast to Erfurt and Weimar to Berlin man the most important road in Germany. Midway between Weimar and the capital, it crossed at right angles the Elbe, which was defended by several large fortresses. This road formed the direct route from Paris to Berlin

and was to figure conspicuously in the campaign now about to open. The Prussian army, after passing the Alba, advanced slowly in a great semicircle stretching out on either side of the Mayence Road. On the 5th of October, the headquarters at Airfert and the army was extended on a front of 90 miles from Kassell to Rudolstadt, south of Vienna, watching the Turingian forest from which the French were expected to debouch. In the meantime, Napoleon was preparing to concentrate his core at Bamberg and Beirut and swing around the left bank of the Prussian army,

cutting it off from its base on the Elbe, just as he had turned Max Wright the previous year and cut him off from the inn. On the fifth, the front of the French army, covering not more than 35 miles, was between Coburg and Hoff. Pressing on by long marches, a week later the French left was in contact with the extreme left of the Prussians at Solfeld. a little south of Yenna, while the French center and right was getting into a line roughly indicated by Yenna and Anomberg. The Grand Army was moving in three columns, Sult and Nais on the right, Bernadotte and Davout with the guard in the center, and Lann and Augreau at the left. The first column was 50,000 strong, the second, 70, and the third, 40. When the Prussian commander, the Duke of Brunswick, learned that the French had turned his left flank and were rapidly advancing

on his line of communications, he issued orders for a general movement eastward in the hope of being able to retreat towards the Albe by way of Yenna and Numburg. But he was a few hours too late, and was obliged to fight with the enemy on his line of communications. On the 13th, the Emperor received a dispatch from Lann stating that he had found the Prussians in force at Yenna and was hourly expecting an attack. Napoleon immediately started for that place. On his arrival, he found that the enemy had withdrawn from the town, and that Lan had taken possession of it, and had also occupied the steep heights of the land Grafenberg, lying beyond it. At four o'clock, Napoleon rode up on this plateau which dominates the entire country to the west. Dismounting, he walked to the edge of the plateau

and studied the enemy's position. He thought that he had the main Prussian army before him, although he could only see 40 or 50,000 troops. He ordered Land to place his entire corps on the heights, and the guard and Sult, as well as Ney and Ogerot, were instructed to march on Yenna with all possible speed. Meanwhile, Davout and Bernadotte had reached Nomburg and Murat with the cavalry was in that vicinity. The field on which was fought the double battle of Yenna and Aestat lies within a theatre about 14 miles north and south by 18 miles east and west. At the southwest corner lies the beautiful city of Weimar, Ten miles to the east between the steep and rugged plateau of the Land Gravenberg and the

Zala is situated the old university town of Yenna. The river Zala runs in a northeasterly direction from Yenna to Nomburg, five miles to the west of which is located the battlefield of Austadt. Excellent roads lead from Vymar to Yenna and from both places to Nomburg. The country is much cut up by hill and dale, but there are few woods in the ground is suitable for all arms. To debauch from Vienna towards Weimar, however, is not easy, owing to the hills and ravines, and the possession of the dominating plateau is very essential.

On the south of the heights sinks away into the valley, the Moultal, through which runs the Weimar road. The Prussian commander Hoan Loa, thinking the Moultal was the only feasible line of approach posted most of his forces there, leaving the plateau free. Under cover of the darkness, Napoleon not only crowded all of Land's core on the heights, but also had dragged up whole batteries of artillery. The task was tremendous and would not have been accomplished

without the inspiration of the presence of the emperor and his practical skill. While his officers were asleep, he personally directed the work. By such untiring energy did he assure victory. Yenna was won by the rapid concentration of his troops and the seizing of a commanding position almost under the eyes of an unsuspecting enemy.

During the night, the Corps of Sult and Lerner, came up and went into line on the right, while Ojoin his arrival was posted in the valley on the left. A dense fog early in the morning screened the positions of the troops, but by ten o'clock the fog lifted and revealed to the astonished eyes of the Prussians the whole French army in line of battle. The attack was begun by Lann in the center, and was followed by the advance of Sult and Ojo on either wing. When the attack had fully developed, the emperor launched the guard and Mura's cavalry on the lines of the wavering Prussians. The impact was irresistible, and Owen Loa's force was swept away. At the crisis of the battle after the arrival of reinforcements under

Ruckel, the Prussians had only 47,000 men on the field, while Napoleon then had 83,000 troops at his disposal. At the same time, at Auerstadt, about 10 miles to the north, Davout, with his single corps of 27,000 men, was facing the main Prussian army composed of 15,000. of their choicest troops. The King and Brunswick were marching on Numburg in order to gain the main road to Berlin and make sure their line of retreat to the Elbe when their advanced cavalry under Blucher

saw a solid line of French infantry loom through the morning mist. It was part of the Corps of Davout strongly posted in and around the village of Asenhausen, midway between Nomburg and Ostadt. Blucher at once charged, but was repulsed with heavy loss. Again and again Brunswick sent his troops to the attack, but the steady fire of the French infantry

laid him low with most of his officers. The Prussians, according to tradition, advanced in solid masses, while the French fought in skirmish lines and fired at will from behind hedges and walls, trees and rocks, and out of ditches and sunken roads. This fire was murderous, and the gallant Prussian officers

were picked off one by one. Failing to make any headway, the Prussians began to begin to fall back in disorder. Davout now pressed the attack, and nothing could resist the French ardor. The king gave the order to retreat on Weimar, where he hoped to rejoin his right wing and renew the battle on the morrow. But instead of an army, it was a terrified mob flying before Murat's cavalry that he met halfway between Orchstadt and Weimar. The French victory was complete, and no praise is too high for Davout's intelligence and courage. Bernadotte was very seriously

criticized by the emperor for his conduct on the day of the two battles. At ten o'clock on the evening of the 13th, Napoleon, in the belief that the entire Prussian army was before him, had sent an order to Davout to advance to Apolda, to the north of Vienna, and take the enemy on the left flank or in the rear. He added, If Marshal Bernadot is with you, you can march together, but the emperor hopes that he will be in the position indicated to him at Dornburg. This order was received by Davout about three o'clock in the morning, convinced from his reconnaissance that he had a very large Prussian force in front of him,

Davout strongly urged Bernadot to remain, even going so far as to offer him the command of the two corps. But he persisted in obeying the letter rather than the spirit of the Emperor's order and started for Dornburg. Finding much difficulty in crossing the sally, he did not reach Apolda until nightfall, and so took no part in either battle. He had no doubt literally obeyed orders, but as Dodge justly remarks, A corps commander is held to more than this. The pursuit of the defeated army by Murat was the most extraordinary in history. In three weeks he all but literally galloped from Yenna to Lubek on the Baltic Sea.

With a large force of cavalry, together with the Corps of Lann, Sult and Bernadot, he swept up all the remnants of the Prussian army and captured all of the fortresses as he passed. On the 7th of November he stormed Lubeck and forced Bloucher, the last to hold down, to surrender with 20,000 men. This short campaign is without parallel, even in Napoleon's marvelous career. In seven weeks, he practically extended the French frontier from the Rhine to the Vistula.

A hundred thousand prisoners, 4,000 guns and other trophies without number were the fruits of one able strategic maneuver. Napoleon reached Potsdam on Saturday the 25th of October, 1806, 11 days after the Battle of Vienna, and took up his quarters in the Palace of Sanssouc, the Versailles of Frederick the Great. On Sunday, he visited the Garrison Church, where in a vault under the severely plain Lutheran pulpit is the marble sarcophagus

which contains the ashes of the king. He ordered sent to the Hotel des Invalides at Paris, the sword and hat and sash of the great warrior which lay upon his tomb. Departing now, for the first time from his usual practice, the emperor arranged to enter Berlin in triumph on Monday. Let us try to picture this scene worthy of the painter's brush. At the further end of Unterden Linden

away from the royal palace, that famous avenue broadens out into the Pariser Platz. Thence one can gaze through the stately Brandenburg-Eortort, and view the Teagarten with its green alleys and its glints of snowy marble.

The wide avenue is lined with thousands of spectators. While the assembled crowd awaits with intense expectancy, from the direction of Charlottettenburg there comes a faint murmur like the far-away sound of surf upon the shore. It grows and swells,

and then it deepens into a sort of muffled thunder pierced by the roll of distant drums. Soon can be seen the glint of sun on steel. Now rings out the clear call of the bugles, and down one of the broad allays come the mamelukes on their superb horses and draw rain beside the Brandenberger tour. then follows a great flood of splendid cavalry,

squadron upon squadron of the cuirassiers of the Imperial Guard, wearing the steel helmets with brass crests and flowing horsehair. On they ride, not with the stolid surly mien of the Prussians, but swinging lightly in their saddles, their faces aglow with that ardor which belongs to the most martial nation in the world. Far as the eye can reach follow regiments of the sturdy infantry of the guard, with their high bare-skin caps filling the whole vast area of the Tiergarten. Riding a hundred paces ahead is the Emperor on a small white Arabian horse.

He wears a plain grey redding goat and the well-known hat with a black cord without any ornament save the little cockade. His unbuttoned overcoat enables one to see the uniform of the Chasseur de la Garde with its green coat upon which glistened the star and the plaque of the Legion de Janeiro. The waistcoat and the breeches are white, and he wears soft riding boots. The saddlecloth is edged with rich bullion fringe, and the bit and bridle buckles as well as the stirrups are gold-plated. Just behind the Emperor come three of his marshals, with their waving plumes and their uniforms covered with gold. In the center is the marshal figure of Bertier, the trusted chief of staff.

At his right is Davout, the hero of Ausstadt, with his realm. and placid face. At the left is the tall and handsome Ojo, who has won new laurels at Yanna. Then at the head of the aide-de-can, and followed by their brilliant staff, comes D'Rocque, the Marshal of the Palace, whose face is well-known in Berlin, where twice he has been sent on a special mission by his master. As the Emperor nears the Tor, the glorious tricolour is unfurled, surmounted by the Napoleonic Eagles, and as the music swells into a tempest of martial melody rolling up linden and flooding it with a glorious sea of sound, ten thousand sabers flash in air and ten thousand strident voices cry,

Vive l'empereur! All eyes are focused, not on the marshals and the brilliant staff, but on the figure of the chief in his plain uniform. He is no longer the slim and sallow youth of the campaign of Italy. Amidst toils that would have worn most men to a shadow, he has grown to the roundness of robust health, The face no longer thin with the unsatisfied longings of youth, but square and full with toil requited and ambition well-nigh sated. A visit redeemed from the coarseness of the epicures only by the knitted brows that bespoke ceaseless thought,

and by the keen, melancholy, unfathomable eyes. End of Chapter 13 Chapter 14 of Napoleon I. An Intimate Biography by Walter Gere. This Librevox recording is in the public. domain. 14. 1807. The Campaign in Poland.

A month after his arrival at Potsdam on the 21st of November, 1806, Napoleon issued the famous Berlin decree which proclaimed war on British commerce. Great Britain was declared to be in a state of blockade. All commerce with her was forbidden, her goods were to be seized, and her subjects imprisoned were ever found by French or allied troops. This idea of the United States. This idea of strangling English commerce was not original with Napoleon. It was a pet scheme of the Jacobin, a part of the political stock and trade of the revolution. The Berlin decree has always been

bitterly attacked by English historians, but it is now so much a matter of ancient history that it is hardly worthwhile to give any space to the controversy. The only question to be considered here is the underlying motive which influenced Napoleon, and this is a very difficult matter to determine. But there is no doubt as to the face of the face of the fact of the fatal effect upon his career of the enterprises to which this act led. The occupation of Spain and the Russian campaign, both of which adventures were prompted less by ambition than by the feeling that they were necessary to complete the triumph of his continental system.

As Rose Well says, this question of the underlying motive must at times cause every open-minded student of Napoleon's career to pause an utter doubt. While at Berlin, Napoleon took other steps to cement his power. He deposed the elector of Hesse Kessel and sent his troops to occupy the electorate, which was subsequently incorporated in Jerome's kingdom of Westphalia. Towards Saxony he acted with great clemency. The elector in December entered the Confederation of the Rhine with the title of King and became an ally of the Emperor.

On the day after the Battle of Vienna, Frederick William sent an aid-de-con to Napoleon to treat for peace, but the Emperor refused to consider the matter until he reached Berlin. Here he received the Prussian envoy who had full powers to sign preliminaries of peace. But the conditions were so severe that the king refused to ratify the agreement when presented to him. Napoleon at first demanded all territory to the south of the Elbe up to the Magdeburg and a war indemnity of a hundred million francs. Later he increased his demands and would only grant a suspension of hostilities, and even that under most oppressive conditions.

The French to occupy the whole country up to the Bug River, eight fortresses, including Danzig, to be surrendered, and the Russians to be ordered out of East Prussia. In order to weaken Russia, Napoleon now encouraged the Poles and their hopes for independence. To a Polish deputation which appeared at Berlin in November, he stated that France had never acknowledged the partition of their country and that he would feel a deep interest in seeing the national sovereignty re-established. A week later, he went in person to Posen to further stimulate the insurrection against the Tsar. A feature of the situation very embarrassing to his plans was that Austria had participated

with Prussia and Russia in the partition of Poland, and he could not at that time afford to add that power to the list of his foes. He accordingly suggested to the Austrian government in exchange of her Polish provinces for Silesia, which had been stolen from Maria Teresa by Frederick the Great. But Austria did not care to become involved in trouble with either of the belligerents and declined the proposition. It is doubtful if Napoleon ever seriously thought of restoring the kingdom of Poland, no matter how strong his sympathies may have been with that oppressed people.

It meant to take vast territories away from Austria, Prussia and Russia, and incur the lasting enmity of those great powers, as against which the gratitude of Poland would count but little. The theatre of the campaign of Poland, which now began, lies between the rivers Vistula and Yemen. The country for the most part is flat, marshy and thickly wooded. In the field of the military operations of 1807, there were a number of lakes and many marshes. The Vistula, even at Warsaw, is a large stream several hundred yards wide.

Below the city the river flows between low marshy banks. About 20 miles below Warsaw, the bug joins the Vistula. Both rivers are military obstacles of importance, fordable only in seasons of drought. In this area there were only dirt roads firm enough for artillery during the heat of summer or the frosts of winter, but almost impassable when soaked with rain or dissolved by thaws. During the mild weather of December 18006, the infantry sank in the slush up to their knees, the guns to their axles. In the southern part of the theater of war, occupied by the poles, the country was sparsely populated and there were no large towns.

farther north in the german-speaking territory were found many villages and there was a general air of prosperity the climate was very trying almost arctic in its severity in winter and very hot in summer in connection with military operations during the campaign the terrain was of less importance than the climatic conditions within the theatre of operations at the opening of the campaign there were still two important fortresses in the possession of prussia densick on the left bank of the vistula near its mouth a place of great strength and konigsberg at the mouth of the pregol the capital of old prussia a poorly fortified city but an immense depot of stores of all sorts after the pursuits succeeding yenna frederick william was compelled to retire behind the vistula with the few troops he had left his only remaining field army comprised less than twenty thousand men but he had some additional troops in garrison at danzig and in other fortresses The king himself took refuge at Konigsberg, where he awaited a large Russian army which was marching to his aid. After the peace of Presburg, the Tsar had still remained at war with France, and he was now the ally of Prussia. Napoleon at this time made peace overtures, but the Tsar declined to consider them. For the moment, Napoleon knew nothing about the movements of the Russian army or its strength.

At the end of the first week in November, however, news came that Benningston was advancing with 56,000. men and would reach Dorn in the Vistula midway between Warsaw and Danzig by the middle of November. Napoleon at once gave orders for the concentration near Posen by the 18th of November under the command of Murat of the Corps of Davout, Augreau, Lan and Jerome, the guard and part of the cavalry, about 80,000 men in all. Davout, on reaching Posen, however, found no signs of the Russians and continued his march on Warsaw. Under Napoleon's directions, the French army continued to advance, Ne and Bernadotte forming the left wing, Sout and Ojro the center, and Davout and Lan the right.

The early winter of 18006 was unusually warm. It did not freeze, and the roads were in bad condition. Napoleon also found much trouble in supplying his army. He was not now in the valley of the Poe or the Danube, and his men could not live off the country. Napoleon in person reached Warsaw on the 19th of December and found that Benickson was at the Danube. Pultusk, about 30 miles to the north.

He immediately headed his core in that direction, and himself reached the front on the morning of the 23rd of December. He now adopted a plan of operations, which is very puzzling to the student of his earlier campaigns. Instead of concentrating his forces in the way that had always won him success, he worked on exterior lines and failed to strike the enemy a solid blow or beat him in detail. He was successful, however, in interposing the corps of Ne and Berners. a dot between the Allies, and compelled the Prussians to retreat away from the Russian right

towards Konigsberg, but his reliance on Sult and Ney, to come up in time to be of use, proved vain. The bottomless roads were too great an obstacle. The Battle of Pultusk fought on the 26th December proved indecisive. The French, who were inferior in numbers, could make little progress against the stubborn resistance of the Russians. The short day, which would end at four o'clock, was made even shorter by the premature darkness due to the the stormy, cloudy weather. During the night, the Russians decided to retreat.

Lan, who had fought all day against double his numbers, was in no state to pursue. Both sides laid claims to this well-condested battle. What ground Lan gained, he lost again. Benningsen, though he had repulsed the attack of a very inferior force,

had not been able or had not dared to pursue it. But the French remained masters of the field, and could therefore claim the victory with better grace. With this battle, the campaign practically ended, and both armies went into winter quarters. The question has often been asked. What importance did Napoleon attach to love affairs during his career? We read in one of the memoirs of the time.

The Emperor was very fond of women, but never allowed them to obtain any influence over his mind. He looked upon love as a diversion, and in this respect he could not have been more material, for the object of his affections of yesterday was as nothing to him on the morrow. Practically all of the information available on this subject has been brought together by Friedrich Masson in his work, Napoleon and Le Famaume, and he mentions only about half a dozen liaisons, all of which, with one exception, were of a very brief duration. There was Madame Foray in Egypt and Grassini at Milan before Marengo, and there were also Mademoiselle-Dinuel at Paris. In fact, Napoleon never at any time or in any place allowed women to interfere with affairs of war or state, and in this respect he said an excellent example to his marshals and ministers. He himself drew attention to Murat's conduct and pointed out how he had committed many

faults during his campaigns, owing to the fact that he liked to have his headquarters every evening in a chateau where there was a pretty woman. This abstinence on the part of Napoleon is all the more remarkable when we remember his age at the height of his career, and the constant temptation to which he was subjected. All the women of Europe were on their knees before the greatest man of his age. The only serious love affair of Napoleon was that with Madame Valesca, which began during the campaign in Poland, and only ended with his departure for St. Helena.

This was no ordinary Amour. She was his Polish wife, his wife in all but name. The first day of January, 1807, when Napoleon was returning from Poltusk to Warsaw, he stopped a moment at the gate of the little city of Brony to change horses. Duroc descended from the carriage and pushed his way to the posthouse through an enthusiastic crowd which had gathered to see the Liberator of Poland. Here a voice said to him in French, Monsieur, can you not arrange for me to speak to the Emperor a moment? The lady who had addressed him seemed almost a child. She was blonde, with large, innocent blue eyes. Her beautiful face, fresh as a rose,

was flushed with excitement. Her figure was small but perfectly proportioned and very graceful. She was very simply dressed and wore a black hat with a heavy veil. Durek conducted her to the door of the carriage and said to Napoleon, Here is a lady who has braved all the dangers of the crowd for you. The emperor took off his hat and began to speak to her, but she did not allow him to finish, and carried away by her enthusiasm, she wished him a thousand welcomes to her native land, and expressed her pleasure and her gratitude for what he had done to uplift it. Taking a bouquet which he had in the carriage, Napoleon presented it to her, saying,

"'Guard'le like garan of my bonn's intentions. "'We'll re-sevri, I'll ever see, I'll ever see, I'll ask, "'and I reclam' a merci of your be belle bush.' This young lady was Marie Valesca. Of an old but impoverished Polish family, at the age of sixteen, she had married the head of one of the most illustrious families of Poland, a man's 70 years of age who had a grandchild nine years older than herself. Since then, two years had passed.

All Poland was now agitated over the visit of the Emperor to Warsaw, which might decide the fate of the nation. Veleski, who was as intensely patriotic as his young wife, went there and opened his mansion. The Emperor was staying at La Blaha, the palace of Prince Ponyatowski. After many inquiries, Durek finally succeeded in ascertaining the Nist. of the Belle Inconu, of the posthouse of Brony, and the prince called one afternoon in person to invite her to a ball to be given at the palace. She refused, and he insisted, but she would not yield. Finally, she was persuaded to go at the request of her husband, joined to that of some of the most influential magnates of the country who said, Who knows but that heaven will make use of you

to re-establish our native land. Immediately after the ball, Napoleon began to write her daily in terms of warm but respectful admiration, and to shower her with presents of all kinds. But she would neither answer his letters, nor accept his gifts. Her coldness only increased the ardor of the emperor who had never yet known defeat in love or war. Finally, yielding to the importunities of all around her, her family, the chief magistrates of Poland, even her husband, all of whom told her that the fate of her country was in her hands.

Marie, whispering, I will ne'er consent, consented. in the words of masson she was not to be for napoleon a mistress de passage but a sort of aupus at coet who would not participate it is true either in the dignities of the crown or the splendors of the throne but who would occupy a special rank who would be the envoy of her people nearer to the emperor safam polonaise during the time that he passed at warsaw before the battle of a loo napoleon saw her daily when he transported his headquarters in the spring to finkinstein she was a man joined him there. When he returned to France after the Treaty of Tilsit, she at first refused to follow him because he had disappointed her hopes for Poland, but she finally yielded to his entreaties. During the campaign of 1809, she went to Vienna where she lived in a house prepared for her near the Palace of Schoenbrun. After the peace of Vienna, she returned to her home in Poland, where was born on the 4th of May, 1810, her son by the Emperor, Alexander Valeski. At the end of

of the same year, she returned to Paris, where she finally took up her residence at 48 Rue de la Victoire, only a few doors from Napoleon's first home in the city. The emperor gave his son the title of Comte and settled upon him an income of 50,000 francs. The boy was a great favorite of Josefins, who frequently sent for him and his mother to visit her at Malmaison. In August 1814, she paid a visit to the emperor on the island of Elba, and as soon as she heard of his returned to France, she went to Paris, and was with him at the Elysee and at Malmaison up to the moment of his final departure. But after Napoleon was sent to Saint Alina, she felt herself free. Her husband, having died two years before, in 1816 at Leage, where she was living after the

second return of the Bourbons, she married a cousin of the emperors, General Count Dornano, one of the most brilliant officers of the Grand Army. Marie did not long enjoy her new happiness. She died at her hotel in the Rue de la Victoire the 15th of December the following year at the early age of 28. When Napoleon heard at St. Helena of her marriage, she was much affected. She was the one great love of his life, and he always felt for her the deepest attachment. With her death, for him was severed the last tie of earthly affection. Josephine, the wife of his youth, was gone, and the ignoble Marie-Louise was living in open concubinage with Count de Népergue.

the brilliant career of their son alexander velesky under the second empire is well known his life as a soldier writer diplomat and statesman forms part of the history of the nineteenth century after the battle of pultusk orders were issued for the army to go into cantonments and on the seventh of january the detailed plans for winter quarters were given out bernadot was to guard the lower vistula and cut the russians off from danzig ney was to protect the approaches to Thorn, with his headquarters at that place. The other corps under Sult, Ogeraud, Davout, Davout, and Lann were to protect other strategic points. The Guard and general headquarters were at Warsaw, where the Emperor returned on the first day of January. In case the enemy should advance during the winter, orders were issued indicating the points at which the seven corps were to rendezvous. Great magazines were erected and abundant supplies procured. The curtain thus fell, says Dodge, on the

first memorable campaign, which should have taught Napoleon more about Russia and its people, about the Tsar and his soldiers than it really did. After the Battle of Poltusk, the Russians retired about halfway to Grotno on the Yemen, where the two corps were united under the command of Benigson. Napoleon at once made vigorous efforts to put his army on a sound footing for the reopening of hostilities, and soon had 150,000 men at his disposal. The winter was unusually mild for Polar. and Napoleon hoped the campaign would not open before spring.

In this, he was doomed to disappointment. Benigson had formed the plan of attacking Ney and Bernadot who were on the lower Vistula, driving them across the river and seizing Danzig. He would thus secure better winter quarters in East Prussia and be in a favorable position at the opening of the next campaign. He had been reinforced and now had about 60,000 men. After meeting with some success in his forward movement, The Russian commander suddenly abandoned his scheme, and decided to fall back and again put his

troops into cantanments. Notwithstanding his reluctance to undertake a winter campaign, this move of the Russians determined Napoleon to begin an offensive operation of his own. Having divined Benixen's intention, he proposed to move around his rear and drive him into the angle between the Vistula and the sea. Napoleon marched against the enemy with the cavalry under Murat and the four corps of Davout, Ogeron, Ne, and Sult, about 80,000 men. Bernadotte was to hold the vestula. Napoleon's plans were well laid, and there was prospect of another Yenna.

There now happened one of those unfortunate accidents, which sometimes occur in war and upset the ablest calculations. A dispatch from the emperor to Bernadotte, giving him in detail the whole plan of operations, and prescribing his own movements, failed to reach the marshal and fell into the hands of the enemy. the russian commander was thus on the first of february put in full possession of the french plans while bernadotte remained for several days in complete ignorance of the general operations the marshal consequently did not move and benixson made haste to get out of the trap prepared for him he rapidly drew his troops together at allenstein where napoleon attacked him on the second of february he immediately fell back and after a retreat of three days reached a lo where the roads to konigsburg and friedland divide there he saw that he must make a stand if he was to save his army from complete disorganization on the seventh the french center column drove the Russian rearguard into the town, and the French army advanced and took up its position opposite the town. There were in and about the village the Corps of Murat,

Sult and Ojro, and the Guard, while Ne and Davout were half a day's march away. The Emperor vivouacked on the hill behind Elou, uncertain whether the Russians would stand on the morrow or continue their retreat. The main Russian army of about 80,000 men was drawn up on the plain along the low plateau, a thousand yards east and north of aelo. There were many low hills, and many brooks and ponds which were frozen over and covered with snow.

The forces were not far from equal, but Davout and Neh had not yet arrived, and the emperor had only 60,000 men at his disposal. Though not superior in force, as he always preferred to be, Napoleon resolved to attack and felt sure of success. The Russians had been retreating for a week, and most troops under such conditions

would be pretty well demoralized. But Napoleon had never yet seen the Russian soldier at his best, that is, in reverse. The French army also had been marching for a week with little or no shelter and was much fatigued. The battle began with a heavy cannonade by the Russians who were much superior in this arm. Then they attempted to recapture the town of Eiloh which had been taken by Sult at the point of the bayonet the evening before, and there was serious fighting in the streets and gardens of the little town. Davout was ordered by the emperor to attack the Russian left, and Ogerot was sent forward to support him,

but lost his way in a blizzard and his corps was almost annihilated. Nevertheless, Davout was finally successful in overpowering the Russian left wing, which he drove back until it formed a right ankle with the morning position. During the night, the Russians decided to retreat, and Benixson, hotly pursued by Murat and Ney, reached Konigsberg two days after the battle. The losses on both sides were enormous, and for once Napoleon failed to follow up his success and gather the full fruit of his victory.

Even his endurance had found a limit. This winter campaign had been forced on him by the Russian offensive, and he was glad to be able to put his troops again in winter quarters. Napoleon selected Osteroda for his headquarters, and here for weeks he shared all the privations of his men. At first he had to be satisfied with a barn for his dwelling place until something, more suitable could be found. It was not until he moved to the castle of Finkenstein in April that his quarters became more comfortable. His cheerfulness under these hardships was an example to his officers and men. After Elot, Napoleon opened negotiations for peace with Frederick William, and offered to

restore all of his territory north of the Elba if he would conclude a separate treaty of peace with France. But the king refused, and in April signed a new treaty with Russia. The Emperor next turned to Austria and offered great concessions to that government in return for its alliance. But the Emperor Francis decided to remain neutral and refused as before to side with either of the belligerents. The French troops passed the rest of the winter quietly in their quarters on the Passaga. Supplies were obtained from the base at Thorn. Keen attention was paid to the maintenance of discipline and the employment of the men so as to avoid idleness. After the fall of Danzig, the question of supplies was made much easier.

Lefevre with his corps had invested the place about the middle of March, and it finally surrendered the 25th of May. His corps was then broken up to reinforce Mortier, and a reserve corps was formed under the command of Lannes, in place of Augreau's corps, which suffered so severely at Ello that it had to be disbanded. The Russians under Benningsen had been in cantonments since march along the River Al. Later he moved forward to Heilsberg. After the fall of Danzig, Napoleon, who had been heavily reinforced, had in hand five corps, with the Guard and Lands Reserve Corps, a total of about 170,000 men. Another corps of about 30,000 men was near Pultusk under Massena, who had been called up from Italy. Other detachments brought the army up to a total of 285,000 men.

The main Russian army under Benixen comprised about 90,000 men, with 20,000 Prussians in addition under Lestock, and there were also about 50,000 Russians in reserve in the rear. The Emperor was only waiting for the fall of Danzig before resuming active operations. On the 5th of June, he issued orders for the whole army to be ready to advance at the end of five days. The Russians, however, anticipated his attack. For some time, the Tsar had been pressing Benningsen to advance, but he felt that he was not sufficiently prepared. At length, the complaints became so loud that he resolved to assume the offensive. The first week in June he began in advance in three columns from Hausberg.

His plan was to take advantage of Ness' exposed position and throw the bulk of his army upon him. News of this advance movement reached Napoleon at Finkinstein on the fifth at midday, and the same evening he issued new orders for the conventy. concentration of his main body under Murat, Lan, Mortier and Davout between Osteroat and Salfeld, to which line Ne and Sout were to fall back if hard-pressed. The same day Benixson attacked Ney, who fell back slowly. The Emperor, finding that Ne was holding his own, now ordered the other corps to converge at a point further forward on the line of advance. Seeing such large forces massing in support of Ney, the Russians abandoned the offensive and retreated to Houseburg.

Here, Napoleon attacked them in their entrenched position on the tenth with his right-wing, Murat, Sult, and Lann. But their position was too strong, and he broke off the engagement to await the arrival of the other corps. Benixson immediately abandoned his position and retreated to Friedland, where he arrived two days later. On the 14th of June, Benickson resolved to fall on the advance core of Lann and checked the French movement towards Connicksburg. He therefore threw his main bow to the main board.

body across to the left bank of the Alley, and this led on the anniversary of Marengo to the decisive battle of Friedland between 80,000 French and 60,000 Russians. The road from Eiloux slopes gradually downwards towards the Alley, on the left bank of which stands the little town of Friedland. Two miles before it is reached a slight elevation in the rear of Postenen affords a clear view over the entire battlefield, and down to the village to line directly in front of the spectator. Just before reaching Friedland, the alley makes a horseshoe turn towards the west,

on the north side of which the town is located. There was one important feature of the landscape which was at once recognized by Napoleon on his arrival. A small brook, known as the Mill Stream, rising a little to the west, takes a course direct to Friedland, where it expands into a semicircular pond covering the north side of the town

which is thus built at the end of a peninsula. This stream divides the plain into two sections. Flowing between steep banks, although narrow, it is a serious obstacle to the free movement of troops. On the day of the battle, the whole surface of the open, gently undulating plain was covered with crops of winter wheat and dry. This detail will be remarked in the celebrated painting

of the battle by Messonnier, which now hangs in the Metropolitan Museum at New York. When the battle began at 9 o'clock in the morning, Len had only 17,000 men on the field to face nearly three times as many Russians. An hour later, Morte's Corps arrived, and the numbers were more nearly even. The Emperor reached the field about noon, and from the elevation near Postonen surveyed the ground. On this bright summer morning, the scene was very different from that which he had witnessed under the wintry sky of Elot four months before.

He at once grasped the salient features of the battlefield, and saw the weakness of the Russian position, with their corps separated by the mill stream and a deep, unfortable river in the rear, crossed by only one permanent bridge. Napoleon had sufficient force in hand to hold off the enemy, and he decided not to press the fight until Ne, Victor, and the guard arrived.

Until five o'clock, the action on both sides was maintained chiefly by the artillery. Then the guard and Victor having come up, Napoleon ordered the attack to begin. By eight o'clock, Ne was in possession of Friedland, and the battle was won. The Russians suffered very severe losses in their retreat over the only bridge that was left open to them. There was no pursuit of the demoralized Russians which was contrary to Napoleon's usual practice. The explanation probably is that he was influenced by political considerations.

A pursuit such as that of the Prussians after Jena would have inflicted, very heavy losses on the enemy, but would also have caused very bitter feelings. Napoleon did not want to make a permanent enemy of the Tsar. He already had in mind the Russian alliance, which was soon to be concluded. On the 19th of June, Napoleon reached Tilsit nearly 60 miles from Friedland. His army had marched 140 miles and 13 days, fighting two battles on the way. At Tilsit, Napoleon proposed a personal meeting between the Tsar and himself to arrange the terms of peace. An enormous raft

was constructed by the French engineers and moored in midstream. On the 25th of June at one o'clock, Napoleon accompanied by Murat, Bertier, Bessier, D'Uroch, and Coulincourt, left one bank of the river at the same moment that Alexander with the Grand Duke Constantine, Benningson, and Three Aid de Kahn, left the other.

The two emperors met on the raft, embraced, and then entered on a discussion which lasted two hours. By the Treaty of Tilsets signed on the 7th of July, Prussia was reduced to the territory lying between the Elbe and the Odor. From her share of the ancient kingdom of Poland was formed the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. The new kingdom of Westphalia was formed out of Prussian lands west of the Elbe and bestowed upon Jerome. The 14th of May at Finkenstein, Napoleon was informed by a special courier of the death at the Hague nine days before of Napoleon Charles, the eldest son of Louis and Ortense.

The little Prince Royal of Holland was attacked by the croup on the evening of the fourth and died at ten o'clock the following night. His grandmother Josephine had cherished the hope that he would one day inherit the imperial throne. The child was remarkable for his intelligence and beauty and was much beloved by the emperor whom he strongly resembled. The grief of Josephine was intense. She did not dare to leave the territory of the empire without the permission of the emperor, but she went at once to the chateau of Lachen near Brussels, whence she wrote

Ortonce to come and join her. Louis and Orthans with their only remaining son, Napoleon Louis, then two and a half years old, arrived at Lachen the next evening. A few days later, the Empress returned to Paris with Orthans and her child. After a short stay at Malmaison, Ortense leapt for Cotr in the Pyrenees to take the waters for her health. Here she was rejoined by her husband, and for the last time they resumed their life in common. Nine months later at the townhouse of Queen Orteans, eight rue Cheruti, now the Rue Lefitte, Paris, was born their third and youngest son, Louis Napoleon.

Afterwards, the Emperor Napoleon III. On the 28th of July, 1807, the Emperor, who had arrived the previous evening at Saint-Clu, received the Grand Dignitaries of the State who came to offer their felicitations. The victor of Austerlitz, of Vienna and of Friedland, the conqueror of the three greatest nations of the continent

was then at the height of his power. The dominions directly or indirectly under his control, extended from the Vistula to the Strait of Gibraltar, from the North Sea to the mountains of Bohemia, from the Alps to the Adriatic. Not even Chalemang had ever ruled so great an empire. The fate of Napoleon, 15th of August, was celebrated that year with unusual splendor.

In the evening, the emperor appeared on the balcony of the Tullery holding the hand of Josephine and was acclaimed by an immense crowd which filled the illuminated gardens. A week later was celebrated the marriage of Jerome with the young Princess Catherine of Vortembourg. Napoleon had had much difficulty in securing the annulment of his brother's marriage with Miss Patterson. The Pope had replied to the request of the Emperor by a formal refusal. But the French authorities were more amenable as the Pope.

and in October 18006, he obtained a decree which pronounced the marriage null and void. The king of Vertemberg, who owed his crown to Napoleon, was a regular colossus. The queen, who was the stepmother of Catherine, was the daughter of King George III, and she was naturally opposed to the marriage. She did not venture, however, to raise any objections. Jerome, who was the youngest of the Bonaparte's and also the most worthless, had just received from his brother the crown of Westphalia. Born at Ayacho the 15th of November, 1784,

he was nearly two years younger than his bride. The princess was a woman of much charm who inspired the sympathy and respect of everybody. She was tall and beautiful, affable in her manners, and of superior intelligence. Notwithstanding Jerome's notorious infidelities, in 1814 she refused to divorce him and clung to her unfortunate husband.

the dethroned king. She won both the love and admiration of Napoleon, who at St. Helena, spoke of her in the highest terms. The marriage was first celebrated by procuration at Stuttgart. The princess arrived at the Chateau of Rainscy, where she saw her fiancée for the first time, the 20th of August, and at the Tuileries the next day. The civil marriage was celebrated on the 22nd in the Galerie de Dianne, in the presence of the Emperor and the Empress and of all the great personages of the empire. The religious ceremony was performed the following evening in the chapel of the Tuileries by the Archbishop of Aratisbon, the Prince Primate of the Confederation of the Rhine. The court arrived at the Chateau of Fontainebleau the 21st of September and remained there

eight weeks. During the First Empire, the fete at Fontainebleau and Compiang were much more formal than under the Second Empire. Napoleon III was a charming host and his guests all enjoyed themselves. But the great emperor was more feared than loved, and his guests came as a matter of duty rather than of pleasure. He almost always dined alone, and it was a special honor rarely extended even to princes to be invited to his table. The hunts of the Second Empire were quite simple, while those of the first were magnificent. There was very little etiquette under Napoleon III, but during the First Empire it was rigorous. The Emperor gave the order that all were to enjoy themselves, and he could not understand why everyone had an air of ennui.

End of Chapter 14 Chapter 15 of Napoleon I First An Intimate Biography by Walter Gear. This Libervox recording is in the public domain. 1508, Spain In the midst of the fayette at Fontainebleau came the unexpected news that England had sent a fleet and an expedition military force against Denmark, and that after a three-day's bombardment of Copenhagen, the Danish fleet had been seized and carried away. It developed later that through an indiscretion, a secret clause of the Treaty of Tilset had

become known to the English cabinet, which jumped to the conclusion that Denmark was to be constrained by France to close its ports against British goods. This was the English excuse for this outrage upon a neutral and inoffensive power. The immediate result was the conclusion of an alliance between Denmark, and France, but without the fleet there was no possibility of closing the sound against British vessels. The Tsar, who had undertaken at Tilsit to mediate between France and England, was now forced to acknowledge that his efforts would be vain, and in accordance with the terms of the alliance on the 7th of November 1807 he declared war on England. The Tsar took this step with

great reluctance, for Russia was not a manufacturing nation, and was very dependent on British goods which it paid for by the export of the products of its rich fields and forests. The opposition in Russia to joining the continental blockade was almost universal, and this feeling had much to do later with the final rupture with France. For the moment, however, Alexander was willing to yield to the wishes of Napoleon, but he at once made a demand that, as proposed at Tilsit, he should be allowed to take possession of the Danubian Principality, Moldavia and Wallachia, as well as of Finland, which still belonged to Sweden. Napoleon refused peremptorily to consent to this dismemberment of Turkey, but he urged the Tsar

to proceed to the conquest of Finland and offered for this purpose to send the Corps of Bernadotte to his assistance. Although the heart of Alexander was more set upon securing the principalities, he accepted the other proposition, and at the last of February suddenly invaded Finland. But the conquest did not turn out to be as easy as he had expected. The Swedes, with the assistance of English troops, put up a stout resistance. The promised corps of Bernadette did not materialize, and the Tsar, owing to the continued French occupation of Prussia, did not like to reinforce his expeditionary army from that quarter. He was therefore forced to recall his troops from the Danube, which was just what Napoleon desired, as it meant

giving up any hopes of conquest there for the present. Napoleon now turned his attention to Italy. The young dowager Queen of Eritouria, who was surrounded by advisors unfriendly to France, had opened the port of Livorno to English goods which were brought in under the American flag. The last of August, Napoleon sent a small force to take possession of Tuscany. The Queen was informed that provision would be made for her in the partition of Portugal, which was then being arranged with Spain. Tuscany and the islands of Corsica and Alba

were incorporated into the empire and apportioned into three departments. There now remained in Italy only one small state which was not subject to Napoleon's power, that of the Pope. This must be controlled if the continental blockade was to be rigidly enforced. As the Holy Father, after prolonged negotiations

finally refused to comply with Napoleon's demands, Early in February 1808, the papal states were occupied by French troops and later were formally annexed to the empire. At Tilsit, it had been arranged between the Tsar and Napoleon that Portugal should be requested to enter the continental system, and in the event of her refusal should be treated as a common enemy. In this action, Spain was to be called on to cooperate. This was making no small demand on that government for the crown prince John of Portugal, regent for his mother, who was of unsound mind, had married the daughter of Charles IV. Nevertheless, Spain acquiesced.

Before telling the story of the Spanish drama upon which the curtain is about to rise, it will be well to take a look at the characters who are to play the principal roles. The family of the Spanish Bourbons was descended from Philip of Anjou, a grandson of Louis X of France, who became king in 1700 under the title of Philip V. In that year the male line of the Spanish Habsburgs became extinct, and the conflicting claims to the throne gave rise to the war of the Spanish succession. The nearest natural heir to the throne was of the Royal Bourbon Line of France, the elder sister of the late King, Charles II, having married Louis XIV. Failing the bourbons, the next heirs were the descendants of a younger sister of Charles who had married the Emperor Leopold I of Austria. Louis claimed the throne for his grandson Philip, who was proclaimed king in 1700 and was confirmed by the Peace of Utrecht in 1713.

In 1808, the family was composed of seven persons of whom only four concern us. The king, Charles IV, then 60 years of age, his ignoble wife who was three years younger, his eldest son, the prince of the Asturias, afterwards Ferdinand the 7th, the boy of 20, and his daughter, Marie Louise, widow of the king of Etruria. To this interesting group should be added Emmanuel Godoy, Prince de la Peix, the king's favorite and the queen's lover. Born in 1767, Godoy, who belonged to a noble but poor family, had begun his career as a Garde du Cor. His handsome appearance and the elegance of his manners had won the favor of the queen, and he had become first minister and the real ruler of the Spanish monarchy. The king seemed to be, if possible, as much infatuated with him as the queen.

To his title of Prime Minister, Godoy joined those of Generalissimo and Grand Admiral. At the time of the Prussian campaign, Godoy for a moment had the idea of taking part against France, but at the news of the Battle of Vienna, he humbled himself before the emperor, and sent a contingent of 14,000 Spaniards to join the Grand Army. by a treaty signed at Fontainebleau the 27th of October 1807. He further agreed to place at the Emperor's disposal an army of 24,000 men, who with the same number of French were to undertake the conquest of Portugal. It was arranged that that country should be divided into three portions.

The north was to be given to the grandson of Charles IV, the little king of Eutruria, in exchange for Tuscany. The south was to be erected in a sovereignty for the prince de la Pei, and the center was to be occupied by the French. At the time that the Treaty of Fontainebleau was signed, Ferdinand was at sorts points with his father. Detested by his mother and on bad terms with the favorite, he had formed the plan of seizing the government.

The king, advised of this plot, put himself at the head of his guards at 29th of October, and went to the apartment of the young prince whom he put under arrest. While these events were happening at Madrid, Jeunot, at the head of the French army of 25,000 men, had crossed the Bidassoa the 18th of October, 1807, and had advanced without difficulty to the gates of Lisbon. Before his arrival there,

the royal family of Portugal and all the principal families of the kingdom had embarked on the fleet with all of their valuables and sailed for Brazil. On the first day of March, 1808, Napoleon notified the Court of Madrid of his intention to annex all of Spain north of the Ebro to the French Empire. At the same time, he offered to the Spanish monarchy by way of compensation, all of Portugal. The king was stupefied by this proposition, but did not dare to make any open opposition.

In great secrecy, he made preparations to follow the example of the royal family of Portugal and flee to America. But the news in some way leaked out, and there was a popular uprising in which the troops joined to oppose the departure of the royal family. The king, terrified by the tumult, abdicated the crown in favor of his son who took the name of Ferdinand the seventh. The question now was whether this abdication would be recognized by Napoleon. A French army under Murat was already advancing on Madrid, and on the 24th of March it entered the city. The new king made his entry the same day, and as the population imagined that the emperor was the ally of the new sovereign, the French troops received a warm welcome.

Charles, who was at the escurial, now wrote the emperor that his abdication had been forced upon him, and asked for assistance in recovering his throne. At the same time, Ferdinand also appealed, and on the 10th of April he set out to meet the emperor at Bayonne, where Charles and his queen had already been summoned. Napoleon at this time was at the Chateau of Marac at Bayonne, where he was joined by the Empress on the 27th of April. Here, Charles and his wife arrived three days later, accompanied by Godoy. meanwhile grave events had happened at madrid the people enraged at the treatment of their sovereigns on the second of may broke out an open revolt against the french but the emote was violently suppressed by murat when this news reached bayonne the old king who was continually haunted by the spectres of charles i and louis the sixteenth voluntarily ceded to napoleon his rights to the crown of spain for which he received in return the chateau of compien and chambar as residences with a civil list of seven millions and a half of francs.

Five days later, Ferdinand also resigned his claims to the throne and received the Chateau of Navarre, with an income of a million francs. History certainly has never recorded a more remarkable bargain than this sale for a paltry sum of the crown of Spain and the Indies by the descendants of the Grand Monarch to the son of an obscure Corsican gentleman. On the 10th of May, Charles and his wife, accompanied by the young queen of Eutruria and Godoy, left for Fontainebleau where they were to live until the chateau of Compieng was prepared for their reception. The following day, Ferdinand set out for the chateau of Valenci, where he was to be for a time the guest of Monsieur de Talleyrand.

On the 7th of June, Joseph arrived at Bayonne to be proclaimed King of Spain, and two days later he left there to take possession of his new throne. On the 20th of the same month, Napoleon and Josephine started on a round of visits to the principal cities of the south and west of France and reached Saint-Clu the 14th of August. It was during this trip that the Emperor heard of the capitulation of DuPont at Bélin the first striking disaster to his arms. The eyes of all Europe were now turned to the Little German city of Erfurt, where Napoleon was to meet the Tsar. The conference began the 27th of September and lasted until the 14th of October. All the allies of the Emperor were present. The kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Votter, and fultemberg and westphalia the prince primate and all the princes of the confederation of the rhine the actors of the comedies played before a parterre of kings one evening when the edipus of voltaire was being performed

estelma declaimed the words the friendship of a great man is a true gift of the gods the czar amidst the applause of the audience pressed in the most cordial manner the hand of his former and future foe to her great regret josephine had not been allowed to accompany the emperor and she divined that her divorce would be one of the subjects of discussion in this she was not mistaken the czar had two sisters of a marriageable age the grand duchesses catherine and anne Teleran, whom Napoleon had taken with him, broached the subject to Alexander. The Tsar, while protesting his earnest desire to become the brother-in-law of the emperor, stated frankly that his mother would be strongly opposed to the plan, and that the only way to obtain her consent was to satisfy the hopes of Russia with regard to Constantinople. It is perhaps unnecessary to state that Napoleon was not willing to pay this price for the honor of an alliance with the imperial family of Russia.

The chief practical results of the Airfort Conference can be summed up in a few words. The Franco-Russian alliance was continued, though on somewhat strained terms. The Danubian principalities were reluctantly conceded to the Tsar, and he was given a free hand in dealing with Sweden. For himself, Napoleon had gained nothing except a breathing spell during which he could proceed without danger of immediate interference to the regulation of affairs in Spain. It was nothing less than a diplomatic defeat. He also made a great mistake in taking Talleyrand with him. This unprincipled minister had already begun to turn against his master,

and he embraced the opportunity to give Alexander advice, which was later to prove very detrimental to the emperor. When Joseph arrived at Madrid in July 1808, he brought with him a new constitution and also capable ministers to execute it. He came with the best of intentions to raise the double. decadent kingdom to new heights of power and splendor. But the people would have none of it. Their national pride had been wounded by the treatment of their legitimate sovereigns, and their religious fervor had been aroused by Napoleon's action in robbing the Pope of his throne.

The nation refused ratification to the Treaty of Bayonne and sprang to arms as one man. The revolt spread with furious rapidity. Before the end of July, Joseph was compelled to abandon his capital and with withdraw behind the Ebro with the entire French army. The Spaniards had sent messengers to London to ask assistance, and in August English troops landed in Portugal. The last of that month, Gino was forced to capitulate, although on terms most honorable to the French army.

When Napoleon left Bayonne in July, he had felt no doubt that the revolt in Spain would soon be put down, and he was not a little disturbed by the news of the next two months. For the sake of his own prestige, it was necessary to crush this rebellious movement at once and restore his brother to the throne. He therefore resolved to enter Spain himself with the Grand Army, the invincible veterans of Austerlitz, Vienna, and Friedland. Confident of an easy success over the untrained Spanish levies,

Napoleon lightly embarked on this five years' war, which was to baffle him at every stage, to drain his resources, to cost him 300,000 valuable lives, and to end in failure. He was to encounter for the first time the same kind of national uprising which during the revolution had made France invincible against the armed hosts of Europe. His previous wars had been waged with governments which relied for their defense on professional armies. Now he was to face a whole nation in arms, resolved to die rather than to submit to the invader. The Spanish rising was to be the first of a series of popular national movements which were to prove Napoleon's undoing. At St. Helena, he said,

It was the Spanish ulcer which ruined me. This peculiar land so fatal to French arms deserves a word of description. The Pyrenees, which separate France from Spain, except at the two ends near the Bay of Biscay and the Mediterranean, for a distance of 250 miles, were then crossed only by mule tracks. The main highway from France starts at Bayonne,

crosses the mountains to Victoria, and runs thence via Miranda on the Eberra, on the Ebro through Burgos to Madrid. The central plateau of the country is barren, the fertile districts lying near the coasts. Madrid is a political rather than a commercial center. From the capital radiate highways leading to the principal cities. In the parts of Europe,

where Napoleon had conducted his previous campaigns, the rivers and mountains had prescribed the strategy, but in Spain geography was against him. Both the rivers and the mountains ran in the wrong direction, right across his path. The country was too poor to support an army and the means of communication were execrable. It was a country admirably designed for the defensive, very difficult for the offensive. In the passes and valleys between the success of mountain ranges, it was not easy for large armies to operate, and the country was well adapted for guerrilla warfare.

As Henri Cater wisely said, in Spain, large armies will starve and small ones will get beaten, Napoleon was to learn this lesson too late. By the end of October, Napoleon had over 200,000 men ready to march into Spain. About 100,000 had been taken from Italy and southern France, and the Corps of Victor Ne, Morty, Lann and Sulte, had been brought back from Germany, leaving only 100,000 troops across the Rhine. As soon as the Athart Conference was over, Napoleon set out for Spain, arriving at Bayonne on the 3rd of November.

the french centre was then posted on the main road from bayonne to the ebro it comprised the corps of sult victor and ney the guard and the cavalry reserve under bassiere in all about seventy-five thousand men napoleon's plan was to advance to burgos and interpose between the enemy's two-flank forces immediately on his arrival the troops were set in motion the small spanish forces were easily scattered but small guerrilla bodies formed in the rear of the french advance and seriously hampered the system of communications napoleon appeared before madrid on the second of december bombarded the city on the third and entered it the following day he then made arrangements to have the guard and three corps at madrid by the middle of the month while only sult and monce would be detached at the same time the corps of juno and mortier would be crossing the frontier to join him in the meantime the english army under sir john moore had advanced towards burgos when napoleon heard of this movement he left madrid with a guard and Ney's corps to cut off Moore's retreat, while Sult held him in front. As soon as Moore learned of his danger, he turned back and made good his escape. The Emperor then returned to Madrid with the guard, leaving Ney and Sult to deal with Moore. Sult pursued Moore as far as the coast and drove the remnant of the British Army back upon

their ships. Coruna and Ferol, with all their supplies, fell into the hands of the French. Sir John Moore was killed, and his buries. has been described in one of the most celebrated poems in the English language. Napoleon reinstated his brother in Madrid, and when in January he was called back to France by the menace of another war with Austria, he could look back upon a series of successes which held out the hope that Spain would soon be completely pacified.

He felt so sure of the situation that he even withdrew 30,000 men for service on the Rhine. During the few weeks that Napoleon stayed in Madrid, he was constantly occupied with plans for the upbuilding of the country. He abolished the Inquisition, also the remains of the feudal system, also the tariff boundaries which shut off province from province. He also closed two-thirds of the monasteries. Probably, Napoleon, if he had had the opportunity,

would have so firmly established the new institutions that they would have finally taken root, and Spain today would be a far more progressive state, but time was necessary. and time he could not command. On the 18th of January, 1809, Napoleon left this country which he alone could have conquered,

which he never was to see again, and which was destined to ruin his empire. He left behind him 300,000 men and five marshals of France. On the 23rd of January, he was at Paris. End of Chapter 15. Chapter 16 of Napoleon I, an intimate biography by Walter Gere.

This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 16. 1809. Vagram The Emperor's sudden and unexpected return to Paris had been caused by events of momentous importance in the internal and external politics of France. Even as early as 1805, his Minister of Finance, Godin, had made the remark to him

that the empire had been increased to a point where only he was capable of governing it. Two years later, Metternich, the Austrian diplomat, made the same observation. It is remarkable that Napoleon has not yet taken the first step towards assuring the existence of his successors. In 1809, he added,

His death will be the signal for a new and terrible bouleversement. These signs of the times had not escaped the notice of the clear-headed Teleran. On the 2nd of January, received at his headquarters in Spain the reports of a rapprochement of those usually envious rivals Talleyrand and Foucher, who now walked arm in arm, held private conferences, and seemed to have

some secret understanding with his ambitious brother-in-law, Mura. In spite of the assertions of L'Enfrae and other historians, there is evidence of an intrigue by no means insignificant conducted by these ministers and others, who were alarmed over the continental system of the emperor in general and the Spanish enterprise in particular. But whatever impression this news may have made on the emperor, the consideration of Austria's attitude was of greater weight in determining him to leave Spain. During his absence, that power had been pushing forward its military preparations and appeared determined upon war. With Napoleon and most of his veteran troops deeply involved in the Spanish undertaking, Austria thought that the

moment was opportune to recover her lost possessions. Her desperate financial situation furnished another argument in favor of immediate action, for the army could be maintained at its full complement only until spring. The subsidies which had been asked from England had been promised only upon the actual commencement of hostilities. Austria had also hoped for assistance from Prussia, but the king on his return from a visit to the Tsar at St. Petersburg had positively refused to take any part in more like operations and strongly advised Austria to preserve the peace. This stand of Frederick William was very depressing to the Vienna court as it showed that the Tsar was still sincere in his friendship for France.

Notwithstanding all these discouragements, Austria decided to go ahead. It is impossible to state to what extent Napoleon was advised of the Austrian plans before his return to Paris, but he certainly had enough information to put him on his guard. At this time he had only 90,000 men in Germany under Davout and Udino. He immediately took steps to organize a new army of 160,000 young recruits. He withdrew two divisions and the guard from Spain and ordered some troops which were on their way there to face about and proceed to Germany. Napoleon's first orders were for Davout to leave good garrisons in the fortresses

and with 45,000 men to rendezvous at Bamberg. Udino was ordered to Augsburg. Lan was called back from Spain, and Messina, who was actually at Lyon, with 30,000 men on route for the peninsula was sent to Strasbourg. The Confederation of the Rhine was called on to mobilize 30,000 men. By the end of March, the emperor counted on having 140,000 troops in Bavaria, while the guard would soon be there. The Archduke Charles, who had been for many months in charge of Austrian military matters, had made a supreme effort to raise a force capable of competing with Napoleon, and he had done his work well. The active army consisted of

over 300,000 men, divided on the French system into ten corps. Seven corps under Charles were assembled in Bohemia, ready to debauch into Bavaria at Rattespon. John was to head two corps in Italy, while Ferdinand was to invade Poland with the remaining corps. In an order issued from Paris the last of March, the Emperor placed Bertie in charge of operations, and indicated to him the general plan he was to pursue until he himself should reach the front. The key note of this order which the Emperor sounded again and again was, should the Austrians attack, the army is to concentrate behind the Lesh. By the word attack, he meant, of course, in advance into Bavaria with the intent of attacking

the French forces. Nothing could be clearer. Armed with these orders which no doubt were supplemented by verbal instructions, Bertie left Paris the last day of March and arrived at Strasbourg on the 4th of April. On the 8th of April, on the 8th of April, the Emperor issued the order for the final organization of the Army. There were to be six corps under the command of Lannes, Davout, Le Féviné, Augreau and Bernadotte, the Cavalry Reserve under Bessier and the Guard, about 300,000 men in all.

The total Austrian levies were also about 300,000 men under the colors, with 100,000 Lantverer in reserve. Military skill quite a part, it was about an even match, But with Napoleon in command, the French had a marked superiority. The enemy always regarded his presence on the field of battle as equal to an army corps of 50,000 men. Having learned at Paris late on the 12th of April that the Austrians had crossed the inn on the 10th, the emperor started for the front at daylight the next morning. At that time, messages were transmitted by a number of telegraph, or semaphore stations,

which had been established in central and southern Germany all converging on Strasbourg, from which place there were some 40 stations to Paris. On his arrival at Donowart, on the morning of the 17th of April, the Emperor learned with dismay that Bertie had blundered terribly in carrying out his orders. The enemy stood substantially in one body in front of Lansuit on the Isar, while the isolated French left wing under Davout was in danger of being cut off at Rattisbon less than 30 miles to the north. The French right wing at Augsburg, 70 miles away, was equally isolated,

and the sparsely held centre could easily have been pierced. As Jominy says, twenty campaigns had impressed no comprehension of strategy on Bertier. Instead of being concentrated, the army was widely scattered in the face of the enemy. Is there any wonder, asks Dodge, when the man nearest the emperor was so obtuse that Napoleon's new method of war so long remained a puzzle. The only thing which saved the French army from disaster

was the Archduke's awe of his formidable opponent and his excess of caution. Fortunately, the Emperor arrived in time. Despite the dangerous situation there was yet hope in speed and purpose. Almost any other general would have ordered Davout to fall back by way of the north bank of the Danube, but the Emperor assumed that a bold front was the safest defense, and Davout was directed to march on the South Bank in battle order and ready for attack. At the same time, Messina at Augsburg was already, to start in light order and march towards Ingolstadt.

Owing to the Archduke's slowness, the Emperor thus recovered the initiative and turned a dangerous position into the offensive. In one day his mastermind had completely changed the conditions. In a postscript to Messina's orders he wrote in his own hand, Activity, activity, activity, speed. What saved the situation was the speed with which the marshals executed his orders, added to the accurate directions he gave their march.

had charles even then have divined the conditions and pushed in with vigor he might have driven napoleon back to the rhine but he could not see and act as quickly as his great opponent and he feared to venture on a bold manoeuvre with napoleon in his front it would be tedious to attempt to give in detail the operations which followed even the most reliable contemporary records in the best historians do not agree but the strategy and the grand tactics are plain charles had been decisively out-maneuvered whereas at ladsuit he had been concentrated opposite the weak french centre which he could have brushed away like a cobweb his own line was now long and scattered there was a gap between the austrian right and left wings held by a slender cordon of troops which the French could dislodge and cut the army in two. Napoleon now had the precise opportunity which Charles had neglected, and he was not slow to take advantage of it. And yet, says Dodge, the Archduke was a soldier of high rank, perhaps with Wellington, the strongest of his contemporaries, except when the gigantic personality of Napoleon overshadowed

him and robbed him of the push and purpose he really possessed. In the four days from the 19th to the 22nd of April, the Emperor compelled the Archduke to abandon his offensive movement which had hardly begun, and to retire to the north bank of the Danube. Never before had Napoleon acted with more intense energy, nor had he ever made such calls upon his troops and obtained such a splendid response. He was always more proud of this series of maneuvers than of any other he conducted. On the 12th of April he was in Paris.

Four days later he was at the front, and in a short week he had won two battles. Abensburg, which cut the enemy in two and isolated the Austrian left, and Ekmul, which broke the Austrian right. He considered these operations infinitely superior to those of Marengo and the most brilliant and able of his career. Like Caesar, he might have said, Veni Vidi Vidi Vici. In his proclamation to the army issued the 24th of April at Rattisbon, the emperor stated that a hundred pieces of cannon, 40 flags, and 50,000 prisoners had been captured. In conclusion, he said, before a month we shall be in Vienna. The emperor was mistaken. He was there in three weeks.

In this campaign, Napoleon, for the last time, showed all the activity of the days of Italy. He was always in motion, always present at the important point, hardly giving an instant to rest or food. There were no bounds to his capacity for work. Napoleon soon abandoned the idea of pursuing Charles along the left bank of the Danube. There were many excellent defensive positions in Bohemia which would delay his advance to Vienna. He therefore decided to follow the old route along the right bank. On the 10th of May, just one month after Charles had invaded Bavaria, Napoleon stood in front of Vienna, which surrendered after a feeble defense three days later.

Napoleon's chief preoccupation now was the means of crossing the Danube so as to attract the Austrian army. It will be recalled that in 1805, Murat had won the Floridsdorf Bridge by Aruse de Guerre, but this time it had been destroyed. Every day's delay would give the enemy time to fortify the positions opposite all the known crossings. No operation in war is more difficult than the passage of a river in the face of the enemy. And yet, the operation is equally difficult to resist, and prior to the Great War, When the rivers were held in force along their entire course, it was generally successful.

Down to within a few miles of Vienna, the Danube flows in a kind of a gorge, with its channel narrowed by the mountains on either side, but, just above the city, the channel opens out into a series of arms containing numerous small and several large islands, affording many places for crossings. Below Vienna, there is one very large island, Lobau, shaped somewhat like a and in dimensions nearly three miles east and west by a little less north and south. Lobao is separated from the south bank by several other large islands, among which runs the main current much shallower and slower at this point than above the city. Two bridges were built here, one fifteen hundred and the other eight hundred feet in length.

Between the island and the north bank, the arm is less than four hundred feet wide. Lobau may thus be described as a fortress with a broad moat in front. It afforded shelter for a large force, and seemed to be the most available point for crossing. The main bridge in three sections, which was built under the supervision of Messina, was composed of big freight boats found at the city wharves, which were of various sizes and called for much adjustment. It was also difficult to anchor them in the swift current, which was now swollen by the melted snow from the mountains at the source. As in 1805, Napoleon had made his headquarters at Chunbrun, But on the 19th of May he went to Kaiser Eberstaff to watch proceedings.

On the left bank of the river opposite Lobau lies the marsh-belt, a wide, slightly rolling plain. About a mile from the river and about as far apart are situated the villages of Aspern and Essling. The curtain connecting the two places was an inconsiderable depression in the ground and a slightly embanked road, which gave very little, if any, defensive strength. But it was different with the two villages which formed not. natural bastions. Aspern, which was much the larger, boasted of two streets, while Esling had but one. Both were solidly built of stone and were surrounded by low embankments to keep out high floods from the river. Each of them had strong, reduced in the form of buildings of very substantial

construction. In Aspern, the church and the cemetery at the western end formed a sort of citadel, from which the streets were enfilated. In Esling, there was a large granary in the center and a walled enclosure farther west. By noon on the 20th, the big bridge from the south shore was completed, and at six o'clock the same afternoon, a pontoon was thrown across the narrow arm to the north shore, and Bessier with two divisions of cavalry passed over and took possession of the ground between Aspern and Esling. Other troops followed during the night. Such conflicting reports were brought in by the reconnoitring light horse that at midnight the emperor sent Messinaw over to ascertain what was in front. He mounted the clock tower of Aspern and satisfied himself that the Austrian

army was encamped along the Rusback about ten miles to the northeast. At daybreak, the emperor himself rode out with Bessier, Lann, and Mascena. A glance at the map will show that the essential thing to do was to occupy the two villages with a force capable of holding them until the rest of the army had time to cross. Dodge says that no orders to this effect were given, and that the neglect on Napoleon's part is hard to explain. But this statement does not seem to be correct. The numbers of the opposing forces at Vienna and in the neighborhood were about 110,000 French and 105,000 Austrians. The Archduke, who had been closely watching the French movements, had laid his plans to wait until part of their army had crossed and then to attack it in force.

At midday on the 21st, the Austrian advance began. The necessary materials for breaking the bridges had previously been collected. The Austrians numbered about 80,000 to 40,000 French, who, under Messina at Aspern, and Lann at Essling, had occupied and strongly fortified these two natural redouts. Napoleon's plan was to hold on to these two strong flank positions, and thus gained time for his remaining divisions to debouch into the Marchfield. The brunt of the first day's battle fell on Aspern, which was taken and retaken several times, and at evening remained in the hands of the Austrians.

Their attacks on Esling were less successful. Early in the day, a rapid rise of the waters in the river seriously damaged the main bridge, but by midnight it was sufficiently restored to enable one cavalry and four infantry divisions, making a total of 30,000 men to cross. When the battle was resumed on the following day, Napoleon detailed three divisions to recapture and hold Aspern, and sent two to reinforce Essling, while the ground. Guard and two infantry and three cavalry divisions formed the center.

At three o'clock in the morning, Messinae seized Asperin by a sudden attack, while Len at Essling repulsed two Austrian columns. At seven, the Emperor launched his center in a strong attack upon the Austrian center, which began to waver and was only rallied by the personal efforts of the Archduke. About nine o'clock, Napoleon learned that the bridges had once more broken down and that Davout would be unable to cross that day. At one o'clock he ordered a retreat to Lobau. The retreat was covered by Messinae, who did not retire from Aspern and Essling, until three o'clock the following morning, when he finally withdrew to the island with the guard, unpursued, and destroying the pontoon bridges behind him. The fighting of the French had been beyond words to praise,

and Charles, who had really put in his last man, was obliged to rest content with the laurels already won. With overwhelming superiority in numbers, He had fought what was practically a drawn battle with his great opponent, but which would almost certainly have been a French victory if Debo's corps had been able to cross. In the face of these facts, the historians hostile to Napoleon have claimed that he was defeated. Towards the end of the battle, Lan, who was sitting with his legs crossed, was struck on the knee by a cannonball which ricocheted off the ground just in front of him.

He was removed to the rear, and the surgeons decided that it was necessary to amputate his right leg. The marshal bore the operation well. He was removed to Vienna, where he died a week later from infection of the wound, which in those days before the discovery of antiseptics was difficult to prevent. He was the first of the marshals to lose his life. At St. Helena, the emperor said, Lann was a man of extraordinary bravery. As a general, he was infinitely superior to Morro and Sult. Napoleon was much affected by his death, which he regarded as a great personal loss. At three o'clock in the morning of the 23rd of May, in a raging thunderstorm, Napoleon and Bertier made in a small boat the perilous passage across the still-rising waters of the Danube

from Lobau to Eberstor. Here the emperor is said to have slept for 24 hours. This is not probable in his case, although he had had little, if any, sleep for two days, and had been all the time in the thick of the fight. Napoleon, unlike some modern commanders, was not in the habit of conducting operations from a bomb-proof chateau many leaks from the front. The operations in Italy began during the second week in April after Archduke John arrived on the scene.

Eugène was defeated and thrown back across the Piave to Caldiero, east of Verona, where Napoleon met his only reverse in the campaign of Italy. John pursued but made no further attack. It was already known that the Archduke Charles had been driven from Bavaria, and John received orders to retreat. His first intention was to retire slowly, but when he heard of Napoleon's rapid advance on Vienna, he hastened his march. He was closely followed by Eugène and MacDonald. After Aspern, both commanders employed the next few days in calling up reinforcements.

Charles ordered two corps to join him, and directed John to fall back to Presburg. Napoleon drew in Bernadotte and Vandam and St. Eugen and MacDonald into Hungary to contain the Archduke John. Vigrisely pursued by the Viceroy, John on the 14th of June, took up a position for action on the heights southeast of Araab, but was again worsted and forced to continue his retreat. He did not finally reach Presburg until the 4th of July. Another side operation in the campaign was Marmonde's march from Dalmatia to the Danube. starting the last of April, after frequent encounters on the way, he finally reached Vienna on the 3rd of July. Napoleon had arranged to concentrate all of his forces at Vienna the last week in June, regardless of his communications, and all of his marshals were ordered up by forced marches.

He left only some 35,000 men detached at various points, and on the 4th of July he was prepared to debauch into the Marchfeld with 175,000 men and 500 guns. Charles was not so successful in drawing in his detached bodies, and when the crisis developed he had 95,000 men at distant points, and only 135,000 men and 400 guns in hand. His forces were grouped to strike at the French Army while it was crossing the river, and before the operation was completed, as he had done at Aspern, or in case, this plan failed to receive the enemy's attack at Vagram, behind the Rusbach. Napoleon's plan was to effect the crossing, as rapidly as possible and at an unexpected point. The army was once more to be concentrated in the

low bow and sent over in a mass by the southern end of the Stadler branch opposite the extreme left wing of the Austrians. The troops were to cross on ten pontoon bridges which were to be thrown over at the last moment, and the whole movement was to be covered by the numerous batteries which had been erected on the north shore of the low bow and armed with 100 heavy guns. During the month of June, two very solid bridges protected by stockades had been built from the south shore over to the low bow. An elaborate pretense was also made of preparations to cross at the old point opposite Aspern. The enemy fell into the trap and masked troops there. When all his preparations were completed, on the evening of the 4th of July,

in stormy weather that favored secrecy, Napoleon sent his army across by the southern extremity of the Stadler branch. By noon, the following day, incredible as it may seem, his whole army of about 150,000 men was in line of battle north of the Danube. During the first five days of July, punctual to a moment, the four corps of Davout, Marmon, Eugène, and Vridae, had all come up by forced marches and join Napoleon at the Lopau. When the day of battle arrived, the Austrians on the field numbered 110,000 against Napoleon's 170,000. men. Finding that the main body of the Austrians was assembled at Vagram behind the Rusbach some six miles away, Napoleon decided to advance into the Marchfeld. This movement was completed about six o'clock, and notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, the Emperor ordered an immediate attack on Vagram in order to pierce

the Austrian line, which was extended over a front of about ten miles. His tactical deployment was not complete, but he wanted to strike home before the the Archduke had time to concentrate. The attempt, however, failed. The grand tactics of the battle on the following day were very similar to those of Austerlitz. The Archduke designed an enveloping attack from both wings. The right wing under Clenau advanced towards Asperon with the idea of cutting the French line of retreat to Lobau and Vienna. Messinau was ordered to incline to the left to meet him. At the same time, the Austrians left under Rosenberg started out to drive back Davout on the French right, so as to clear the road for the approach of Archduke

John, who was expected to arrive from Pressburg. This movement failed, and Rosenberg fell back again. Then Napoleon ordered Davout to advance against the Austrian left, which he rolled up until, like the Russian wing at Ello, it stood at right angles to its earlier position. As soon as the emperor saw that DeVu had accomplished his task, he formed the core of McDonald into a solid column, supported by a 100-gun battery and launched it against the Austrian center. It was like a blow in the solar plexus, and the enemy reeled from the shock. This decided the battle, and by two o'clock the Austrians were in full retreat. Charles had put in all his men, and John's small corps was still ten miles away and could not be counted on.

The emperor still had in reserve Marmonde's corps and the guard over 20,000 men. Charles, who was always cautious, deemed it wiser to preserve his beaten, but by no means disorganized army and run no further risk. His conduct of the battle had been excellent. Vagram, although a victory for Napoleon, was by no means as decisive as Austerlitz or Yenna. The emperor has been criticized for not pursuing the enemy with more vigor, but both he and his men were exhausted. They had little or no sleep for two days and had been fighting for nearly thirty hours. The July day had been excessively hot, and the men had suffered much for lack of water. The three marshals who led the pursuit after Yenna were absent.

Murat and Ne were in Spain, and Lann was dead. Messina had been injured by a fall from his horse two days before, and conducted the operations of his corps from a calesh. His brilliant cavalry leader, La Salle, was killed in the moment of victory. Bessier, who commanded the cavalry of the old guard, had a horse. horse shot under him, and was so shaken up by the fall that he had to turn over the command to a subordinate. There were three lines of retreat open to the Archduke. By his left into Hungary, where he could join his brother, back of his center on Moravia and to his right on Bohemia,

where Prague would furnish him a base rich in supplies. For Napoleon, it was best to cut Charles off from Hungary, and Vagram had been fought with this end in view. Charles chose the latter alternative and retired towards Nime. Here, five days after the battle, he proposed an armistice which Napoleon immediately accepted. In the Treaty of Schoenbrun, signed the 14th of October

Napoleon dictated his own terms. The Emperor Francis gave up his only remaining seaport, Trieste, and Austrian Poland was added to the Grand Duchy of Warsaw and Salzburg to Bavaria. Besides losing three million and a half subjects, Austria had to pay an indemnity

of 85 million francs. Thanks. Napoleon had never learned to follow the sage advice of old Frederick the Great, never maltreat an enemy by haves. The only statesman-like alternatives, says Rose, were to win his friendship by generous treatment, or to crush him to the earth so that he could not rise to deal another blow. If Napoleon at this time had been as wise as was Bismarck after Sadoa, two generations later, he might have converted his future father-in-law into a firm friend and ally who would have ensured his dynasty, but his paramount thought was still the English vendetta. Russia, with her extensive sea coast, seemed to him of far more importance in his continental

system than land-locked Austria. He therefore preferred the uncertain alliance of Alexander to the almost certain friendship of Francis. At Vienna in the summer of 1809, Napoleon stood at the parting of the ways, and he took the wrong path. He no longer had the level-headed Talleyrand by his side to advise him. When Napoleon left Paris on the 13th of April, he was accompanied by Josephine as far as Strasbourg, where they arrived on the 16th at 4 o'clock in the morning, in the almost incredibly short time of three days. The fastest express now takes nine hours to make the run of 312 miles. At Strasbourg, they said adieu, and the emperor immediately crossed the Rhine.

the Empress remained for several weeks. During the campaign, Napoleon sent Josephine from time to time brief notes telling of his health and his movements, very different from the burning letters of his first campaign. The increasing anxiety of Josephine affected her health, and in June she went to Plombier to take the waters. She was there a month later when she received the letters announcing the victory of Vagram and the truce of Znaim. She would have liked to join the emperor at Vienna, but he wrote her that the weather was very hot and advised her to go to Malmaison. He was enjoying the society of the lovely Marie Valesca, and did not care for the company of his wife. Napoleon left Schoenbrun on the 15th of October, before receiving news of the final ratification

of the Treaty of Peace and proceeded to Munich. From there, he sent a courier to announce his arrival at Fontainebleau on the evening of the 27th, on which date he wished to have the court in residents there. But he traveled with such speed that he arrived 30 hours ahead of time and found no one except the concierge to receive him. To pass the time, he visited the new apartments of the chateau which had been furnished with great magnificence. To Cambas-erese, who arrived earlier than the other courtiers, he announced his fixed determination to repudiate Josephine and to marry a princess of Russia or of Austria. On Josephine's arrival from Saint-Lieu late in the afternoon, she had a very called reception from the emperor. Yet later they dined together and he was pleasant and almost gay.

But at the end of the evening she discovered that the door of the private staircase which communicated with the apartment of the emperor had been closed, and she knew then that the divorce was only a question of time. More absolute and more imperious than ever, Napoleon no longer allowed any contradiction in his family or from his ministers. Everyone obeyed and kept silent. In the words of Monsieur Tia, his personal aspect had remarkably changed at this period from being somber and thin as he was formerly he had become open assured play d'en bon point without his face being less handsome from being taciturn he had become a great talker in a word his all-powerful nature had completely blossomed out and it was to fade away like his fortune for nothing stand still the only thing which troubled napoleon in the midst of all his prosperity was the fact that his immense empire had no heir but with the divorce this would be remedied he would marry the princess of his choice and she would bear him a son since she had become empress josephine had given him no cause for reproach she was a model of sweetness of submission of resignation and of fidelity she endeavored constantly to meet his wishes to anticipate his least desires

and Napoleon was really touched to see her so affectionate and so submissive. When the court left Fontainebleau the 14th of November, Josephine was not yet informed of her fate. Napoleon had not yet spoken, and she still had hope. They did not make the trip to Paris together as the emperor rode most of the distance on horseback. On entering the capital at nightfall, after an absence of just seven months,

Napoleon stopped at the Edizze to make a short call on the king of Saxony, who had arrived to the nightbe. before, and then went on to the Tuileries for dinner. There was soon a regular assembly of crowned heads at Paris. Besides, the king of Saxony, the king of Wurtenburg, the king and queen of Holland, the king and queen of Westphalia, and the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine came to pay their court to the sovereign of sovereigns. It was in the presence of so many princes that the cruel sacrifice of the divorce was to be consummated, and by the irony of fate the court had

never been so brilliant as at the moment that the Empress was to leave it forever. Napoleon, usually so prompt to put his plans into execution, hesitated when the moment approached to break with the wifu for fourteen years had been associated with his destiny, and who recalled the most brilliant days of his youth and his glory. The charm of the past came back, and he could not make up his mind to break a heart so tender and so devoted. The Prefect of the Palais, Monsieur de Boise, draws this sketch of Josephine at the time of the divorce. The empress was forty-six years old. No woman could have more grace of manner and bearing.

Her eyes were enchanting, her smile full of charm, her voice of an extreme softness, her form noble, supple, perfect. Her toilettes were always elegant and imperfect taste and made her appear much younger than she really was. But all this was as nothing beside the goodness of her heart. Her esprit was amiable. Never did she wound the amour prop of anyone.

Never had she anything disagreeable to say. Her disposition was always even and placid. Devoted to Napoleon she communicated to him without his perceiving it, her kindness and goodness. Finally, on the last day of November, the emperor decided to break to her the fatal news. This memorable scene which Napoleon himself called a tragedy has been described by Monsieur de Boucet, who was one of the spectators and even one of the actors.

Napoleon and Josephine had dined together in a room on the first floor joining his bedchamber. Neither of them touched the dishes which were placed before them. After dinner, they went into the room known as the Salon de l'Enpre, between the throne room and the Galerie de Jan. When they were alone, the emperor decided to speak. He said that the safety of the empire demanded a supreme sacrifice, and that he counted on the courage of Josephine to consent to a divorce to which he himself had had great difficulty in making up his mind. At the word divorce, Josephine burst into tears and fell as if in a swoon. The emperor then called Boce, and they carried the empress down

the narrow and winding staircase to her apartment on the ground floor. Here they placed her on a sofa, and after ringing for a maid, the emperor retired with his eyes, full of tears. Friday evening the 15th of December, 18009, was the time chosen by the Emperor for the dissolution of his civil marriage. At nine o'clock, all the sovereigns present at Paris, and all of the grand dignitaries of the Empire assembled in the same salon where the news of the divorce had been broken to Josephine. The Emperor then read an address in which he spoke of the necessity for an heir to the throne,

and of the loss of hope that he could have children by his beloved spouse, the Empress Josephine, which rendered necessary the dissolution of their marriage. Josephine then read her statement in which she expressed her willingness to give this great proof of her attachment and devotion to the one who had crowned her, and to whose kindness she owed everything. The following day, Josephine left the Tullery forever to take up her residence at Malmaison. She kept the title of Empress and received an allowance of two million francs from the state. The Emperor knew that it was useless to ask the Pope to recognize the divorce, but the Chancery of the Archbishop in Paris was not so difficult,

and before the end of January 1810, that body declared his religious marriage null upon the ground of moral coercion. During the weeks immediately following the divorce, Napoleon wrote Josephine almost every day and visited her very frequently. On Christmas Day, they dined together at the Trianon for the last time. The Emperor was very generous in the financial arrangements he made for his former wife. He gave her a million francs for repairs to Malmaison and for the purchase of silver and linen, and ordered another million advanced to her from her civil list for 1810 to pay her debts. He also gave his courtiers to understand that in no way could they afford him greater pleasure than by calling on the Empress. After this, the road to Malmaison was once

more covered with the carriages of visitors. The first week in February, Josephine returned to Paris to reside at the Elis, which Napoleon had given her for a townhouse. This palace, built in 1718, had been the residence of Madame de Pompadour up to the time of her death. Condemned as national property during the revolution, it was bought in 1803 by Murat, who sold it to Napoleon in 1808 at the time he became King of Naples. It is now the official residence of the Presidents of the French Republic. But Josephine's residence there was very short.

When the news became known, the first of March, of the early arrival of Marie-Louise, she returned to Malmaison, and at the end of that month, she went to the chateau of Navarre, which the emperor had given her. This chateau was a very large building, but at the time in a bad state of repair. It was surrounded by an extensive park with magnificent trees. Before the revolution, it had been the property of the princes of Bouillon, who received it from Louis XIV. Here Josephine spent the month of April, and then, returned to Manmaison. Later she made a visit to Ex-on-Savois and to Geneva, and in November she returned to Navarre where she remained nearly a year. In September 1811, Josephine was

once more back at Manmaison, where she remained most of the time during the two following years. After his marriage, the emperor wrote her very rarely and paid her only a few visits. At the time the Allies entered Paris the last of March 1814, Josephine went to Navarre for a month, and then returned again to Malmaison. Here she was frequently visited by the Tsar Alexander and the other allied sovereigns who showed her every possible courtesy. The last of May she became very ill, and a consultation of physicians decided that she had a very serious attack of Quincy,

for which there was no hope. On Sunday the 29th of May 1814, she passed away, having nearly completed her 51st year. The Empress Josephine, says Saint-Amon, had merited a very rare thing, the sympathies of all parties and the esteem of all nations. She had won the respect both of the patriots who defended France and of the strangers who invaded it. All classes spoke of her death with emotion. The cause of this universal tribute of regret is easy to find.

Josefine had always been bonn. End of Chapter 16 Chapter 17 of Napoleon I I'm Intimate Biography by Walter Gere. This Librevox recording is in the public domain 17. 1810 to 1811 Mary Louise Marie Louise, Archduchess of Austria, was born at Vienna the 12th of December 1791.

She was the eldest child of the Archduke Francis, who a year after her birth, upon the death of his father, Leopold I, became Emperor of Germany under the name of Francis II. Leopold was the son of the great Empress Maria Teresa and was the brother of Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, and of Marie Caroline, Queen of Naples. Mary Therese, the eldest daughter of the Queen of Naples, married her first cousin Frances, so Marie-Louise was the great-granddaughter of Maria Teresa on both her fathers and her mother's

side. A sister of Marie-Terez married Louis-Philippe, afterwards king of the French, and was the grandmother of the Count de Paris, and her brother Francis married his cousin Marie Clementine, daughter of Leopold II, and their daughter became the wife of the Duke de Berri, son of Charles the 10th of France, and was the mother of Comte de Chambard. It thus appears, curious as it may seem, that the son of Napoleon and Marie-Louise, the Duke of Reichstadt, chief of the imperial dynasty, the Comte de Chambard, head of the elder branch of the Bourbons, and the Comte de Paris, representative of the younger branch of the same family, were all three descendants in direct

line from Maria Theresa, Empress of Germany, and her daughter Marie Caroline, Queen of Naples. What philosophical reflections come to the mind when one thinks of the fate of these three cousins, all born heirs to the throne of France whose birth was announced by the booming of the canon of the Invalide, but none of whom was destined to wear a crown. As previously stated, the divorce of Josephine was first officially discussed at the Airfort meeting in September 1807. At that time, directed Talleyrand and Coulincourt to sound Alexander regarding an alliance with one of his sisters. The response was equally vague and discreet. But a week after his return home, his sister, Catherine, was affiance to the heir of the Duchy of Oldenburg. There could be no doubts in

Napoleon's mind as to the significance of this event. During the two following years, although Napoleon had not by any means abandoned the idea of repudiating Josephine, the matter remained in abeyance. For a long time past, there had existed in France a very general desire that the emperor should assure the stability of the throne by contracting a new marriage and acquiring a direct heir to his dynasty. To this wish, Napoleon was now ready to exceed. Neither before nor after the conclusion of the peace of Vienna had there been a word exchanged with the Austrian cabinet upon the subject of a matrimonial alliance. Napoleon's thoughts still turned to the Grand Duchess Anne, the other sister of the Tsar.

On the 22nd of November, 1809, a week before the formal notification to Josephine of his intentions, the Emperor instructed Champagne, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to send a dispatch to Collin Couille, the French ambassador at St. Petersburg, directing him to ask the czar to state frankly whether he could count upon his sister. At that time, it took two weeks for a courier to go from Paris to St. Petersburg, and Napoleon had received no reply to his demand, when on the last day of November he informed Josephine that the divorce was

irrevocably decided. A month later, no answer had yet come from Russia, and in the meantime no steps had been taken towards opening matrimonial negotiations with Austria. It is a very remarkable fact that it was Josephine who took the initiative.

On the 2nd of January 1810, she asked the Contest de Metternich to come and see her at Malmaison. Before the campaign of Vagram, Metternich, who was then a count, as his father, Prince de Metternich was still living, had been the Austrian ambassador at Paris, where he had had had much success, both as a diplomat and as a man of the world. On the declaration of war, he had been recalled to Vienna, but had left his wife in Paris. Since the peace, he had been made Minister of Foreign Affairs in place of the bellico stadion. To Madame de Metternich, Josephine said,

I have a plan for the emperor to marry your arch-duchess. I spoke to him about it yesterday, and he replied that his choice had not yet been definitely made, but I think that it would be if he were certain to be accepted by you. Madame de Metternich, very much surprised at this overture, hastened to send the news to her husband in a letter written the following day. The Russian reply was still awaited, and no official communications had been addressed to Austria when the emperor after Mass on Sunday the 21st of January 1810 called a meeting of the principal dignitaries of the

Empire to discuss the respective advantages and disadvantages of a matrimonial alliance with Russia, Austria, or Saxony. The Arch-Chancellor, Cambassarrez, and King Murat declared for the Grand Duchess Anne, Prince Eugène, Talley, Champagne, Bertie, and Marais for the Archduchess Marie-Louis, while Lebrun favoured the daughter of the King of Saxony. Napoleon at the end of the conference gave no indication of his own preference. By a curious coincidence this discussion took place 17 years to a day after the execution of Louis XVI, the husband of the great aunt of Marie-Louise. It is a striking instance of the shortness of human foresight that this Austrian marriage which was so warmly advocated by the ablest of Napoleon's

counsellors, as destined to assure the safety of the empire, was to be the cause of its fall. If he had not blindly counted upon the friendship of his father-in-law, Napoleon would certainly never have undertaken the disastrous Russian campaign. As he afterwards said himself, his marriage with the Archduchess was only an abyss covered with flowers. On the 6th of February, a dispatch was received from Collin-Court, in which he stated that he had not yet obtained a definite answer from the Tsar. He added that the Grand Duchess, who was only 15, was not yet of an age to Mary, and furthermore that she was not willing to change her religion. Napoleon hesitated no longer. He immediately broke off negotiations with Russia, and the same

evening inquired of the Austrian ambassador, Prince de Schwarzenberg, whether the marriage contract with the Archdeuchess Melis could be signed the next day. The ambassador was placed in a very embarrassing position. He knew that his court was favorably disposed, but no one had thought events would move so rapidly, and he had no definite instructions. Knowing the impatience of Napoleon who never wished to be kept waiting, he assumed the responsibility and replied without hesitation that he was ready and made an appointment with Champagne to sign on the following day at the Tullery, the contract for the marriage of the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, with the Archduchess of Austria, Marie-Louise.

The contract, which was duly signed as arranged, was an almost exact copy of the marriage contract of Marie Antoinette signed forty years before. at the court of the Tuileries the satisfaction was universal. The courier dispatched by the Austrian ambassador brought the news to Vienna a week later. There, the feeling was one of

surprise rather than a pleasure. But no objections were raised in any quarter. The formal announcement was made in the government Gazette under date of the 24th of February. The marriage was celebrated with great pomp on the 11th of March in the Church of the

Augustine, the Archduke Charles representing the Emperor Napoleon. Two days later, the new Empress started on her journey to Paris. At the Bavarian frontier, she was received by the ladies of her future household, who were to serve as her escort during the remainder of her journey.

On the 23rd of March, Marie-Louise crossed the Rhine and arrived at Strasbourg on French soil. The Emperor had already been for three days at Comptien, where he awaited with impatience the arrival of his new wife. The Chateau had been repaired

and sumptuously refurnished, and the members of the imperial family had arrived. The formal meeting between the Emperor and Marie-Louise was to have taken place with much ceremony at a point between Suasson and Compiang, but Napoleon could not restrain his impatience. All at once he decided to abandon the etiquette arranged for the following day and rush to meet her. With Murat as his only companion he entered a modest calais without armorial bearings, conducted by a servant without livery and set out. It was raining in torrents when they arrived at Coursel

where the Empress would stop to change horses. They descended from the carriage and took refuge from the rain under the porch of a church opposite the relay station. No one in the village imagined that these two unknown travelers were the Emperor of the French and the King of Naples. As soon as the carriage of the Empress arrived,

Napoleon rushed to the door and, entering precipitately, embraced his wife. The carriage then continued its course with the Emperor and Mura and their wives. At ten o'clock they reached Compiang. At the chateau the members of the court were awaiting them at the foot of the staircase. Napoleon presented them to the Empress and then conducted her to her own apartment where they had supper together. According to the etiquette arranged in advance, the Emperor was to have passed the night at the Hotel of the Chancelry, but this program went the way of that of the first meeting, and Napoleon followed the

example of Henri de Midecée. Marie-Louise, writes Meneval, was then in all the bloom of youth. Her form was perfect. Her light chestnut hair, fine and abundant, framed a visage which was fresh and full, to which her soft eyes gave a charming expression. Her lips, which were somewhat large,

recalled the type of the reigning family of Austria, as the slightly aquiline shape of her nose made one think of the house of bourbon. The court left Comte, the last day of March and arrived at St. Clu the same evening. Here, the civil marriage was celebrated the following day, in the presence of nearly all the members of the imperial family. On Monday the 2nd of April, Napoleon and Marie Louise went to Paris for the religious ceremony. They used the magnificent coronation carriage and were escorted

by the cavalry of the Imperial Guard. The beautiful avenue of the Chancesizier was lined with troops who kept back the crowds of enthusiastic spectators. They entered the Tuileries by way of the gardens and ascended the grand stairway to the first floor. From there they passed by the pavillo de florre through the grand galleries of the Louvre to the Salon Carré, which had been transformed into a chapel for the religious ceremony. Napoleon was very happy in his marriage and was very devoted to his young wife. At this time he was not yet 41 years of age. He had become much handsomer in his than during his youth. He was much less brusque in his manners and was far more amiable.

He had become familiar with court rules and etiquette and played his role of sovereign with all the talent and ease of a born actor. From being taciturn, he had become a brilliant talker with a command of language which surprised everyone. When he wished to please, there was a charm in his smile which no one could resist. He endeavored not only to please but to fascinate his young wife. He was not only happy but also proud to be allied with so old and so distinguished a family, and this feeling of satisfied pride gave him an evenness of temper, a serenity, a gaiety, which delighted his courtiers. From Saint-Lieu, the sovereigns went on the 5th of April to Compiang, whence they departed at the end of the month for a triumphal tour through the

northern departments. Their trip was a long ovation. They were accompanied by Jerome and his wife, Caroline, Eugen, Schwarzenberg, and Maturnitch. During the course of their journey, the Emperor and Empress spent several days of the Chateau of Lachen near Brussels, and the Marquis de la Tour du Pen, whose husband was then prefect of that city, has given us in her recollections

an interesting account of this visit. She found Marie-Louise stupid and insignificant to the last degree, absolutely lacking intact and a savoir-fair. On the contrary, she was charmed with the Emperor of whose whom she always speaks in the highest terms.

On the 1st of June, they were back at Saint-Clu where they passed the summer. The life of Napoleon at this time was one continual ovation. Never had Louis XIV, the Rois Soleil, been so flattered in prose or in verse. Even his military adversaries had become his admirers. The most illustrious of them all, the Archduke Charles, wrote him in terms of the greatest admiration in acknowledging the grand cordon of the Legion de Honour which the emperor had sent him, accompanied by a simple cross of Chevalier, of even greater value,

because he had worn it himself. During the month of June, numerous feats were given in honor of the Emperor and Empress. That of the 10th of June given by the city of Paris was particularly brilliant. On the 14th, a magnificent ball was given by the Princess Pauline at her Chateau of Nuyie. But the most beautiful, the most original, and the most imposing of all, was the first of all. that of the Imperial Guard in the Chantamers. The last of these grand entertainments was to be the ball of the Austrian ambassador, Prince de Schwarzenberg, on the 1st of July at his hotel in the Rue de la Chose d'Antin. This was the former residence of the Marquise de Montesson, the widow of the old Duke of Orleans, to whom this lady had been united by a morganatic marriage. As the Ré de Chose of the hotel was

too small to accommodate all of the guests, a large temporary ballroom had been built of The Emperor and Empress and all of the Oates-Sacite of Paris were present. A little after midnight when the ball was at its height, the flimsy decorations of the ballroom caught fire from a flickering candle and the flames spread with terrible rapidity. The Emperor, who remained as calm as on the field of battle, urged all the guests to retain their presence of mind, and quietly escorted the Empress out by way of the gardens. But unfortunately many lost their heads and in the panic which ensued there were a number of of victims to the flames, including the wife of the ambassador. Napoleon, after accompanying

Marie-Louise as far as the Place de la Concorde, returned to the hotel while the Empress went on to Saint-Clu. The emperor remained at the hotel supervising the work there, exposed to a torrent of rain until three o'clock in the morning. This catastrophe produced a profound impression of sadness throughout the city. Many persons recalled the calamity which had overshadowed the at the time of the marriage of Marie Antoinette forty years before, and saw in it an omen of ill fortune. Marie-Louise was also very happy in her married life. The Empress wrote her father at this time,

I assure you, dear Papa, that the emperor has been much calumniated. The more you see him, de pre, the more you appreciate and love him. The satisfaction of Napoleon was even greater when he learned that his young wife was Ancente. His joy had no way. bounds, and he was, if possible, even more attentive than before. The official statement of the coming event was not made until late in November. The child, so earnestly desired, was born at nine o'clock on the morning of the 20th of March,

1811. An enormous crowd awaited in the gardens of the Tuileries the news of the birth, which would be announced by the thunder of the canon of the invalide. If the child was a girl, only 21 shots would be fired. If a boy, 100 and 1.1, Suddenly the cannon began to boom. All the windows in the city are open. The carriages stop in the streets and the pedestrians halt on the sidewalks. Everyone counts the reports. At the 22nd, there is an explosion of joy.

Everyone knows that the emperor has a sun. At last, there is an heir to the throne of France. It was the happiest day in the life of Napoleon. His eyes were filled with tears of joy. the decree annexing the papal states had made the eternal city the second city in the empire in imitation of the ancient custom by which the prince destined to succeed to the german caesar was called the king of the romans napoleon had decided that his son should be given the title of king of rome the day of his birth the little king of rome was privately baptized at nine o'clock in the evening in the chapel of the tuileries all of the imperial family and the principal dignitaries of the state were present The Marquise de la Tour de Pins has given in her recollections a vivid description of the scene. We had had to enter by the pavilion de flor and pass through all the apartments as far as the Sal de Marichot.

The salons were full of the dignitaries of the empire, men and women. Everyone endeavored to be at the edge of the passageway, kept open by the ushers, where the procession was to pass to descend to the chapel. We managed to maneuver so as to find ourselves on the landing of the stairway. from this point we enjoyed a very rare sight, that of the old grognard of the Vieuille Garde arranged in order upon each step, everyone wearing the cross upon his breast.

They were forbidden to make a movement, but a very vivid emotion was depicted upon their stern faces, and I saw tears of joy in their eyes. The emperor appeared at the side of Madame de Montesquieu, who bore the child, with his face uncovered upon a cushion of white satin covered with lace. I had the opportunity to obtain a good look at him. On the 22nd of March, when the Emperor received in the throne room of the Tuileries

the great dignitaries of the state, the President of the Senate said, Your people salute with unanimous acclamations this new star which has arisen upon the horizon of France, whose first ray dissipates even the last shadows of the darkness of the future. What sympathetic heart can avoid a feeling of sadness at the thought of how this new star was so soon to disappear below the horizon of how this little king of Rome was to be deprived not only of his royal title but even of his name of Napoleon Bonaparte that he was destined to be called only Francis, Duke of Reichstadt, and to be laid to his eternal rest in the Church of the Capuchins at Vienna in an Austrian uniform. Shortly after his return from Vagram, Napoleon made the remark, en vilae of si du m de soldat, the time is arrived to

do the royal. During the years 1810 and 1811, it was generally believed that France had seen the end of wars for the rest of his reign. The victor in so many campaigns seemed to be ambitious only for the glories of peace.

On the 19th of September, the emperor left Compiang for an extended tour to Belgium, Holland, and the banks of the Rhine. Three days later, the empress with her court set out for the Chateau of Lachen near Brussels. The emperor was to rejoin her the last of the month at Antwerp after a visit to the ports on the channel. On the 9th of October, the sovereigns

entered Amsterdam in state. Here the court remained for two weeks. The company of the Teatro French had been summoned from Paris, and Talma appeared in his best roles. The people of Holland had been much dissatisfied since the abdication of King Louis the previous year, which had been followed by a rigid enforcement of the continental system. The low countries had been annexed to the empire, and Lebrun was the Governor General. The more the Hollanders were discontented, the more the Emperor was determined to win their regard. He gave his entire time to the study of their wants and wishes with the idea of improving their condition.

The first of November they left for Collin, once they returned by way of Lijes to Compiang, and were back at St. Clu the last of November, after a trip of nearly three months, the long longest which the emperor ever made to the French provinces. At the beginning of the year 1812, Napoleon was at the height of his glory. To the democratic period of the earlier days of the empire had succeeded an aristocratic regime. The words Republic Francaise had disappeared from the coins which now bore the legend empire francé. The emperor posed as the new Charlemagne, the chief of a family of sovereigns.

The kings of Bavaria, Wurttemberg, Saxony, Westphalia, Naples and Spain owed to him their royal crowns. The reigning princes of the Confederation of the Rhine were his subservient vassals. No monarch in history has ever held sway over so many lands and so many peoples. From the Baltic to the Strait of Gibraltar, from the Channel to the Adriatic, his will was law. The grand dignitaries and marshals of the empire concealed their plebeian names under the titles of dukes and princes, even of kings. Lefevre, a Miller's son, was Duke to Danzig. Ogerot, the son of a mason, was Duke to Castiglione.

Né, a Cooper's son, was Duke Dellingen. Messina, the son of a publican, was Prince Tessling. Bertier, whose father was a steward at Versailles, was the sovereign prince of Chattel, and married to a Bavarian princess, and Murat, the son of an innkeeper, was king of Naples. All of the marshals were provided with magnificent dotations. to sustain their titles. Berzzi possessed an income of over a million francs without counting the revenues from his principality. Messina had an income of 800,000 in addition to his salary of 200,000 as Marshal, and so with the others. The Emperor also gave them fine hotels in the city and

magnificent estates in the country. In addition to the titles of Prince or Duke, which commemorated decisive battles like Rivoli, Montobello, Essling and Vagascar, other duchy granting no territorial authority but provided with an annual dotation of sixty thousand francs were given to marshals and generals in order to bind his companions in arms more firmly to his throne and dynasty napoleon married them to the richest heiresses in france Other officers of lower rank received the title of Comte or Baron with smaller dotations. For example, La Salle had 50,000 francs, Junot, 80, Rapp and Savarie each over 100,000 francs. In addition to these magnificent incomes, the Emperor distributed other rewards. After his return from Tilsett in 1807, he divided 11 million francs among his marshals and generals of division. Every officer was to receive from 1 to 3.3.000.

thousand Napoleon, with which to amuse himself during a few days in Paris. Promotions, titles and wealth were the allurements held out before everyone in the army. To these substantial rewards of position and money as a means of recompensing his army, Napoleon added others in which imagination played a leading part. Chief among these was the Légion Donore, which even today is the most highly esteemed decoration in the world. The order was divided into five classes. Chevalier, Officiers, Commanders, Grand Officiers, and Grand Croix. Ranks in the Legion were high honors which were not distributed indiscriminately.

Bullittons, orders of the day, words of praise, a more affectionate manner or smile. One of those charming smiles which won the hearts of generals as much as those of simple grenadiers were still other means adopted by Napoleon to give his army a final increase of energy incentive and dash. The impulsion thus given was at first irresistible. But the time came when the marshals and generals wanted to enjoy their honors and their wealth at home in peace, and no longer cared for the danger and fatigue of campaigns from which they had little further to gain. Then this appeal to selfish interest reacted upon himself and had not a little to do with

his final downfall. But what consummate art he showed in handling and influencing men and informing them into the finest army in the world. Although Napoleon never clearly expressed his opinion regarding the value of his marshals, he certainly established differences among them, and graded them with regard to intelligence, character, and ability for independent command. This is clearly shown in the tasks allotted to the different marshals and the number of divisions assigned to their command. Messina, Sult and Davout were the only ones he considered competent for chief command. Ney, the bravest of the brave, and Murat, the Bo Sabreur, were essentially fighters.

Lann was an excellent corps commander. He was superior to all the generals of the French army on the field of battle when it was a question of maneuvering 25,000 infantrymen. Of all the generals of the Revolution, Oche, De Se, and Clebert were the only ones he thought might have gone far. He had a very poor opinion of Morro. Napoleon always seems to have preferred officers of brilliancy and dash, like Ney and Murat, to men of more solid and methodical characters like Davout and Sincere. To the Emperor, Davout's brilliant victory at Orchstadt was a revelation, and his splendid work at Elot and Vagram could but magnify his worth.

The Emperor was also slow to appreciate the firmness of character, joined to great intelligence which distinguished Gouvion Sincere, who did not receive his baton until he. Marbeau, who was under his orders during the Russian campaign, says, he was one of the most capable military men in Europe. I have never known anyone who directed his troops better on the field of battle. It was impossible to find a calmer man. Yet, chiefly owing to political reasons, he was always given a secondary place by the emperor. But Napoleon's great victories were not due entirely to the brilliancy of his strategy and tactics

and the ability of his marshals and generals. Much credit must also be given to his soldiers who were the best in Europe. Coming from the most martial nation on earth, they were formed by the emperor into the greatest fighting machine the world has ever known. Napoleon had the power

of animating the common soldier and filling him with enthusiasm. He was in the highest degree an inciter of energy. He spared no pains, says Madame de Riemuzza, to encourage and satisfy his soldiers. All the material and moral means at his disposal were employed with this object in view.

Probably no leader of an army, says Vaché, gave more orders than Napoleon to assure the upkeep and subsistence of his armies. While the tendency in modern armies is to make everything uniform, the emperor created picked corps among his troops in order to further stimulate the feeling of emulation. The best known of these favorite organizations were the guards. the old guard whom the men called the immortals because they were rarely sent into action were better paid better fed and better clothed than the common soldiers the young guard also received high pay and shared the renown of its elder all the regiments were jealous of this sacred body of troops which in addition to their material advantages and fascinating renown had the honor of daily watching over the security of the emperor and of being his supreme resource in battle his soldiers says minoval never ceased to become enthusiastic about him to come under his charm and to obey his will although he was finally abandoned by many of his marshals whom he had loaded with favors the common soldiers remained faithful to the end and to the end and the men-anded by many of his marshals whom he had loaded with favors the common soldiers remained faithful to the end and and loved him when he was no longer there.

In his memoir, Minerval thus explains the secret of Napoleon's mysterious power. The study of the human heart had taught him the art of attaching men to him and subjugating them. His presence and words aroused enthusiasm. His eloquence was earnest and rapid. His words were energetic, profound, and often sublime.

His simple exterior, heightened by an air of grandeur in the habit of command, and the fascination of his look inspired respect, mingled with fear and affection. No leader in history was more popular, and yet never would he consent to humble himself to acquire that popularity. Although he might hold himself aloof in his grandeur from the marshals, the relations between the emperor and the humble companions who shared his glory were always familiar and cordial. He was like a father with his children. To them, he never ceased to be Le Petit Caporal.

End of Chapter 17 Chapter 18 of Napoleon I An Intimate Biography by Walter Gear This Libervox recording is in the public domain. 1812 Moscow But a little space can be given to the military and political events of the two years preceding the Russian war.

After the Fagram campaign, Napoleon would have done well to return to Spain, but he remained at Paris where he could better supervise the continental system, and devote himself to Marie-Louise and a round of fete and provincial visits. In the meantime, the Peninsula War dragged out its weary length. Sult and later Messina were put in command there with abundant reinforcements. King Joseph thought that the pacification of the country would be brought about more speedily by the occupation of Andalusia,

while Napoleon's opinion was that the English should be attacked at Lisbon and driven out of Portugal when the insurrection in Spain would end for lack of support. Unfortunately, he allowed himself to be over-persuaded by his brother. In 1810, Sult conquered and occupied Andalusia, but the 60,000 men employed there could have been used to better advantage elsewhere. Thus it happened that the whole task of driving out Wellington fell on Messina. For his descent into Portugal in May 1810, Messina had about 75,000 men, including the Corps of Ne, Junot, and Regnie. Wellington fell back behind the celebrated lines of Torres Vedras, which he had been preparing for months before.

These lines were constructed on the heights north of Lisbon about 20 miles from the capital, where the four main roads from the north and east converged. They were practically impregnable against any force Messina could bring against them. After spending five months before these works, Messina was obliged to retreat just as Sout was finally coming to his assistance. So the whole operation against Lisbon failed through lack of cooperation and unity of leadership. This would never have happened if Napoleon had gone to Spain. Messina, followed by Wellington, retired to Salamanca, where he put his troops into quarters.

In June 1811, Marmont took over the command from Massena with orders to join Sult and renew the attack on Lisbon. Nothing definite, however, was accomplished. Early in 1812, before entering on the Russian campaign, Napoleon decided to withdraw 60,000 seasoned troops from Spain and to content himself with the occupation of the provinces north of the Ibro, which had been annexed to the empire. This wise plan was opposed by Joseph and the marshals in Spain, and once more, most unfortunately for him, the Emperor allowed himself to be won over by their arguments. He left nearly 300,000 men in Spain. under the command of Joseph in and around Madrid, of Sout in Andalusia, of Marmonne near Salamanca,

and of Soucher in Valencia. At this time, Wellington had an army of about 140,000 English, Portuguese and Spanish troops, and there were over 100,000 more Spaniards acting independently. At the end of 1810, England seemed on the verge of ruin from the strangling grip of the continental system. The 3% consuls had fallen to 25, and the bankruptcies average 250 a month. But this year was to see the climax of this great commercial experiment. In July 1810, Louis was practically forced to abdicate as King of Holland. He had taken into his head the strange notion that he reigned by Divine Right, and refused to carry out the orders of his brother.

When 20,000 French troops were approaching Amsterdam to bring him to reason, he suddenly abandoned his throne and fled to Bohemia. On the 9th of July, Holland was annexed to the empire, and the commercial decrees were executed as rigorously at Rotterdam as at Havre. At the close of the year, the commercial system was extended to the Baltic by the annexation of Oldenburg, the northern parts of Hanover and Westphalia, and Bremen, Hamburg, and Lubeck. Nothing less than the most rigorous enforcement of the continental system could suffice Napoleon,

for it was a characteristic feature of this enterprise that its entire success depended on the completeness with which it was put into execution. One gap would render useless the whole barrier so laboriously constructed. Nevertheless, English goods by many devious routes still reached the continent, and in one way or another, with infinite discomfort and friction, trade was still carried on. It is strange that Napoleon never thought of cutting off the export of foodstuffs to England. He apparently had the notion that the more the British bought, the sooner they would go bankrupt. As Rose states, the outlook would have been hopeless had not our great enemy allowed us to import continental corn if, besides lack of work and low wages, there had been the added

horrors ever-bred famine. In the Maine, the continental system was popular in France, and the people endured the high prices, and the lack of English goods and of staples like sugar, coffee, rice, and tobacco carried in British ships. At this time, the emperor was delighted at the noteworthy discovery that sugar could be extracted from beetroot. Pride in the national glory and hatred of England led the French to endure without complaint, increased taxes, high prices, and even chicory. For Germany the hardships were far greater, and the benefits far less, and the unpopularity of the continental system was one of the principal underlying causes of the national uprising in 1813. Upon Russia, also the influence of the system was more and more oppressive.

Napoleon's complaints of the Russian laxity of administration were constant. Another cause of friction was the annexation of Oldenburg. The heir to this duchy had married Alexander's elder sister, Catherine, for whose hand Napoleon had negotiated at Erfurt. The deposition of the Duke was not only a personal affront, it was a violation of the Treaty of Tilset. But even before, the news of this event reached Russia, the Tsar himself broke the treaty. Instead of admitting on easy terms as arranged at Tilsit, the Article de Lux, a French manufacture, he levied a heavy duty on them. When called to account by Napoleon, Alexander pleaded the economic needs of his country and protested his fidelity to the Continental system while at the same time

calling attention to the Oldenburg grievance. But Napoleon would not listen. Here is a great planet taking a wrong direction, he exclaimed, I do not understand its course at all. To bring this planet back into its orbit, half a million men were to perish amidst the snows of Russia, and Napoleon was to die in exile at St. Helena. Although there were many subsidiary reasons for the breach with the Tsar, the real cause of the war was Napoleon's determination

to force Russia to accept the conditions of the continental blockade in order to destroy England's trade and commerce. It was not his ambition for absolute sovereignty in Europe which carried him to Moscow, but the undying vendetta. For two years it had been evident that a break with Russia must come sooner or later, and Napoleon had been steadily preparing himself during this time. He secured the alliance of Austria and compelled Prussia to furnish him troops and supplies. The Tsar also foresaw the war and made preparations for it.

The Russians, however, had no formal plan, but merely proposed to act on the defensive. They were in doubt as to whether they should meet the attack by advancing to the Vistula or awaited behind their own frontiers. The strategy which they afterwards employed so successfully was the result of circumstances rather than any preconceived plan. After the Treaty of Tilset in 1807, the Russian army had been entirely reorganized

and under the new plan should have produced in 1812 an active army of half a million men with double that number in reserve. But when the army was mobilized on the frontier in the spring of that year, it was found that there were less than 250,000 men. Napoleon moved his Grand Army to the line of the Vistula during the months of February, March, and April. This field army consisted of 31 infantry and 27 cavalry divisions

and numbered 450,000 men, including 50,000 cavalry and 1,000 guns. This force was organized in nine Kall d'Arme. under the command of Davout, Odino, Ne, Eugène, Ponyos, Cuviont-Sincere, Regnie, Vandam and MacDonald. An additional corps of 33,000 men under Victor came up later, and an 11th core of 47,000 was in reserve at Berlin and Mayans, under the command of Ojo. Transportation was organized on the largest scale.

Every possible source had been drawn on for supplies. nothing was neglected. One thing only Napoleon had apparently forgotten since his campaign in Poland. The fact that there were no roads worthy of the name in Russia. There were too many wagons and far too many servants.

There were also many women, the Love Escort, which was tolerated in the armies of the Republic and the Empire. At the very outset it seemed as if the expedition would be destroyed by its impedimenta. Still, if Napoleon had been able

to bring on a battle near the frontier, or had adhered to his original plan not to go beyond Smolensk the first year, all might have gone well. More than half of the cavalry were French, and nearly all of the artillery, but less than half of the infantry arm. In this enormous number of foreigners there were Italians, Germans and Poles, and even battalions of Swiss, Spanish, Portuguese and Croats. The Prussian and Austrian contingents operated by themselves on either the wing. The French element was large enough to leaven the batch, and the failure of the campaign cannot be laid to the indiscipline of the common soldiers, although some of the marshals and division commanders who were weary of war failed to do their full duty. The emperor was accompanied

by a host of executives, including Bertier, Chief of Staff, Lebrun, Mouton, and Rappe, aide-de-con, Daru, Secretary of State, Marais, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Coulincourt and and Dureauc, Minoval and Fin, private secretaries, and Jomini historiographer. Bertie, as usual, was the efficient mouthpiece of the Emperor. Jerome and Ejain were in command because of their relationship, but the latter was an able leader. Davout and Ney had proved their worth in previous campaigns. Bessier, Odino, Saint-Cyr, Victor and Juno were good corps commanders. Sult, Marmon and Soucher were still in Spain.

and Messina had retired and broken health after his failure there. Le Favre commanded the old guard of nearly fifty thousand men in all, while Murat was at the head of the large cavalry reserve of forty thousand horsemen. On the 9th of May, Napoleon, accompanied by Marie-Louise, and a large part of his court, left Saint-Clu for Dresden, where he arrived a week later. Here he expected to make a stay of two or three weeks before putting himself at the head of his troops

and to receive the visits of the east. allied sovereigns. The first morning the princess who had already arrived called to present their homage to the Emperor, who was lodged in the State Apartments of the Royal Palace. The second day the Emperor and the Empress of Austria arrived to the great joy of Marie-Louise who had not seen her father since her marriage two years before. The sojourn at Dresden was the apogee of the power of Napoleon. No mortal had ever before reached such a pinnacle of glory as the New Charlemagne. The assembled sovereigns appeared to be the courtiers rather than the equals of the emperor. His lever, says Seguer, furnished a remarkable spectacle where sovereigns came to attend the audience of the conqueror of Europe.

At St. Helena, the Emperor, in recalling the memories of these past splendors said, The Dresden meeting was the epic of the greatest power of Napoleon. There he seemed to be the king of kings. He had summoned from Paris the company of the Teatro and as at Erfurt, Talma played before a perterre de Roa. But Napoleon was far from being entirely taken up with pleasure while at Dresden. He was occupied with the many minute details of the immense expedition which he was about to undertake. Just before Napoleon left Dresden, the King of Prussia arrived.

He had agreed to furnish for the coming campaign twenty thousand men under the command of a Prussian general. As for Austria, she had promised. a contingent of 30,000 troops commanded by an Austrian general under the orders of Napoleon. The 29th of May, 1812, Napoleon left Dresden to place himself at the head of his army.

After a stop of two days at Posen, he proceeded to Torn and from there to Dantzik. By long marches, the troops had reached the Vistula where they were spread out on a front of 400 miles. This plan had been adopted by the emperor with the design of keeping the Russians uncertain as to his main line of advance and resulted as he wished in their separating their armies.

The numbers of the Russian armies are hard to determine, but they probably amounted to less than 250,000 men. With these forces, they were to meet half a million invaders under the greatest captain of modern times. The statement has often been made that the Russians expected to meet the French advance by a constant retreat, and that Alexander had said that, before yielding, he would abandon Moscow and retire into Siberia.

But the fact remains that the Russian generals expected to fight and that the defensive campaign was the result of the Russian unpreparedness at the beginning and the overwhelming superiority of the French forces. Thus it happened that the very size of Napoleon's army was to be the principal reason for his failure. It was physically impossible to keep such an enormous host supplied and the great discrepancy in numbers made the Russians afraid to risk a battle. From a military point of view, says Dodge, the retiring scheme of the Russians against a stronger and more able foe was the best.

But the Tsar had to look at some political questions. If a system of retreat was adopted, the Polish provinces would fall away from their allegiance, and the opposition of the anti-war party might be grave, as well as the effect upon friendly nations. There were but three roads leading across the Russian frontier by which the main part of the Grand Army could advance. at Kavno and Grotno on the Niemann, and further south and west at Brest-Litovsk on the bug.

During the winter the Russian troops had been spread out over a front of 500 miles, but in May when the French approached the Vistula, the troops drew together into two large bodies under Berkeley and Bagration, with headquarters at Vilna and Lutsk. These two armies were separated by the morasses of the upper pripet, and their distance from each other was due to the broad front of Napoleon's advance. As soon as it became apparent that Napoleon was marching on the Yemen, the Tsar withdrew his troops from Bagration and strengthened Barclay's army at Vilna to 130,000 men,

while Bagration with 50,000 troops came up to Volkovisk south of Grodno. The two Russian armies thus stood across the three roads to Moscow. Napoleon does not seem to have had any particular plan of campaign beyond the general idea of fighting the Russian army, and as at Austerlitz winning not an ordinary victory. Metternich states in his memoirs that the emperor told him at Dresden that in his first campaign he did not expect to go beyond Smolensk. In the Russian camp, there were as many plans of campaign as there were leaders. Barclay favored awaiting the French on Russian soil and then fighting.

Bagration wanted to hold the line of the Niemann and at the same time invade the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. The Tsar proposed a policy of retreat. Having learned in a general way of the location of the two Russian armies, Napoleon's first plan was to break in between Berkeley and Bagration by an advance on Vilna through Covno. The Grand Army began its movement from the Vistula on the 6th of June and reached the Yemen 18 days later. Napoleon immediately crossed the river without meeting with any resistance. He then advanced rapidly to Vilna, covering the distance of 60 miles in four days. He was disappointed, however, in taking the First Army by surprise, as they retreated rapidly on his approach. The roads were almost impassable, and guns and wagons were continually embedded in the mud. After waiting three days to obtain information about the enemy's movements,

on the 1st of July Napoleon decided to advance due east. In the meantime, the two Russian armies had continued their retreat towards Molensk, where they affected a junction on the 3rd of August. both sides had lost about one-third of their numbers in the first five weeks of the campaign the french from disease and the russians from wholesale desertion the french troops had advanced so rapidly that the supply trains floundering in muddy roads could not keep pace with them the men consequently lived to a large extent on meat which they found everywhere and fresh-cut corn which they either baked roughly or boiled in water in a short time there was an epidemic of enteric diseases At the end of July, the Emperor was compelled to call a halt for eight days on account of the exhaustion of his troops and to allow the supply trains to come up. After the two Russian armies had met at Smolens, Barclay found himself compelled by the growing discontent among his troops to offer battle. So on the 7th of August, he moved west towards the French.

After a two-day's march he came upon the enemy's outposts, but here his courage failed him at the thought of attacking Napoleon in person and he came to a halt. On learning of this movement, Napoleon decided to march south to the Dnieper, crossed the river, and advanced by the south bank to a surprise attack upon Smolengs, and so force Barclay to give battle. This plan was carried out so effectively that the Russians remained an entire ignorance of the movement. On the 17th of August, Napoleon appeared before the city, which two Russian corps hastily occupied, and to which Barclay fell back with all possible speed. On the following evening, Napoleon moved forward to the attack and bombarded the town. Berkeley found it impossible to hold the place, so he evacuated it during the night and retreated to the north bank of the river.

This left the road to Moscow open, but in spite of the vigorous pressure of the French, he managed to get back onto the road the following evening and secure his line of retreat eastward. The city of Smolensk lies on the south bank of the Deneper in a beautiful amphitheatre of hills, with a suburb of St. Petersburg on the opposite bank. The place is difficult of defense, as it is commanded by the surrounding heights. The city proper was fortified with a brick wall ten feet thick and twenty feet high, with a useless dry ditch. The walls would easily resist the field guns of that period and could hardly be escalated. It was an old, sacred city, with numerous churches and convents and many

gardens. The houses in the suburbs were nearly all of wood. It was one of the oldest city, and in Russia and had at one time contained 80,000 inhabitants, but had dwindled to not more than a quarter of that number. The river was crossed by a wooden bridge and from the north bank ran the main roads to Moscow and St. Petersburg. Assuming the emperor's design to have been the capture of Smolensk, his maneuver had been well conducted. But this was only an incident. The real object was to seize the Moscow road, cut off the Russian army, and compel it to fight at a disadvantage. this he failed to accomplish by extending his right across the river and establishing a corps suitably supported upon the moscow road says dodge the longed-for battle could be forced or the enemy thrown back on the st petersburg road eccentricly to his true line of retreat for three days the strategically worthless town had arrested the grand army when time was of the essence

smolensk was the natural terminus of the campaign of eighteen twelve when napoleon had first intended to stop and where he should have stopped and put his army into quarters as he was draining the supplies from a large part of the empire the russians would sooner or later have been compelled to advance and attack him if for political reasons he was unwilling to retreat this was the only sound military course open to him his situation was not dissimilar to that in poland during the winter of eighteen hundred before Friedland. Although he could probably reach Moscow, there was no certainty that he could bring on a decisive battle there and a dictate peace to the Tsar. Even if he reached Moscow,

he must have known that he could not maintain himself there with a line of communications over 500 miles long. Of the large force with which he crossed on Yemen, he had less than half left. At small lengths, from the military point of view, there was still hope. At Moscow, there was none.

The situation is well summarized by Dodge as follows. If Napoleon stopped at Smolensk, he ran a certain risk of political damage. If he advanced to Moscow, all military chances were against him. But with an army at Smolensk, he could personally return to France, organize a fresh campaign, and in 1813 be better equipped for an advance, for he would have time to prepare a proper transportation. This plan offered him a show of success, political and military. The advance on Moscow now could succeed only if Alexander could be intimidated by a show of military power Napoleon no longer possessed.

Yet, Jomini and Klauswitz both approve Napoleon's decision as his only proper course. It is difficult to agree with these eminent authorities. Napoleon still had about 150,000 men actually in hand when he left Smolink's. He followed closely upon the heels of the retreating Russians, who had now been reinforced to 120,000 men. The Tsar, who was disappointed with Barclay's Fabian tactics, which were ultimately to bring him success, now appointed Kutuzov to succeed him with instructions to accept the battle for which everyone was longing. Kutuzov will be remembered in connection with the Austerlitz campaign. He was now 70, too portly to ride, and very inactive. A few days later

when the army reached Borodino, it was decided to take up a position there to cover Moscow. There were two post roads from Smolensk to Moscow, an old one and a new one, which were here about two and a half miles apart. The village of Borodino lay on the new road where it crossed a Kolotza, an affluent of the Moscova. Here Kutuzov drew up his troops on a frontage of over five miles at right angles to the two roads. The country is rolling but quite flat. The numerous brooks run through deep ravines. There were many woods, some of which had been cut. The Colotza runs for several miles parallel to the new road until near Borodino, it crosses and leaves it to flow northerly towards the Moscova. The river is fordable in places.

East of the village the land rises into a plateau a mile wide. Some simple fieldworks had been erected by the Russians. The position was liable to be turned, but it was also one easy to defend. Between the two roads there are a number of hamlets and villages, the principal one being Semenovsky. Napoleon, after a short halt, to give his men arrest, continued his advance in three columns. On the 5th of September, the leading troops of his right and center columns came in contact with the Russian left wing and forced it back. The following day, Napoleon advanced to the attack. His left wing under Eugène kept close to the new road and was massed against Borodino. The center column moved towards Semenovsky, and further south, the right wing under Ponyatowski,

advanced along the old road. The whole frontage was about three miles and a half. In the Battle of Borodino fought on the 7th of September, the French numbered 130,000 against 120,000 Russians. Napoleon's plan was quickly formed after a reconnaissance of the enemy's position. On the left, Erein was to contain Kutisov's right. Davout and Ney in the center were to break down his left wing, while Poniatowski on the right should turn his left flank.

The object was to throw the Russians back on the Moscow where he could fight them to a finish. The French showed the utmost courage and the Russian defense was very stubborn. The losses on both sides were enormous. It was certainly a French victory, as Kutuzov in the end drew off his army in broken condition and retreated towards Moscow

60 miles away. It enabled Napoleon to reach the sacred city, but his losses were so great that he could not remain there unless the Tsar treated for peace. The Emperor did not put in the Guard his final reserve which might have made the victory decisive and caused Alexander to open negotiations.

For this, Napoleon has been much criticized by military writers, but he was 2,000 miles from home and the old guard was his last resource. Whether he was right or wrong will always be a subject of discussion. At the decisive moment about the middle of the afternoon, if he had sent in this superb body of picked troop still twenty thousand strong,

with which he had so many times struck a decisive blow at the critical moment, he might have made Borodino a crushing Russian defeat. On the other hand, had he put in his last reserves without success, as later at Waterloo, his army would have been a flying mob in half an hour. At Borodino, his motto was safety first. At Waterloo, he was playing all for all. After the battle, the Russians retreated slowly to Moscow, followed by the French. The victors were too much exhausted to pursue with the vigor of former campaigns.

In front of Moscow, Kutuzov called a council of war to decide whether the city should be defended and the vote was in favor of fighting to the death. But Kutuzov thought that the army was more important to Russia than the city and refused to be bound by the council. On the 14th of September, he marched through the city and retired to Panky. At the same time, most of the population departed. Murat and his cavalry arrived at two o'clock the same afternoon and took possession of the city. The guard, when it arrived, was sent in to occupy the Kremlin.

Ne and Davout took up a position west of the city, Pognatowski on the south, and Eugenne to the north. Murat was stationed on the road to the southeast. The imperial headquarters were established temporarily in the west suburb. Moscow, like Rome, lies upon seven hills. It was the sacred city of Russia, and its 200 churches with colored domes and bell-fries gave it a most picturesque appearance, more oriental than European in its aspect. During the first night, fires began to break out, and by the morning of the second day,

the whole city was aflame. The emperor, who had taken up his quix, quarters in the Kremlin was forced to retire to a castle outside the walls of the city. On the 18th, after some 8,000 houses had been consumed, the fire was controlled and Napoleon returned to the Kremlin. It will always be a disputed question whether Moscow was deliberately set a fire by the Russians, or whether the conflagration was due to accidental causes, but the latter was probably the case. In a city built entirely of wood in possession of a marauding army, fires might easily be started by carelessness,

and the equinoctial gales did the rest. It was at this time that Napoleon made the most fatal error of his life. After the fire, he should have begun his retreat at once, but he tarried at Moscow for a whole month, hoping against hope that the Tsar would sue for peace. Since St. Jean d'Ackre, he had never retired from an operation. After El-O, and a deseling, he had not hesitated to reculled for meosurte. but he had never yet faced failure,

and he could not bring himself to believe in it now. Moreover, retreat was no easy matter. Whichever way he turned, his path was beset with almost insurmountable difficulties. Four plans were considered by the Emperor. First, to winter in Moscow. Second, to march on St. Petersburg. Third, to retire on the southern provinces.

Fourth, to retreat to small-lengths via Kaluga, following a route far to the south of his line of advance. The first he rejected at once as not feasible. The second was truly Napoleonic in its audacity and strongly appealed to the great soldier, but the difficulties far exceeded the chances. The third plan was open to the same objections as the first. Only the fourth remained, and this was finally adopted.

On the 15th of October, the emperor issued his orders for the retreat and four days later he left Moscow. When the retreat began, Napoleon had in and around Moscow five corps, the guard, and the cavalry reserve, in all, 100,000 men. At different points in the rear, there were six more corps and the Austrian contingent, about 140,000 troops or a grand total of 250,000. On the Russian side, there was the main army, considerably reinforced, under Kutuzov, one hundred forty thousand and four detachments amounting in all to one hundred fifty thousand making a total of two hundred ninety thousand although the relative strength of the adversaries was not yet unfavorable to napoleon it was certain to become so as time went by above all the serious lack of horses for the cavalry and artillery could not easily be made up in order to give his retreat the appearance of an offensive movement and to direct it through parts of the country which had not already been

devastated, the emperor proposed to retire by the old highway towards Kaluga, and from there by a southerly route to Smolensk. On the 24th of October, Napoleon found Kutuzov at Mao Yaroslovitz posted across the road from Moscow to Kaluga, and an action was fought there between the leading columns of the two armies. Each general kept his main body back as neither wanted to be drawn into a decisive engagement at this point. The next day, the Russians retreated to Kaluga, and Napoleon turned back to the northwest towards Borodino. There was a new road to Smolensk via Yuknov and Yelna, of which Napoleon had desired to take advantage, and why he did not do so after Kutuzov withdrew will ever remain an unsolved mystery.

This has been called by some historians the turning point of his career, but it was not so much so as his decision at Smolensk to advance to Moscow. The maneuver towards Kaluga was strategically sound, for the new road to the road. proposed to take led through an undevastated region to Smolensk, and only as a last resort, after a defeat, was it excusable to follow the old route. On learning of this movement of the French, Kutuzov struck off to the northwest in pursuit. The failure of the Russian campaign has generally been ascribed to the weather, but this is only partially true. For nearly three weeks after the army left Moscow, the weather was perfect. The winter season was delayed and there was less cold and snow

than usual. The temperature averaged from 15 to 25 degrees Fahrenheit. Few of the streams were frozen, and it was the 7th of November before real cold set in. After this date, there was great suffering in the bivouacs and the snow destroyed all the forage for the animals. This rapidly decreased the French forces, and Napoleon entered small-ensks with his army reduced to 75,000 men and about 100 horses. Here, Napoleon received intelligence that Saint-Cyr and Victor had been defeated and driven back towards Weitbisk, and later that that place had been occupied by the Russians. Under the circumstances, he had no alternative except to try to reach Vilna by way of Borisov.

The retreat from Smolensk began the 12th of November. The vigorous efforts of the Russians to impede the retreat led to several small actions around Krasny five days later. But Napoleon halted with the guard and personally directed a count. counter-attack upon Kutuzov, who drew off his troops and ceased to pursue the French. At this time, Napoleon received the discouraging news that the Russians had seized Bodhisov and the crossing of the Beresina River and stood with 40,000 men upon his main line of retreat. At this moment, Napoleon was 80 miles away. Yet, in spite of the fact that he

had one army in front of him and two others threatening his flank and rear, each stronger than his own, Napoleon was successful in forcing the passage of the river. By this achievement, in a situation which almost any other general would have led to the surrender of his entire army, the Emperor won fresh laurels. After making a demonstration at one point as if he intended to cross there and drawing off the Russians to the south, Napoleon threw two bridges across at a place farther west by which the main body crossed. The river was about a hundred yards broad, and the ice flows increased the difficulty. The bridges were then destroyed. At this stage, the French army consisted of about 30,000 troops and nearly twice as many camp followers. Napoleon did not retreat through

Minsk, as he originally intended, but directed his army on Vilna. Before reaching there, he turned the command over to Murat and hastened to Paris. Villene also had to be abandoned, and Murat recrossed in Yemen on the 15th of December, with a miserable body of 5,000, combatants and 45,000 others, while Davout and Poniatowski led the remnants of the other three corps across at another point. Only Cossacks continued the pursuit west of the Badesina. The Russian army, also reduced to about 60,000 men, entered Vilna the middle of December. Napoleon had led 450,000 men across the Yemen in June and had received reinforcements of 150,000. Of these, only about 150,000 returned. Thus, the French lost about 450,000 men,

probably one-third sick, or prisoners, the balance killed and missing. The Russian losses were about 250,000, or proportionately even greater than the French. On leaving the army, the emperor took Coulincourt with him in the carriage and Rustin on the box. Duroc and Mouton followed. After consulting with Marais at Vilna, he drove to Warsaw, and thence to Dresden and Paris, traveling day and night as was his lifelong habit. He reached the Tuileries on the 18th of December. The criticism of Napoleon for abandoning his army is absolutely unwarranted. The fate of the Grand Army was sealed, and nothing he could do now would change it. Any one of his generals could lead the remnants back to the Yemen as well as he. The place was

place of the emperor as head of the state was now at Paris. The statement in his last bulletin that, The health of His Majesty has never been better, has also been pointed out as selfish, but has not the health of a sovereign always been considered even in times of peace as a matter of prime importance to the state? How much more, then, the health of the emperor at the end of a great campaign, when reports of his death had been circulated at Paris?

It is remarkable that not one of the French commander, above the rank of general of division lost his life. Also, that the proportion of officers who returned was much above that of the men. If this had not been the case, Napoleon would have been unable to raise an efficient army in 1813. They, one and all, had fearlessly exposed themselves during the campaign, and the fact can only be explained by their higher morale. Some of the principal reasons for the failure of the Russian campaign have been stated above, and there is not space to go into the matter further. The principal error was

not realizing the fact that in Russia, as in Spain, large armies will starve, and small ones will get beaten. This much can be said. There was no other living commander who could have got any part of the Grand Army from Moscow back to the Yemen. End of Chapter 18.

Chapter 19 of Napoleon I, an intimate biography by Walter Gier. This Libravox recording is in the public domain. 19. 1813, Leipzig. Whom Jupiter wishes to destroy, said the ancient Romans, he first makes mad. Quos vult Jupiter perderet, demented Prius. After the Russian campaign, Napoleon seems to have lost his mental balance. He had lived so long in an atmosphere of flattery and adulation

that he was no longer willing to accept suggestions, much like criticism from anyone. By degrees, says Rose, the passion for the grandiose had overmastered the calculating faculties, which in early life generally held ambition in leash. The same powers were there, even to excess, but the sound judgment which coordinated them no longer exercised a sovereign control. At the beginning of 1813, Napoleon was still in a position to save his empire, notwithstanding the terrible Russian disaster. He still had, at his command, immense resources of men and money. There were at least a quarter of a million seasoned troops in the peninsula,

and 150,000 more in the fortresses of Germany. He should have recalled his army from Spain and sent Ferdinand back to his throne. Two army corps of 50,000 men could easily have defended the only two practicable passes of the Pyrenees. This would have given him a veteran army of 350,000 men, with a reserve force of the same size in training in the depot of France. With such an army he could easily have defended the line of the Alba against the Russians and Prussians, and Austria would never have entered the coalition against him. But he was no longer the Bonaparte who in 1796 had raised the investment of Mantua,

destroyed his siege train, and marched with every available soldier to meet the Austrians. Nor was he the same Napoleon who at Eilot and Esling had drawn back in order to leap further. Napoleon was now the spoiled child of fortune. He who seeks to hold everything will end by losing everything, had said wise old Frederick the Great. By forgetting this maxim, Napoleon was to lose his throne. Had he recognized his danger and concentrated all his forces, he would not have been outnumbered. Instead of that, the emperor, like a desperate gambler, placed his entire fortune on a single card, and played for all or nothing.

The principal cause of these mistakes of Napoleon was that, from the political point of view, he attached an exaggerated importance to his marriage with an archduchess. He should have realized that before becoming the father-in-law of the emperor of the French, the father of Marie-Louise was the emperor of Austria, and that all history shows the little consequence

of matrimonial alliances when they conflict with affairs of state. Nevertheless, it seems probable that at this time Francis was favorably disposed towards Napoleon, and had no desire to see the bourbons restored to the throne of France. There never had been any love lost between the Habsburgs and the royal family of France, and the Austrian Emperor sincerely wished to see the new imperial dynasty maintained. But this desire did not go to the length of being willing to sacrifice the interests of the state to the personal inclination of the sovereign.

On the other hand, Napoleon seems to have thought that Austria would be his ally, defensive and offensive, and without asking anything in return, would aid him to conserve the entire French Empire, including the parts which he had torn from her own domain. It was expecting too much. In the meantime, Napoleon, full of spirits and confidence, was displaying a prodigious activity in assembling and equipping a new army. In less than three months he raised a fresh levy of 250,000 men.

These troops, added to a force of about 80,000 men who had been enlisted as a home guard in 1812, and 30,000 men withdrawn from Spain, gave him a new grand army of over 350,000 troops, but they were chiefly untrained men. Napoleon's original intention was to operate on the line of the Vistula again, but he soon had to give up this idea. By the end of April, he had 200,000 men in the vicinity of Leipzig. The Allies were completely taken by surprise.

It had never occurred to the wildest imagination that the emperor would be able to faced them with such a force. They decided at once to make a flank attack on Napoleon at Lutson as he advanced towards Leipzig. The general plan of the Allies was excellent, but it was not well carried out. On the afternoon of the 2nd of May they advanced to the attack, but they met with a more vigorous resistance than they expected. They tried to envelop Ney, but in the end they were enveloped themselves, for Napoleon sent McDonald round to the left, and Bertrand and Marmon to the right of Ney to take. them on both flanks. About five o'clock he sent up the guard as well to support Ney, whereupon

the Allies retreated. The Prussians fell back to the east as if to cover Berlin, while the Russians retired towards Dresden. The Emperor was too weak in cavalry to pursue vigorously, and the victory was therefore indecisive. Napoleon's Battle of Lutzen was fought not on the field where Gustavus Adolphus fell in 1632, but several miles to the south of it. The country is a big of rolling plain that reaches up to the Bohemian Mountains. It is traversed by several rivers and is covered by villages and farms. The Emperor could congratulate himself on a brilliant and much-needed victory. A large part of his forces were not put in and the Old Guard did not fire a shot. The Allied army of 70,000 men actually engaged had been put to route by less than 60,000 French.

Napoleon entered Dresden on the 8th of May and Saxony returned to her alliance with him. Ney, with three corps, a force of sixty thousand men, was sent forward towards Berlin. Eugène returned to Italy to take charge of operations there. The Allies again joined forces and retreated together to Boutzen. Only Buehlo was detached to fall back on Berlin and cover the capital. Napoleon now had the choice of two courses, to march on Berlin or on the Allied army. On the day he entered Dresden, Ney was at Torgau, where the main road, to Berlin crosses the Elbe. The bridge at Dresden had not been entirely destroyed, and the rest of the

Grand Army immediately crossed to the right bank of the river. The Emperor was still much in the dark as to the movements of the Allies. He surmised that they had separated after the battle, and his plan was to definitely prevent their coming together again, while Ney threatened Berlin. A week later, the Emperor finally learned that the Allies had united near Boutzen, about three days marches from him, and were apparently preparing for battle. He immediately resolved to attack them and recalled Ney. As the marshal was 80 miles away and could not be expected to reach Bouttsin before the 21st, Napoleon timed his own movements so as to arrive there the night before that date and attack the following morning with the support of Ney. Napoleon was again approaching

classic ground. It was here that Frederick the Great after his defeat at Hochartes took up his stand and defied the much superior forces of dawn. The country is full of small streams which wander around between the many hillocks, which increase in height to the south near the Bohemian Mountains. The landscape is mostly open and is dotted with villages. The Allied army at Boutzen mustered only 110,000 men, while Napoleon, if he could bring all of his troops into action, would have nearly 150,000 men.

The Allies were under the nominal command of the Tsar Alexander. The Russian army held the left, and the Prussians, under Blucher, the right. The result of the first day's action on the 20th of May was that the French drove the allies out of Boutzen and gained firm footing on the right bank of the spree, the enemy retiring to a strongly fortified second line of defense. Napoleon's plan of battle for the following day was to contain the allies in their works by feigned attacks until Ney should debauch and force on their right and rear, and then to throw in all his troops and,

give the knock-out blow. No finer plan of battle had ever been perfected by the emperor. But Ney failed to attack with his usual energy. If he had fully carried out the Emperor's orders, the bulk of the Allied army and all of its guns would have been taken. Only the left wing and the cavalry could have gotten away, and Boutzen would have been as decisive a victory as Austerlitz, and almost certainly have ended the campaign. Some of the critics seemed to think that the Emperor's orders to Ney were not sufficiently. explicit, but Napoleon probably felt that no more need be said to a man who had acted with such vigor at Friedland and Borodino. As it was, the French took no prisoners and the battle was

indecisive. It was very unfortunate that the Emperor gave Davout the hero of Orstadt and Bagram a role so inferior to that of Ney in this campaign. Ney was a brilliant corps commander when under the direct orders of the Emperor, but he was not capable of acting wisely if left to himself, and Napoleon should have known this. There is one salient fact which stands out in the history of Napoleon's career, and that is the small margin of safety by which he won so many of his victories. In nearly all of his campaigns, he was fighting against superior numbers, and it was only the indomitable energy of the man which ensured success.

He himself told the whole story in a letter which he wrote from Italy in 1797 to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. All great events hang always only by a hair. The able man profits by everything, neglects nothing of all which may yield him some chances more. The less able man, sometimes by neglecting a single one of these, makes everything fail. Carlisle has said that,

genius means the transcendent capacity of taking trouble. If this be true, no man in history was ever better entitled to the attribute than Napoleon. He owed his success to hard work. For 25 years he toiled from 15 to 16 hours a day. He never took more than 20 minutes for his meals, and he was satisfied with from four to six hours of sleep. Although his marvelous mental powers never failed him,

at the age of 40 his physical strength began to decline. He had made two great drafts upon his bank of reserve. This was most marked during the campaign of Leipzig. One does not recognize Napoleon during this campaign, Marmont writes. Says Fain, his secretary. Instead of being shut up and about riding from place to place in the saddle, he remained almost constantly locked in his room where his bed and his maps had been brought. At Boutzen, he was no longer than Napoleon of Austerlitz and Nienna.

As Nez's command was to do the most important work of the day, the emperor should either have given him more specific orders, or should himself have ridden over to his column and personally have directed the operation. The result would then have been a brilliant victory instead of an indecisive action. On the 4th of June 1813, the Emperor signed an armistice, which with its extensions lasted for 10 weeks. This was the crowning error of the many mistakes that he made during this campaign so fatal to his fortunes. The coalition against him, after the defeats of Lutzen and Boutzen, was on the point of breaking up. if napoleon intended to continue the war he should not have agreed to a suspension of hostilities if he wished for peace he should have been willing to make some reasonable concessions

the conditions put forward were one that the grand duchy of warsaw should be abolished two that prussia should regain her former boundaries three that the confederation of the rhine should be dissolved and four that trieste and dalmatia should be dissolved should be restored to Austria. Under the circumstances, these conditions were very favorable to Napoleon. He would have retained all of Italy and France with her natural boundaries, the frontier of the Rhine which included Belgium and Holland.

No French monarch, not even Chalemagne, had ever ruled over so extensive a domain. It was because Napoleon was not willing to make so slight a concession that he lost his throne. It is difficult to explain his conduct. He seems to have still viewed events through the distorting medium of his continental system

and to have been governed by the vendetta instincts of his race. He now succeeded in bringing about what Charles James Fox had declared to be impossible. In 1806, the English foreign minister had said to Talleyrand, the project of combining the whole of Europe against France is to the last degree, chimerical. For the first time since the revolution the European powers buried their petty jealousies and animosities,

and Austria, Russia, and Sweden, ranged themselves on the side of Great Britain, and the Spanish Patriots who for four years had been carrying on an almost hopeless struggle against the conqueror. After the Battle of Boutzen, Barclay, who had once more assumed command on the death of Kutuzov, led the Russian troops back to Warsaw to reorganize them there. The Prussians were forced back into the extreme south of Silesia,

and the outlook for the coalition seemed dark indeed. At this moment, Austria intervened and saved the situation. Metternich had been endeavoring for several months to bring about a general peace, and he now approached Napoleon and Alexander once more as a negotiator. During the armistice, which was eventually extended to the 10th of August, negotiations between Metternich, Napoleon and the Allies were actively pushed forward. Napoleon, as we have seen, refused to give up. up an inch of the territory he had conquered, and at the conclusion of the armistice, Austria

declared war against him. Continuous reinforcements had brought the French forces in Germany up to 500,000 men, and the emperor expected to outnumber the Allies even when joined by Austria. By the time Austria and Sweden had joined them, however, the Allies could dispose of 800,000 men. In three months, Austria put 200,000 troops in the field under the command of Schwarzenberg, and by the end of the year brought this number up to over half a million. Prussia raised 160,000, the Russians contributed about 180,000, and Bernadotte brought 30,000 Swedes. At the opening of the autumn campaign, the main army of the Allies, about 250,000 strong under Schwarzenberg, was on the Elbe. Another army of 110,000 under Bloucher was in Silesia,

and the Northern Army under Bernadotte, 125,000, was near Berlin. Napoleon, with 300,000 men was in a central position near Dresden, whence he could strike from interior lines wherever he might detect a weak point, while Davout and Odino with 120,000 men were facing the Northern Army.

The base of Napoleon's operation was the Elbe, which was strongly fortified at all the crossings. His main line of communications was by the Great High Road from Mayence, via Erfurt to Leipzig, and large stores and ammunition depots were set up everywhere. It is only necessary to glance at the map to see the weakness of Napoleon's position after Austria entered the war. It is true, as he claimed, that Dresden was the pivot on which all his movements turned, and that the Allies were stretched out on an arc extending from Berlin

to Prague, while he, operating from the centre on interior lines, could out manoeuvre them. But his line of communications with his line. France was exposed, and an Austrian army debouching from the Bohemian mountains could cut him off from the Rhine. If they venture between my fortified lines of the Elba and the Rhine, said Napoleon, I will enter Bohemia and thus take them in the rear. The Emperor must indeed have despised his foe to venture all on so hazardous a plan. In vain did his marshals remind him that he was in a perilous position so far from France. He retorted that at Marengo, Austerlitz and Vagram, he was in greater danger, and that glory would be the prize of mediocre minds if no risks were ever taken in war.

In accordance with the Allied plan of operations at the outbreak of hostilities, the Salesian army advanced towards the Bohemian frontier. The general idea was to envelop Napoleon on three sides, from Berlin, Breslau, and Bohemia, to threaten his line of communications and to wear him out without risking a pitched battle, in which the allies from Sad Experians feared his powers of generalship. Napoleon first turned his attention to the army of Silesia, which he proposed to attack in force, while holding the Bohemian passes south of Boutzen so as to prevent any invasion of Saxony. In adopting this plan, he took the risk of leaving Dresden and his line of communications open to attack. The Emperor left Boutzen on the 17th of August and proceeded east to Gorlitz.

After much marching and counter-marching, he failed to bring Blucher to an action. The Prussian General, usually as bold as a lion, was now as wily as a fox. He withdrew to the southeast, hoping to lure Napoleon into the wilds of Silesia and give the Austrians time to seize Dresden. But the Emperor was not to be drawn further afield. late on the evening of the 23rd he received at Gourlitz a dispatch from Saint-Cier telling him that Dresden was in danger of capture. Taking the guard in two divisions of cavalry and infantry, he hurried back by forced marches to Dresden, where he arrived two days later.

In a pouring rain, many of his battalions traversed 40 leagues in 48 hours. Meanwhile, the Austrian army had been concentrating south of the Erskaberge, which had crossed in four columns and advanced on Dresden. Owing to the intervention of the Tsar, the plan of an immediate attack on the defenses of the city was abandoned, and this delay enabled Napoleon to come up. Dresden lies on the left bank of the Elbe, and is connected with Noostadt on the opposite bank by an old stone bridge which has played a part in many a campaign. After passing through the mountains, the Allies advanced on the city by the three highways which converge there from the south and southwest. The ground is hilly, but descends gradually towards the city. city. There are several brooks which flow towards the Alba, and one long defile hard for troops

to cross, through which runs a larger stream to enter the river just below the city. Villages dot the plain, with farms, gardens, and other enclosures, all good points to defend. Adjoining the city to the east, the grocer garden, a mile long by half as wide, makes an excellent outwork. Schwarzenberg's orders for the 26th of August were to drive the French back on the city, from all their advanced positions, after which in the afternoon the artillery would come up and bombard the place. But before this plan could fully be carried out, there came a counterstroke from Napoleon. The Emperor reached the capital about nine o'clock in the morning. From then until late in the afternoon, the guard was continuously filing across the Alba and reinforcing St. Cyr's hard-pressed troops.

As soon as they were all up, Napoleon ordered a general advance to recapture sufficient space for deployment in front of the city. As had so often happened before, the Allies had lost a splendid opportunity by their delay and indecision. With the arrival of Napoleon, all doubts and fears had vanished in the French army. At the sight of the well-known figure in the grey redding-goat, fatigues and discomforts were forgotten, and the cries of Vive l' Emperor, rent the air, carrying inspiration to the defenders, dismay to the enemy. The news of Napoleon's arrival so shook the nerves of the Tsar that he favored an immediate retreat. But the original plan was carried out. As night fell, the Allies drew off with heavy losses, abandoning all the points of vantage

they had gained during the day. For the battle of the second day, Napoleon ordered Murat to attack the weak point of the Allies, their left wing, which was separated from the center by the defile spoken of above. The French center was only to hold the enemy in front of it, while the left wing attacked Barclay along the Pirna Road. Although Napoleon was considerably outnumbered, he had the advantage of an inner line only half the length of that of the Allies, and could therefore easily be superior in force at any point he chose to attack. The drenching rain rendered the muskets practically useless for service,

and the battle was decided by the artillery at cold steel. The French advance against the Allied right was at first successful, but was finally checked. Along the center there was a heavy artillery duel, the most noteworthy result of which was the death of the French traitor Morrow, who was in the Tsar's suite, and had both legs carried off by a stray shot from a field battery. But on the French right, a brilliant success was gained by Murat, who overwhelmed two Austrian divisions and captured ten thousand men. The news of this disaster decided the Allies to retire into Bohemia, and during the night began that famous retreat which soon became a rout. Dresden was one of Napoleon's most brilliant tactical battles and the last of his great victories.

It is the only one of his battles in which he advanced both wings. He is severely criticized by Dodge because he did not make his victory more decisive by a sharp advance in force. The reason of the sudden check in the pursuit of the dissuade of the disdainment, disorganized allied army, as stated by Count de Roche-ois in his memoirs, was that the torrents of rain which began to fall the second day of the battle and lasted without intermission for three days, brought on a chill followed by a violent attack of fever, which compelled Napoleon to return to Dresden instead of going on to Perna. The absence of orders from the French headquarters prevented the pursuit which might have been decisive. Napoleon had accustomed

his generals too much to receive all their orders from headquarters and to have no initiative. Although Napoleon could claim a brilliant success for himself, during the next few days news reached him from all quarters of disasters to his marshals. Van Damme, with his single corps of forty thousand men, issued out of the mountains on the flank of the Allies, threw himself across their line of retreat, and was overwhelmed by sheer weight of numbers and his entire corps destroyed. About the same time, Udino was severely beaten near Berlin,

and MacDonald was badly defeated by Blucher. this being the emperor's first defensive campaign says dodge he failed to conduct it on lines he had always shown to be correct he left too big a task to macdonald he organized three offensive movements at the same time from a defensive position he did not make sure of his victory over the army of the sovereigns the movements of the great captain during the next month do not exhibit him to advantage after the battle of dresden instead of following up his victory he shut him up in his study for two days, and dictated a long review of the military outlook, which has been a puzzle to strategical students ever since. In this, note on the general situation of my affairs. He suddenly throws aside every principle which he had laid down, and so often demonstrated in his brilliant career. To the admirer of his genius, it is amazing to see Napoleon writing notes instead of acting.

Having undertaken a defensive for the first time in his life, he was a man. life, he seems to have lost all his initiative. The rest of the month he spent his time moving all around Dresden without attacking anybody seriously. On the 4th of October, he again drew up a review of the situation in which he apparently seriously contemplated the impossible scheme of giving up his communications with France and wintering in and around Dresden. Suddenly, Napoleon completely changed his plans and decided to give up Dresden as a base and fall back towards Airport. But after calling up Sincere from Dresden, he cancelled the order and left him there,

only to be finally captured by the Allies. Having drawn up a brilliant plan in which one again recognises the old commander, Napoleon for three days remained inactive, once more a prey to the most extraordinary irresolution. In the meantime, while the great captain waited and waited, the Allies were putting to use against him his own methods. They had distinctly outwerectly outwerews.

maneuvered him and stood in full force upon his line of retreat with their own open. He was in as bad a predicament as he had ever placed one of his enemies, and he alone was to blame. It is indeed impossible to recognize Napoleon during this campaign. He now decided that there was nothing to do except to march on Leipzig and accept battle there, which under the circumstances was simply to invite destruction. He should have avoided battle and maneuvered to turn the flank of his enemies so as to to reach the Rhine. At noon on the 13th of October, the French Corps began the march to Leipzig. Nothing now could save the situation but a great victory, and it was not possible for him to

concentrate his forces in time. Up to the present moment the Allies had constantly refused to meet him, and Napoleon seemed to imagine that they would never dare to attack him, and that he could come to battle when and how he pleased. A fatal error. In going to Leipzig to fight a battle, says Dodge. He deliberately committed strategic suicide. Any maneuver was better. The old university town of Leipzig is situated in a large plain on the right bank of the Elster at the point where it is joined by the place. Between the rivers, for several miles above and below the city, there is low marshy meadowland. On the north of the city a smaller stream the Partha comes in from the east. The only outlet from Leipzig to the west towards Airford and

Mayans is over the long causeway bridge that crosses the several arms of the two rivers, and at the western end of this bridge is Lindenau. The old road from Al, by which Blucher arrived, runs parallel to the north bank of the Ulster. There are many villages in the rolling plain to the east of the city, all so built as to be capable of stout defense. These villages were an important feature of the battlefield. On the 15th of October, the rival armies lined up for battle. To the southeast of the city, Napoleon's main body of 130,000 men faced Schwarzenberg with 200,000. At Mokern, to the north, stood Ney and Marmon with 50,000, opposed to Blucher with 60,000 men.

Near Lindenau, Bertrand with 20,000 men, opposed a strong column under Goulet, who was working around to join the Prussians on the north. Du Lé opened the battle on the 16th, with an attack on the French position at Lindenon. but he was repulsed and retreated up the auster to rejoin the main body of the Allies. The brunt of the fighting took place around Vajal about two miles and a half to the southeast of the city. Here the French batteries broke up the attack of two Austrian columns. A counter-attack of three cavalry divisions under Murat, which Napoleon sent direct against the Austrian center, failed of success on account of the marshy ground.

Another advance of the French against the Austrian right was also repulsed. The fighting on both sides was most obstinate. On the north, however, Ne and Marmon were forced back by Blucher, who came within a mile of the gates of the city. The next day, Napoleon was reinforced by the arrival of Reney's corps, which went into position to the east of the city. On the Allied side, Bernadot came up from Al and formed up his troops opposite Rennier, thus closing the gap between the Austrians and Prussians.

At the same time, Schwarzenberg's right wing was strengthened by, Benickson. The rain fell without ceasing, and a general rest seemed to be imposed. During the day the French line of battle was withdrawn nearly a leak farther back. Napoleon's front now extended in a semi-circle over 11 miles in length from the northern side of the city to the place on the south. Only Bertrand remained on the left bank of the river at Lindenau covering the line of retreat. The French now numbered 200,000 against 300,000 of allies. On the 18th, Schwarzenberg's intention was to advance with his main body along the place and turn the French right and cut them off from Leipzig and their line of retreat. The fighting

again was most obstinate and the Allies failed to gain any decisive advantage. But early in the afternoon, the troops from Baden, Wurttemberg and Saxony deserted the French and went over to the Allies, a defection which in the words of the royalist, Roche-Schwa, may be called infamous treachery, a disgraceful action, unprecedented in the annals of modern warfare. For not only had these troops deserted the French, but they attacked them almost at once. All hope of saving the battle had now to be given up, but the French covered their retreat with great stubbornness, and by daybreak the next morning one half of the army was already filing along the road to Airford, which had so fortunately been left for them.

Napoleon reached Lutzen that day with his main body, while the Allies stormed a Leipzig. By an error the bridge across the Alster was blown up before all the French had crossed, and part of the rear guard was thus cut off. Ponyatowski, who had just received his marshal's baton, lost his life in trying to swim the river. The aged king of Saxony, who had remained in Leipzig during the battle, was treated by the Allied sovereigns with the greatest severity. He was sent to Berlin as a prisoner of war and remained there until the close of 1814. The king, of Saxony and Denmark were the last sovereigns to remain faithful to Napoleon, even in his fall, and they paid dearly for their fidelity.

Teleran pleaded the cause of the King of Saxony at the Congress of Vienna, and finally obtained for him his liberty and his kingdom, with the exception of one province which was assigned to Prussia. The King of Denmark lost Norway, which was given to the King of Sweden as a reward for his help in this campaign of 1813, and to indemnify him for the loss of Finland, which had been reunited to Russia. The French retreat had been so well covered that no direct pursuit was attempted. The army, still over 100,000 strong, marched rapidly via Airford to Hano on the main. Here Napoleon found his way barred by Verida with 60,000 men and over 100 guns in a strong

position. To this fresh emergency he responded in most brilliant fashion. He at once attacked, and after one of the finest artillery maneuvers in history, right over the enemy, practically destroying his entire force. Henceforth, the march was unmolested and Napoleon reached Mayans on the 2nd of November. Thus ended the campaign of Leipzig, the most unsound that Napoleon ever conducted. The weakest in conception, the most fertile in blunders, and the most disastrous in its results. End of Chapter 19 Chapter 20 of Napoleon I.

an intimate biography by Walter Gear. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 20. 1814, The Campaign of France. When Napoleon had recrossed the Rhine at Mayence and found himself once more on the soil of the empire, he had a feeling of discouragement which it was difficult for him to conceal. He was no longer the conqueror returning in triumph to his people. The Russian disaster he had been able to dissemble

and a tribute to the forces of nature, but no such course was possible to the general who had been vanquished at Leipzig. He remained a few days at Maynes and then left for Paris. On the evening of the 9th of November, he reached St. Clu where he was welcomed by the Empress. He had not a word to say regarding the results of the campaign, and addressed no reproaches to Marie-Louise

on account of his desertion by her father. The 14th of November there arrived at St. Clu an emissary of peace from the Allied sovereign. This was Baron de Saint-Agnon, Napoleon's minister at Weimar. He was authorized to say to the Emperor that the Allies were willing to treat for peace on the basis of the natural frontiers of France, the Rhine, the Alps and the Pyrenees. It is very difficult now to say whether these proposals were sincere or not. But Napoleon, even in defeat, still inspired so much respect and fear,

that it is more than probable that he could not even then have made peace with honor. at this moment neither the czar nor the emperor of francis desired the return of the bourbons the allies with the memories of the revolutionary wars still freshened their minds hesitated to cross the rhine and the pyrenees the ablest of their ministers advised a policy of conciliation as both honorable and prudent napoleon instead of seizing this opportunity returned an evasive answer and suggested a congress at some future date without indicating in any way his views as to the proposal When he finally decided two weeks later to accept the conditions, it was too late. The Allies had been informed by the Royalists in France of the weakness of Napoleon's position and the offer was withdrawn. When Napoleon finally decided that peace was necessary, he wished to recall Talleyrand to his former post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, but the latter refused, because the Emperor

insisted that in becoming minister he should resign his position of vice-grant-electeur. Over such an insignificant matter of etiquette, Napoleon at this critical moment lost the services of his ablest advisor. The Emperor then appointed the wise and Pacific Collincoole, who was persona gratat to the Tsar at whose Cordy had held the position of French Ambassador. But it was now too late for negotiations. As Bismarck once said, there are moments in diplomatic affairs which never return. The 19th of December the Emperor in person opened the same. of the corps les gislatif with great pomp. He failed to receive the usual enthusiastic reception. Two days later, the Allies began the invasion of France. The nation which for over 20 years had not

seen an invader on its soil was not prepared for its defense. The fortresses of the Albe and the fistula were strongly garrisoned and well supplied, but no thought had been given to the strong places of France. Nearly 150,000 veteran troops were holding the German fortresses. and as many more were still fighting in Spain, while in France there were not enough soldiers to guard the Rhine. On the 11th of December, 1813, Napoleon had concluded a treaty with Ferdinand by which the latter was to be restored to the throne of Spain

and the French garrisons were to come home. Again, it was too late. These soldiers who might have saved the empire did not return in time to fight the invaders. On learning of the signature of this treaty, Joseph was profoundly mortified, but there was nothing to do but to submit. He retained his title of king

and the dignity of the prince of the empire and took up his residence in the Luxembourg. At the moment that the brothers became reconciled, Napoleon was to cut to the quake at learning that his sister, Caroline, and her husband, Murat, had deserted him and gone over to the Allies. Strangest thing of all,

it was the other, Caroline, the sister of Marie Antoinette, the deposed Queen of Naples from whom the emperor received the first warning of this defection. and it was the same Caroline who had so much reason to detest Napoleon, who a few months later reproached her granddaughter Marie-Louise for abandoning her unfortunate husband.

After the Battle of Leipzig, the main army of the Allies advanced to the Rhine where there remained stationary during the month of November. There were no active operations except in Holland and around the fortresses along the Elbe and the Oder. The situation was so uncertain that the Allies did not feel justified in advancing on Paris. It was reported that Napoleon had raised a new army of 300,000 men, and after the surprise of the previous spring,

they were ready to believe anything. It was at this time that the sovereigns made the very favorable offers of peace which Napoleon was so insensate as not to accept. They did not then know that the French army was far short of its strength on paper, that it was not and could not be properly equipped, and that it was suffering severely from an epidemic of typhus. At the close of the year 1813, the main allied army of about 200,000 men under Schwarzenberg, was on the Rhine between Baal and Mannheim, and another army of 80,000 was at Mayans and Koblanz under Butcher.

Bernadotte had gone to Holstein. Benixson was confronting Davout at Hamburg, and Boulog was in Holland with one Prussian and one Russian corps, 70,000 men in all. This gave the Allies an army for active operations, of about 350,000 in all. At the same time, Napoleon's total available forces did not exceed 100,000 men, and they were scattered at a dozen different points from Bal to Brussels.

If there ever was a time when Napoleon needed to put to use his rule of concentration, it was now. If after Leipzig he had drawn in Saint-Cire-Anne Davout from Germany, Eugene from Italy and Soucher and Sult from Spain, to add to his field army, there is no question that he could have kept the Allies beyond the Rhine, and retained his throne with the enlarged boundaries of France.

But for the time being, the General was sunk in the monarch, and he was governed by political rather than military considerations. The wide separation of the small French forces was in the highest decree unwise. He should have abandoned for the moment his conquests in Belgium, Italy, and Spain, concentrated all his forces on the Rhine, beaten the several allied armies in detail and driven them from the soil of the empire. He would then have recovered his prestige and his territory at one blow. But the emperor did nothing of the kind,

and it is difficult to recognize at this time the man whose first principle of war was to mass every man and every gun for battle. If there was not time to concentrate his forces along the frontier, he should certainly have done so for the defense of the capital. If he lost Paris, all was lost, for all history shows that Paris is the heart of France.

Napoleon did not expect that the Allies would attempt to invade France before spring, and he thus hoped to have ample time for his preparations. In this he was disappointed. This time they did not intend to give the Emperor an opportunity to reorganize and recruit his army. The plan of operations adopted by the Allies was simplicity itself. Paris was their objective, and they purposed to march on. on the capital in three columns. The most direct route from Germany is through Metz to Chalon,

and Napoleon expected them this way. But the main army under Schwarzenberg advanced from Ball towards Dijon, while the second army under Blucher was to move on Mets the moment that the first had crossed the Jurand Mountains. As soon as the two armies were in touch with each other, they were to march on Paris by the valleys of the Sen and the Marne. If Napoleon assumed the offensive, they purpose to threaten his flanks while avoiding a decisive engagement. At the same time, the third army,

under Boulog, was to advance from Holland through Namur-en-Lon and approach Paris from the north. We do not propose to enter into the details of the invasion until Napoleon himself appears upon the scene the last of January. No serious defense was possible from the feeble cordon of French troops facing the Rhine, and the advance of the Allies to the Marne was only a promenade military,

from the time of his return to paris early in november the emperor had been busy trying to raise a new army he might have withdrawn three hundred thousand trained soldiers from the fortresses of germany and from his armies in spain and italy But as we have seen, he was deterred by political considerations, although the military situation demanded it. On paper, he succeeded in raising a new levy of nearly a million men, but Usset calculates that not more than one-third were actually called up, and not over one-eighth ever fought. From Suchet and Soutin Spain he withdrew about 25,000 men. From Italy, none, and the troops left in Germany were soon invested in ultimately forced to surrender. into the details of Napoleon's efforts to raise a new army we cannot enter. When he finally faced the enemy at Chalon the last week in January,

he had only 50,000 troops available for immediate operations. The theatre of the Campaign of France is an irregular Pentagon of which the five corners are Paris, L'on, Saint-Disié, Choumont, and Fontainebleau. The country is generally flat and in parts scantily populated. The two principal rivers in this area, are the Marne and the Sende, which flow more or less parallel to each other until they begin to converge to unite, just outside Paris, to the east. They are rarely fordable in winter and are always serious military obstacles. There are also many large tributaries to these rivers,

which were of importance in the campaign. Across the theatre of war, there were three great roads to Paris. One, from Chalon via Chateau-Tierry. Two, from Chomont via Trou-Tor-E. Two, from Chomon via Trois, and three, from Ocerre via Sans, joining the second route at the crossing of the Marne outside Paris. These roads passed many times over the Marne and Cain and other streams, and the destruction of the bridges had an important effect on the course of operations. On the 26th of January, Napoleon took command at Chalon of the forces of Ne, Victor, Marmon, and a little later of Martí as well, in all about 50,000 men. From there he advanced up the mound to Saint-Dizier,

where he learned that Blucher had marched to Brienne. Napoleon followed and attacked Blucher, who narrowly escaped capture in the chateau of Brienne. The army of Silesia fell back to Barre-sur-Obe to get in touch with Schwarzenberg. After waiting two days at Brien, the emperor prepared to march to Trois. At La Routier, on the 1st of February,

he was attacked by the first and second allied armies which outnumbered him four to one. But the attack was begun late in the day, and Napoleon was able to hold his own until darkness fell. The following day he retreated to Trois, hotly pursued by the Allies. After the battle it was decided

that the two allied armies should again separate. That Blucher should march to Chalon and thence by the valley of the mountain to Paris, that the army of Bohemia should advance on Trois, and thence by both banks of the Sen on Paris, and that the Cossacks should form a connecting link between the two armies. Meanwhile, Napoleon, with his usual intuition, had already divined the probable movements of the enemy.

He immediately moved across to Noges. There he left Victor and Odino with half his force to hold back Schwarzenberg, while he crossed the seine with the guard, 30,000 strong and marched north. On the tenth at Champ Obert, he struck the center of the Salesian army, which was strung out on a line about 45 miles long and destroyed one core. Then, leaving Marmon to check Blucher's advance, he turned to the west and attacked one of York's corps, and forced it to retreat to Chateau Tierra.

Leaving Morty to contain York, he dashed off again with his main body to Montmirai, at the same time sending Marmon orders to fall back on that place, and draw Blucher after him. The Prussian General fell into the trap, and was defeated by Napoleon and forced to, retire to Chalon a distance of 40 miles. These brilliant victories in three successive days

recalled the glories of the campaign of Italy. The whole Salesian army had been put arde-combaugh and forced to abandon its advance on Paris. For the time being, Napoleon had knocked out his most dangerous and implacable enemy. In a letter to his wife, Blucher said, I have had a bitter three days, but with his usual hopefulness and pluck, he adds,

Don't be afraid that we shall be beaten, unless some unheard of mistake occurs that is not possible. After defeating Blucher, it was high time for Napoleon to return to the assistance of his retaining force on the Sen. Leaving Mortier and Marmon to look after the army of Silesia, he hurried back to the Valley of the Sen, where Victor and Odino had been forced back to within 12 miles of Paris. While Napoleon was dealing with Blucher, Schwarzenberg had seized Trois and continued his advance on a wide front between the Sen and the Yon. He stormed Sans, and his vanguard reached Fontainebleau. While the army of Bohemia was thus continuing its leisurely advance, Napoleon suddenly fell upon it, and during the five days from 17 to the 21st of February, defeated it three times,

and inflicted such heavy punishment on his adversaries that they retreated hastily to Bar-sur-Obe, over 100 miles from the capital. In the meantime, Blucher had again a advanced and was driving Marmont and Mortier before him. On receiving this information, the Emperor decided to discontinue his pursuit of Schwarzenberg and fall upon Blucher again. Leaving 30,000 men on the Obe, under MacDonald and Udino to try to keep back the Bohemian Army, he took the remaining 25,000 to join the 15,000 that were with his marshals on the Malne. He arrived there on the 2nd of March, having covered 75 miles in five days. He immediately, fell upon Bluchess' left and drove him back on Suasson.

This place had been held by a French garrison which had capitulated only 24 hours before, unknown to Napoleon. The Silesian army was thus able to escape, and, marching north to L'on, it affected a junction with Bernadotte, thus bringing Blucher's forces up to 100,000 men. On the seventh, Napoleon defeated an advance guard of the enemy at Crayon and drove it back on L'on, where a battle took place on the ninth. Napoleon was repulsed and was obliged to retire to rest to rest his men. On the 14th, Schwarzenberg, who had learned of Napoleon's absence from his front, began another advance, but retreated again to Brian on the news of the Emperor's approach.

Thus, after six weeks fighting, the Allies were no nearer Paris than at the beginning of the campaign. In order not to interrupt the narrative of the military operations, No reference has yet been made to the peace negotiations which were carried on for several weeks during the course of the campaign, and we must now turn for a moment to the duller affairs of the diplomatists. The Congress was held at the little city of Chattillon on the seine, very near to the Theatre of War. There were present the plenipotentiaries of England, Austria, Prussia, Russia, and France. The Emperor was represented by Colleen Cour his Minister of Foreign Affairs. nothing could have been more difficult than the role of the french commissioner coulin cuo was a brave general a man of honor a patriot if there ever was one

absolutely devoted to the emperor he was nevertheless sincerely in favor of peace which he believed to be the only salvation for napoleon and for france if his prudent advice had been followed the emperor might have saved his throne napoleon could have had peace if he had been willing to accept the frontiers of seventeen ninety two but he insisted on the natural boundaries which he had once rejected. At times the emperor seemed ready to give way, but as soon as he gained a military success, he was again obdurate. Colincourt filled with honor and dignity his thankless role. The Congress opened at Chattillon on the 4th of February, just after Napoleon's desperate defensive battle at La Roatier. At that time, the emperor gave Collin Courte-Blanc,

to conduct the negotiations to a happy feat. finish. Three days later, the powers made known their ultimatum that France should withdraw within the limits of 1792 and should have no voice in the disposition of the seated territory. An immediate reply was demanded, yes or no, without any pour parley. Coulen-court expressed his willingness to accept even these hard terms, but upon condition that there should be an immediate suspension of hostilities. This condition was rejected by the Allies in the following day the conferences were suspended for a week. When the sessions were resumed on the 15th of February, Napoleon had just gained his

brilliant victories over Blucher, and he wrote Collin-Cour from Nanges, withdrawing his Carte Blanche, and insisting on the basis proposed at Frankfurt, that is to say, the natural frontiers. Napoleon thought the Allies would be much more discouraged than they were. At the session of the 17th of February, they presented a series of preliminary articles even more drastic than their previous propositions. When Napoleon heard of these demands, his rage knew no bounds. He wrote Collincoeur that he would rather see the Bourbons back than accept such infamous terms. But the Allies would not yield a single point.

The last day of February, they notified Colincourt that unless a favorable reply was received by the 10th of March, the Congress would immediately be dissolved. With much difficulty, the... the French commissioner obtained an extension of five days, and finally, on the 15th of March, he presented the counter-proposition of Napoleon, in which the emperor made some minor concessions, but still insisted on the line of the Alps and the Rhine. The Allies considered this proposition as an ultimatum which made peace impossible, and on the 18th of March, the Congress finally adjourned. The Allies now suddenly decided to cut loose from their communications and

marched directly upon Paris. This change of plan was, was brought about by several circumstances. Under the leadership of Teleran, who had long secretly desired the fall of Napoleon, a plot had been formed at Paris to dethrone the emperor and restore the Bourbons. The Allied sovereigns were informed of this conspiracy, but they were not entirely convinced

that Napoleon's situation was as weak as represented. While they were still hesitating, a letter to the emperor from Savarie was intercepted, in which the minister described the exhaustion of the treasury, the arsenals and the magazines, and spoke of the grave discontent of the population. After reading this letter, the Tsar decided to issue orders for an immediate march on the capital. At the same moment that the Allies began their advance on Paris, Napoleon suddenly affected a maneuver that has been differently criticized, blamed by many, approved by few, the result of

which was to bring about his fall within a few days. This maneuver consisted in passing to the rear of the allied armies in order to cut off their communications. Napoleon hoped that they would follow him and thus be drawn away from Paris. The Allies, however, divided their forces, leaving two Russian and Prussian corps to watch Napoleon, while the rest of the army marched directly on Paris, driving before them the Corps of Marmont and Mortier. In this sudden and rapid movement, the Emperor of Austria became separated from his allies, an apparently unimportant incident, which, however, deprived Napoleon of the protection of his father-in-law and of Prince Metternich at a very critical moment for himself and his dynasty.

Mermont and Mortier were driven back to Paris, where they took up a position at Montmartre for the defense of the city which was not fortified at that time. The 29th of March there was fighting at the gates of Paris along an immense line. The Allied armies formed an effect of force of at least 150,000 men. To these the French could not oppose more than 30,000 men. who, moreover, were disheartened by recent defeats. The two marshals did not agree and would not act in concert. The confusion was great in the capture of Paris, inevitable.

The Allied army had marched on Paris in the form of a large semi-circle, leaving only the route to a Leon open. By this road, the regent, the Empress Marie-Louise, with her son, King Joseph and the imperial government retired and took up their residence at Blois, thus leaving the capital without government and a praise. to all the elements of intrigue that were within it. The result was the surrender of the city to the Allies on the last day of March, almost without firing a shot.

When Napoleon found that his movement to the east to cut the Allied communications did not cause them to fall back as he had expected, he was, for the moment, undecided whether to pursue them or to leave his army and hasten himself to the defense of his capital. Not dreaming that Paris would capitulate almost without resistance, he decided on the latter course and traveled post-haste via Trois to Fontainebleau. Pushing on from there to Paris, at a point twelve miles south of the capital, he learned of the capitulation.

He then turned back to Fontainebleau and began to assemble his troops who had followed him by forced marches with the idea of recapturing Paris. As soon as the emperor reached Fontainebleau, he sent Colincourt to Paris to see the Tsar Alexander, with a letter of credentials in which he gave him full power to negotiate and include peace and promise to ratify any arrangement he might make. The 1st of April, the day after the Emperor's arrival, the heads of the columns from Champagne began to come in from the direction of Sons and also the advance guard of the troops

from Paris. The marshals also began to appear, and soon there could be seen at the imperial headquarters. Montcet, the commander of the National Guard of Paris, Le Favre, who at the age of had served through the campaign, Ne, Udino, and MacDonald who came from Trois, and Mortier and Marmont who arrived from Paris. The troops as they came in were placed in position behind the Asson about ten miles from Paris. The day after his arrival, Napoleon already had

thirty thousand men in line. The emperor, whose feeling of lassitude had passed away, was already laying his plans to seize Paris by a coup d'-d-main. He only awaited the army. arrival of further reinforcements and the return of Coulincourt from Paris. The first conference between the Allies was held the first day of April at the residence of Talleyrand. The departure of Marie-Louise for Blois with her son and the imperial government, and the absence of the Emperor of Austria, who was only able to arrive on the 15th when all was over,

had left the field free to the enemies of the empire. The news which Collin-Cour brought from the capital the night of the second was most discouraging. The Tsar was lodged in the Hotel of Talleyrand, the central figure of the royalist plot, who had just been named as the head of the provisional government with four colleagues. But the restoration of the Bourbons was not yet decided, and the throne might still be saved if the emperor abdicated in favor of the king of Rome. Coulincourt urged Napoleon to take this course. The following morning the emperor assembled the old guard in the court of the Cheval Blanc and addressed them.

He was received with such enthusiasm that for the moment he returned again to his plan of marching on Paris. But if the soldiers and the officers were still eager for war, the case was far different with the marshals, who were now almost without exception determined to force the abdication. Neh took the lead in speaking decisively and even disrespectfully to the emperor. At noon on the fourth, Napoleon called the marshals to his salon and ordered his secretary, Faye, to read the act of abdication which he then signed. A careful reading of this paper will show that it was merely a conditional offer to descend from the throne, subject to the rights of his son, and was not an absolute abdication.

Coulincourt, Ne and MacDonald were directed to take the paper to Paris, and make a final supreme effort, at least to save the dynasty. On their way to the city, the three plenipotentiaries stopped at Esson to see Marmon. This little village, situated about five miles from Corbe, was the headquarters of this marshal and of the Sixth Corps which had been under his command during the campaign. The village bears the same name as the river which enters the Sen at Corbe, and which separated the troops of Marmon from those of the allies. On meeting Marmon, the emissaries of the Emperor were struck by his air of embarrassment, which they could not understand. The mystery was to be explained only too soon. marmonde who had fought by the side of napoleon since the days of toulon who had been rewarded by him with titles and riches who had covered himself with glory during the campaign of france marmonde had betrayed the empire

following a conference held at his hotel in paris on the evening of the thirty first of march a few hours after the capitulation of the city at which he became convinced that nothing could prevent the fall of napoleon he had decided to range himself under the white flag of the bourbons On the morning of the 4th of April, he called a meeting at his headquarters of all his generals except Chastell and explained his plans. Such was the state of affairs when the same afternoon Collin Cour, Ne and MacDonald stopped at a son and informed Marmon of their mission and asked him to accompany them to Paris. Having obtained a self-conduie from Prince de Schwarzenberg, Collincourt and the three marshals proceeded to Paris, where they arrived at two o'clock on the morning of the fifth and went directly to the same. the Hotel of Talleyrand where the Tsar was living. The Tsar saw them at once and gave them a very cordial reception. After listening to their pleadings in favor of the King of Rome,

he promised to give them an answer during the course of the day after a conference with his allies. An event fatal to the hopes of the imperial dynasty now occurred. Mermont had planned the act of treason, and during his absence his generals carried it out. The Marshal had hardly left for Paris when an aide-de-con of the Emperor. arrived at his quarters with an order for him to go to Fontainebleau. The generals of the Sixth Corps at once jumped to the conclusion

that the plans of their commander had been exposed to the emperor. Without awaiting the return of Marmon, they decided to carry out the convention arranged with Schwarzenberg and lead their troops across the Aeson within the Austrian lines. When the unfortunate soldiers in the middle of the night received their orders to cross the Aeson and march towards Paris, they thought, naturally, that they were about to take place. part in a movement for the recovery of the capital.

But their suspicions were soon aroused when they saw that the Allies did not oppose their march, and the word treason ran through the ranks. When the sun rose in the situation became clearer, the rear column under General Chastel, which was not yet surrounded by the enemy, turned back and recrossed the bridge. When Enade de Kahn brought the news to Marmaut at his hotel in Paris, he went immediately to find Né, who was on the point of returning with his cause, to see the Tsar and receive his answer. Marmon told them of the action of his generals and added, I would give my arm if the report was not true. Say your head, cried Marshal Ney,

and even that would not be enough. When the plenipotentiaries arrived at the Hotel of Talleyrand, where the news had already been received, they found that the last chance to save the imperial throne had disappeared, and that the restoration of the Bourbons was certain. For the rest of his life, the wretched marshal was pursued by a feeling of remorse. In vain the bourbons loaded him with honors. At the last in 1830, he was to prove their evil genius as he had been that of Napoleon in 1814. Driven into exile by the fall of Charles X, he ended his career at Schoenbrun, where he gave lessons in strategy to another exile not less unfortunate than himself, a young man who had been called the King of Rome, and who was then only known as the Duke of Reichstadt.

in the meantime napoleon at fontainebleau awaited impatiently the reply from paris in case of an unfavorable response he was determined to march immediately on the capital fall upon the allies whose troops were scattered in and around the city defeat them in detail and reconquer his throne who can say that he would not have succeeded at this moment came the news of the treason of marmon which ruined all his plans napoleon only pronounced these words l'in gra he sarae he srae more malerou than when colin cour ne and macdonald returned to fontainebleau on the evening of the fifth and reported the failure of their mission they found the emperor calm and dignified with no reproaches for anyone after a night of reflection Napoleon finally decided to submit to the inevitable. In the morning he summoned the marshals to his cabinet, and there, on a little round mahogany table, he signed his second act of abdication. The Allied powers, having declared that the Emperor was the only obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor, faithful to his oath, declares that he renounces for himself

and his heirs, the thrones of France and Italy, and that there is no sacrifice even that of his life, which he is not ready to make in the interests of France. From the 6th to the 20th of April, Napoleon remained at Fontainebleau in a state of great depression. On the 12th, Coulincourt brought for his signature the treaty which had been concluded at Paris the night before. This treaty gave to Napoleon the title of emperor with the sovereignty of the island of Elba and an allowance of two million francs a year. It also contained pecuniary provisions for his mother, Joseph, Louis, Portance, Elisa and Pauline. He was also accorded the privilege of taking with him a bodyguard of 400 men.

This treaty, which the Allies considered the height of generosity, appeared to Napoleon to be an act of the most profound humiliation. He said that he would rather die than affix his name to so ignominious a convention. That night he took a dose of poison which he had carried in a sachet attached to a cord around his neck during the retreat from Moscow. But the poison had lost its strength and only caused him intense pain without ending his life. His physician Ivan gave him an antidote which soon relieved him. "'Tou just to la ma'amor,' he said. "'I'm condemned to live encore.' When he awoke the following morning he enjoined upon his suite, absolute sin.

secrecy regarding this attempt of which he was now ashamed. He had entirely recovered his usual calm self-possession, and during the course of the day he signed the treaty. In the career of Napoleon, history and legend are confounded. To us, the great emperor appears like a hero of antiquity, and the veterans of his old guard are almost mythical personages like the legionaries of Caesar. The Adieu de Fontainebleau, the celebrated scene of the emperor with the grenadiers of the Vieuard and the court of the Cheval Blanc seems like the final act of a great historical drama. It is the 20th of April the day of his departure. In the court, the old guard is drawn up in serried ranks. The traveling carriages are already waiting.

On the stroke of midday, the faithful Bertrand announces to the emperor that all is ready. He traverses the gallery of Francis I and descends the stairway of the fair-a-cheval with a firm and rapid step. The drums beat the charge. At the foot of the stairs, the emperor makes a sign that he wishes to speak, and the drums are silent. Soldiers of my old guard, he said,

I bid you farewell. For twenty years I have always found you in the path of honor and glory. After a few more words, his voice broke. Then he continued, Adieu, my children. I would like to press you all against my heart. Let me at least embrace your flag.

At these words, General Poutis seized the flag and came forward. Napoleon received him in his arms and kissed the eagle of the standard. Then overcome with a motion, he entered the carriage, which was to bear him away to exile. On the 27th of April, Napoleon arrived at Friegeus, and the following day he embarked. The vessel dropped anchor in the harbor of Porto Farayo the 3rd of May, and the next afternoon he landed amidst the cheers of the inhabitants who were proud of their new sovereign. Elba lies in the Mediterranean between Corsica and Italy at a distance of only seven miles from the mainland. The island has many times belonged to France, but today it is Italian. In all respects, it is

essentially Corsican. The island is about 17 by 12 miles in size, the greater dimension being from east to west. The customs of the islanders are most primitive. The climate is hot and unhealthy, skin diseases are common, and typhus is a scourge. Such was the prison to which the emperor had been consigned. Napoleon, with his usual activity, at once visited every part of the island, on horseback or on foot, often walking for ten hours under heat that would have felled an ox. He at once began many municipal improvements. He repaired the roads, dredged the ports, and developed the mines.

He introduced the olive, the lemon and the orange, which still flourish on the island. He also created an abundant water supply and improved the health of the people by draining swamps and exterminating the mosquitoes. He gave the islanders their first lessons in cleanliness and sanitation. After lodging for a short time in a few rooms of the Hotel de Ville, the emperor arranged for his home a building on the slope of the hill near the capital, acting as his own architect. This building, the Elbans called the Molini Palace. As no furniture could be obtained on the island, Napoleon sent an expedition to the mainland to secure the furniture of the palace of Pianbino, belonging to his sister Elisa. Three weeks after Napoleon reached Elba, the guard who had left Fontainebleau several days before

him, finally arrived. They were under the command of Cambres and numbered nearer 700 than the four hundred men allowed by the Allies. At the time of his arrival, at Elba, the emperor had about four million francs, nearly all of which he treated as a reserve fund only to be used in case of necessity, as he expected to live on the revenues of the island added to his allowance. The expenses of the administration of his little kingdom came to about 120,000 francs, and the revenues to nearly three times that sum, so that the budget was most satisfactory. There remained to be met, however, the emperor's current expenses and the maintenance of his little army, which alone cost nearly 100,000 francs a month.

The Emperor's horses had come over with the guard to join their old master in exile. They were seven in number and had been ridden by him in many campaigns of the Empire, from Madrid to Moscow. There were also 48 horses to draw the various carriages, including the large sleeping coach in which Napoleon had made the journey to the coast. During the year, Napoleon received two visits from his family. His sister, Pauline, came the last of May, but at that time only stayed two days. The first of August, his mother arrived. A month later, he received a visit from Madame Belesca, who came to share his exile.

But Napoleon only allowed her to remain for two days, as he was still hoping that Marie-Louise and his son would join him, and he wished to avoid any scandal. The Empress, however, had already consoled herself with Nyberg, and had no idea of rejoining her husband. Other cares now began to trouble the emperor. The French government had failed to pay his income, and he had been forced to draw heavily on his reserve funds.

His letters had no effect. France was as silent on this point as was Austria regarding Marie-Louise. The Congress of Vienna was also debating whether it would not be safer to remove the emperor to a point more distant from France. The outlook was far from reassuring. The 1st of November, Pauline returned. turned and cheered Napoleon with her bright smiles. The life of the household was thoroughly domestic. The evenings were devoted to games of cards and chess. The emperor usually retired at nine o'clock

and rose an hour before Dijoné. He passed most of his days in excursions over the island, supervising the work which was going on. He occupied himself with the affairs of his little kingdom with the same attention that he formally gave to his immense empire. On the whole, his life was not so unhappy. After so many emotions, he needed a little rest. In this quiet routine passed the final months of 1814 and the first eight weeks of the following year. Then came, the return from Elba, one of the most dramatic events in the history of the world. End of Chapter 20. Chapter 21 of Napoleon I, an intimate biography by Walter gear. This Libervox recording is in the public domain.

21. 1815. Waterloo The reasons for Napoleon's decision to return from Elba were partly personal and partly political. The personal reasons which have already been alluded to were the refusal of the Emperor of Austria to allow his wife and son to rejoin him, the failure of the French government to pay his allowance, and the talk at Vienna of removing him to the Azores or Saint Helena. There were also numerous political reasons. The bourbons who had learned nothing and forgotten nothing during their long exile were extremely unpopular in France. The king dated his first document from the 19th year of my reign, as if there had never been a republic and an empire.

He restored the white flag and banished the glorious tricolor which had been born in triumph to every capital in Europe. He dissolved the old guard and formed the Maison de Rouxie. a corps of six thousand royalists. The peasants, by far the most numerous class in France, were alarmed at the demands of the nobles and the clergy for the restoration of their lands which had been confiscated and sold to the people. Moreover, the powers at the Congress of Vienna were quarreling over the division of the spoils

and the former allies seemed on the brink of war. On Saturday the 25th of February 1815 at Portoferraio, the only subject of conversation was the ball to begin by the Princess Pauline. The Emperor was present that evening and was full of life. When he left at a late hour, he called Bertrand and Drewo to his room

and informed them of his intention to sail the next night. On Sunday at 5 o'clock, the little army of 1100 men received the order to embark on the six small vessels which composed the fleet. As had happened so many times

before in his career, wind and wave were favorable to Napoleon, and the south wind which bore him to France, kept Campbell the English commissioner be calmed in the harbor of Livorno. On the afternoon of the fourth day, Napoleon sailed into the Gulf Juan and landed near Can. Around the headland to the left was Fréjus, where he had been welcomed home from Egypt and whence he had sailed for Elba. A little farther to the west was Toulon, where his name first became known, and once he sailed for the Orient. Beyond the Cape to the east was Nice,

where he took command of the army of Italy. The whole literal for him was full of memories. Today, on the avenue from Cannes to Nice, the tourist sees in the shade of a tree by the roadside a simple shaft of stone bearing only the inscription, Souvenirs du Prémyr March, 1815. This marks the spot where Napoleon landed. Turning away from the royalist towns of the coast of Provence,

the emperor at once marched north into the mountains. His first objective was Grenoble, a district which he believed would be favorable to him. Just before reaching this place on the 7th of March, there occurred a scene without parallel in the history of the world. In the defile of La Fré, there is a narrow road between lake and hills. Here he found a battalion of infantry drawn up in order of battle commanded by de Lesser. This officer who was only 19 years of age was a nephew of General Marchant,

the commander of Grenoble. Although he was then very bitter against the, Napoleon. Under the Second Empire, he became Marshal of France and Minister of War. Napoleon, who had ridden up with his lancers, now dismounted. He ordered his soldiers to carry their muskets reversed under their left arms, and at their head advanced towards the battalion. He wore his well-known hat with the little cockade and the traditional grey reddingot. There he is! Fire! cried Captain Rendon.

The soldiers were livid. Their knees shook and their hands trembled. When he was within a few paces, Napoleon opened his overcoat and said, If there is amongst you a soldier who would slay his emperor, here I am. A great shout arose of Vive l'Enpre. The soldiers tore off their white cockades, broke ranks, and rushed to surround their beloved commander. Rendon set spurs to his horse and rode away, while de Nassarre burst into tears and surrendered his sword to the emperor who comforted him. Before leaving Alba, Napoleon had said, I shall arrive in Paris without firing a shot,

and in his proclamation to the army he had written, The eagle will fly from steeple to steeple, even to the towers of Notre Dame. Both of these predictions were verified. From Grenoble to Paris, Napoleon's journey was one long ovation. At Lyon, a large force under MacDonald melted away at his approach. Ne, who had promised the king that he would bring Bonaparte back in an iron cage, was deserted by

his own soldiers who left him with the cries of, Vive l'empereur! Unable to resist the general contagion, he too went to offer his sword to Napoleon, who received him with open arms. The monarchy fell to pieces like a house of cards. The troops sent to stop Napoleon's march, joined his army.

A placard was attached to the Van Dome column. Napoleon to Louis XIV. My good brother, it is useless to send any more troops. I have enough. Napoleon accomplished the last stage of his journey from Fontainebleau to Paris in a carriage escorted by only half a dozen Polish lancers. A little before midnight on Palm Sunday the 19th of March, the king left the Tullery, and before noon the following day, the tricolor was flying over the palace and all the public buildings in Paris. The funds which on the news of Napoleon's landing had fallen ten points had already recovered half their loss. On Monday evening, Hortense, several of the marshals and many of the former ministers and dignitaries of the empire were waiting at the Tuileries for the arrival of the master.

There was a thick fog and a sprinkle of rain, but the expectant crowd could see the lights in the windows. About nine o'clock, a distant sound of horses was heard. a post-chaise entered the courtyard at a trot, followed by a thousand horsemen crying, Vive l'empereur! They were troops who had been sent out the evening before to fight him. Napoleon was lifted from the carriage and borne up the grand staircase in the arms of his old guard. At length he reached his cabinet and the doors were closed against the crowd. Such was the return from Elba, one of the most marvelous episodes in history.

It was resolved upon and arranged by Napoleon alone, and surprised the Bonaparts as much as it did the bourbons. It was a movement of the people assisted by the army. Peasant and soldier marched side by side. It was a great tribute to the popularity of the emperor and the most impressive form of Plybiscite. Landing on the coast of France with eleven hundred men, Napoleon had marched in triumph to the capital, and entered the Tullery to find his court of. around him and the palace decorated and illuminated for his reception. If supreme power is ever to be founded on the basis of a nation's will,

no sovereign in history ever had a clearer title to his throne than the right of Napoleon to reign over France. The emperor was able to nominate his ministers on the very night of his arrival. Mare became Secretary of State, and a Cambassarrez, Minister of Justice, while Godin took charge of the finances. It is remarkable that all three were members of the consular government after the 18 Brumere. Davout consented with some reluctance to be minister of war. Coulincourt again took the portfolio of foreign affairs.

Savarie refused the post of head of the police, and Napoleon reluctantly appointed that notorious turncoat Foucher. The veteran Carnot, the organizer of victory, was made Minister of the Interior. It was a strong ministry made up of men of talent and experience. But Napoleon's fate was to be decided at Vienna and not at Paris. When the news of his return was received there, a declaration was drawn up and signed placing Napoleon under the ban of Europe as a public enemy. The rigor of this decree has been generally condemned and the English historians try in vain to defend it. There were a few civil disturbances in the Vandé and the

south, but the imperial government was immediately recognized almost everywhere. Although Napoleon at once made overtures of peace, his arrival at the Tuileries was regarded by the other powers as a declaration of war. His circular address to the sovereigns was stopped at the frontiers. The members of the Bonaparte family who were outside the limits of France were interned. But if these were the sentiments of the rulers, the feeling of the peoples was very different. In Italy, in Belgium and and along the Rhine, the return of Napoleon was hailed with joy. But the general voice of Germany called out for an invasion of France.

In England, public opinion was divided. The government was in favor of war, while the weeks made a popular hero of Napoleon. At Paris, Napoleon, in order to reassure the people, did his best to conceal the hostile designs of the powers, and the city remained quite calm. At the same time, he reviewed every day in the Carousel, the soldiers who were leaving for the frontier. He also showed himself constantly to the people,

riding about the streets almost alone. A very interesting account of Napoleon at this time is given in the letters of John Cam Hobhouse to Lord Byron. In the court of the Carousel, he stood within ten paces of the emperor at a review. Napoleon fixed his eyes and filled his imagination. He also saw him at the Francet, at his first visit to the theatre after his return,

and says that it is impossible to give any idea of the joy with which Napoleon was received. Napoleon entered at the third scene. The whole mass rose with a shout which still thunders in my ears. I saw the bourbon princes received for the first time in the same place last year. Their greeting will bear no comparison with that of Napoleon, nor will any of those accorded to the heroes of the very many ceremonies I have witnessed in the course of my life. Hubhouse concludes with this remark There is something magical in that power of personal attachment which is proved by a thousand notorious facts to belong to this extraordinary man and never had anyone who wore a crown so many friends or retained them so long

On the 1st of June took place the famous assembly of the Chant-Domey when the emperor presented the egos to the 50,000 soldiers who filed before him Hobhouse who was present says that this the scene was more magnificent than any pen can describe. When Napoleon entered the Tuileries on the 20th of March, he was elated at his triumph and full of energy, resolution, and hope. But in a few weeks, the outlook changed decidedly for the worse. The powers placed him under the ban of Europe and armed a million men to overthrow him.

The situation in France was most discouraging. The army was in want of men, the arsenals of supplies, the treasury of funds. Everywhere he found hostility and suspicion. Even Napoleon's iron constitution could not stand the strain of this mental torture on top of almost continual labor to bring order out of chaos. When he left Paris to place himself at the head of the army, he was no longer the same man morally or physically. For the first time, he was subject to bodily ailments of a very painful nature.

He had lost hope and energy and was no longer confident of success. In order to restore confidence at home and conquer peace abroad, Napoleon realized as never before that he must gain a great victory. He had decided to leave for the front on the 12th of June. The evening of the 11th he dined with his mother, his brothers and the princesses at the Edizier, where he had moved from the Tullery in April. After dinner, the two children of Orteans were brought to him, and a little Louis begged him not to go to war.

Napoleon turned to Marshal Sult after the boy had gone and made the prophetic remark, he is, perhaps, the hope of my race. Before entering on the description of his last campaign, it is necessary to consider the condition of the forces with which Napoleon hoped to secure the victory. By the first of June, he had 200,000 men in the field. The National Guard numbered the same, and 50,000 more were detached in Depo. Coming now to the personnel of the army, Napoleon's old chief of staff, Bertie, who had served him in this capacity, for 20 years had retired to Bavaria, and his loss was badly felt during the campaign. To supply his place, the Emperor selected Marshal Sult a very bad choice.

Sout had great qualities, but was not fitted by temperament or experience for this position where others would have done better. Napoleon was obliged to leave Davout behind in Paris because there was no one else to whom he could entrust the care of the capital. Ogerot had been struck from the list, and Marmont and Victor had followed the king. McDonald refused to serve, and Odino and Sincere were not employed. Messina and Mortier were ill. Brune was sent to the south, and Giorda and Soucher were also employed.

Ne was summoned at the last moment and given an important command, but it would have been better if Napoleon had left him at Paris. Grouchy, who had just received his baton, had a great reputation as a cavalry officer, and Napoleon could not know how fatal his services were to prove. On the 1st of June, a large Austrian army under Schwarzenberg was nearing the Rhine, and Russia was also making great military preparations. Across the frontier in Belgium, an Anglo-Prussian army was assembled near Brussels. Napoleon considered two plans of operations.

He could either await the enemy's attack, which would give him more time to organize and equip his army, and a better chance of success, or advanced to the attack himself and endeavor to crush a part of the Allied forces before the rest could come up. For many reasons he chose the latter course. Of his 200,000 men, he kept 120,000 in hand as his main army, and sent the remainder to the Vandé, Italy, the Rhine and the Pyrenees. The military situation at the opening of the campaign was favorable to Napoleon. The Allied army was spread out on a line of over 80 miles along the Belgian frontier. They needed two entire days to assemble on the same battlefield. Wellington's headquarters were at Brussels, Bluchers at Namu.

The English line of communications ran through Brussels to Atwerp, the Prussian, through Lijes to Collegne. In case of disaster, the lines of retreat would diverge. It is interesting to note that in his last campaign, Napoleon was confronted by exactly the same problem as in his first, and that he solved it in the same way. Now, as in 1796, his opponents were superior in numbers, occupied an extended front, and had divergent lines of communications. He decided, as before, to strike in full force at the point of junction, drive a wedge between the two armies, and throw them back on their respective bases. The plan was a Napoleonic masterpiece, but its execution was far from perfect. Nevertheless, it almost succeeded and was lost but by a few hours delay. The Theatre of the 1815 campaign is bounded on the south by the Sambre from Mobeuge to Namur.

About midway between these two places lies Charleroi, where one of the main roads to Brussels crosses the river. Ten miles to the north, this Chauce is cut by the paved road which runs from Hull through Nivelle to Namur, and this crossroads is known as Quatrebrun. Lini lies a mile south of this road, northeast of Charleroi. About 20 miles to the north of Chalorua is the little village of Waterloo, a short ten miles to the east of which is Vavre. The ground is rolling and mostly open with country roads running in every direction and no streams of any importance. All of the operations of the campaign were conducted within the irregular triangle whose apex is Brussels, and the base a line drawn from Mons through Chalorua to Namur.

In the early hours of the 15th of June, the first first place, a line drawn from Mons through Chalorua to Namur. In the early hours of the 15th of June, the first French army crossed the Sambre at Challeroi without opposition, and took Wellington and Blucher completely by surprise. The first definite information they received was from Bourmont, the commander of the vanguard of the French right column, who went over to the enemy and betrayed the Emperor's plans. During the day the French left wing under Ney pushed back the enemy's outposts towards Katerbrass, but failed to reach that point. One corps, under Vandam and camped near Fleurus, just south of Lini, while the guard and the corps of Gerard and Lobo were near Chalarroix. At the same time, Blucher took up a battle position near Lini,

and Wellington hurried up reinforcements to his troops at Quatrebra. These arrangements led to the two battles of the 16th. In the Battle of Lini fought on the 16th of June, Blucher had about 80,000 men against the 70,000 of Napoleon. When the emperor found the Prussians were in force at Lini, he sent orders to Ney, and also direct to Erlon, for the first corps to support his frontal attack upon Linie. But when Erlon did not appear, he finally sent in the guard who drove the Prussians from their position. At the same time, Ney had attacked the English at Caterbrun with Raya's corps.

Owing to the contradictory orders received by Erlon from Napoleon and Ney, his corps spent the afternoon in marching and counter-marching between the two battlefields, and took no part in the fighting at either. their place. Consequently, Ne was repulsed at Catre Bra and Napoleon's victory at Ligny was not decisive. The battle did not end until ten o'clock and no pursuit was attempted that night. All that Ney had accomplished was to contain Wellington. The whole operation, save for the fatal loss of time, had been well carried out, and Napoleon felt satisfied with the opening act of the campaign. He had broken through the Allied Center and had beaten Blucher singly.

The immediate thing for him to do was vigorously to pursue the routed Prussians and prevent them from rallying and uniting with the English. This Napoleon failed to do. He returned to his quarters at eleven o'clock in such a state of fatigue that he was incapable of action. On the previous day he had been on horseback for nearly eighteen hours directing the movements of his troops, and during the Battle of Ligny he had again spent many hours in the saddle through a day of terrible heat. Much has been written regarding the condition of Napoleon's health during this campaign, but the evidence seems to show that he was in his usual health, although he may have suffered

from a local ailment which rendered horseback riding painful and fatiguing. The 17th, Napoleon was very late in rising and no orders were issued until 8 o'clock. He then gave Grouchy command of the Corps of Vandam and Gérard, over 30,000 men, and sent him in pursuit of Blucher. The Emperor naturally supposed that the Prussians had retreated to the northeast towards Léges. Instead of that, Blucher had abandoned his line of communications and was retiring on Vavre. For many years after the Battle of Waterloo, a wholly false notion was prevalent as to the task assigned by Napoleon to Gouchy. The Marshal denied over and over again that he had received any written order from the Emperor to supplement the verbal instructions referred to above. It was not until 1842 that the Bertrand dispatch was published in which Napoleon says

that it is important to penetrate whether the Prussians are separating themselves from the English or whether they are intending still to unite to cover Brussels or Lijes in trying the fate of another battle. This order clearly shows that Napoleon distinctly recognized the possibility of the Prussians uniting with the English, and that in this case he expected Grouchy to act in conjunction with the main army. that Grouchy, in spite of his many denials, fully understood his task, is shown by his dispatch of the 17th of June at 10 p.m., in which he says that if the Prussians retire on Vavre, he will follow them in that direction,

in order that they may not be able to gain Brussels and to separate them from Wellington. After giving these orders to Grouchy, Napoleon, with the remainder of his army, marched to Ketre Bra to join Ne. On reaching there at one o'clock, he found that Wellington had gone. He immediately followed, and on his arrival at La Belle Alliance the same evening,

he found the English army drawn up at Mont Saint-Jean, evidently resolved to give battle. South of Brussels, for many miles, stretches the large forest of Swangue. At a distance of three leagues from the capital on the edge of the woods lies the little village of Waterloo, the headquarters of Wellington, which gave its name to the battle. Two miles farther on is Mont Saint-Jean where the battle was fought. A glance at the map will show that the salient points of the battlefield of Waterloo form an almost perfect letter A. The top of the letter where the two high roads from Nivelle and Chal-Rois to Brussels join is Mont. There is Wellington.

The lower right point is La Belle Alliance. There is Napoleon. The lower left point is Hugo Mont, an old stone chateau which lay in a large grove, and with its enclosing walls stood like a kind of fortress just in front of the French lines. the cord or cross piece of the ye is a by-road which intersects the two high roads at right ankles and like many of the belgian roads in places is sunk much below the level of the fields this road which borders the crest of the plateau of mont saint-jean and cuts the brussels route at right angles covered almost the entire english position with a line of natural obstacles to the east of the highway the road was on a level with the fields but a double border of high and thick hedges rendered it impassable by cavalry. To the west, the road was sunk from five to ten feet between two banks, and thus formed for a distance of over 400 yards a formidable entrenchment. By many historians, the existence of this

sunken road is entirely ignored, while others seem to doubt that there was such an obstacle. This is perhaps due to the fact that this part of the field was much changed a few years after the battle in the construction of the immense mound of the Belgian lion. At that time the hedges were cut down and the sunken road was obliterated. That these two features existed at the time of the battle, however, is clearly shown in the official engineer's map drawn up in 1816. This road must not be forgotten as it played a very important part in the battle. Just below the point, with a cord joins the right-down stroke of the A, is La E Saint, whose buildings and walls were fortified and held like those of Hugamont by the English.

The triangle comprised between the point, the two downstrokes and the cord of the A, is the plateau of Mont Saint-Jean, the center of the British line. This plateau in a way dominates the surrounding country, and on its southern slopes was drawn up Wellington's army, numbering about 70,000 men. In its front, along a lower crest, less than a mile away, was the army of Napoleon, which was about the same size. Between the plateau on which the two armies were posted, the ground is much lower, so that the French had to march uphill to attack.

Opposite La E Saint, near the other downstroke of the A, now rises the mound of the Belgian lion. The mound is 200 feet in height and is surmounted by a huge lion cast from the metal of French cannon captured in the battle. In order to build this large mound, many thousand wagon loads of earth were taken from the plateau, and this has much changed the contour of the country, so that at the present time it is not easy to recognize many of the

salient points. In the banqueting hall of the old palace of Voigt Hall in London, now occupied by the Royal United Service Museum, there is a large model of the battle which gives a better idea of the disposition and movements of the forces on the eventful day than an actual visit to the field. Although naturally strong for defensive purposes, the British position was subject to the defect of having its line of retreat along a single narrow road through a dense forest, and in case of defeat the English army would have been practically annihilated. At Waterloo, as in Russia, the Emperor owed his defeat largely to the elements. It was always his habit to begin his battles at daybreak.

On the 18th of June, almost the longest day in the year, the sun in this northern latitude rose about four o'clock, and the battle, if commenced at dawn, in all probability, would have been over and the English army destroyed before noon. but it had rained in torrents the previous night and the ground was too soft for artillery manoeuvres. Napoleon, who had a large superiority in guns, and who had never forgotten that he was once an officer of artillery,

therefore waited until nearly noon for the ground to dry and harden before giving the signal for attack. Although the English made a brave resistance, at four o'clock the battle was decidedly going against them. Wellington frequently looked at his watch and wished to God that night are blue-chew-chew- would come. At this crisis of the battle, when a decisive French victory seemed certain, the Prussians began to arrive on the field, and the emperor had to send a part of his reserves to hold

them in check. The English army had already begun to fall back, and troops were no longer to be seen on the front of the opposite plateau. Napoleon now decided to make a supreme effort to break the English center by a charge of the cavalry of the old guard. Before giving the order, he once more carefully surveyed the field with his glass. His trained eye noticed a dark line running parallel to the enemy's front, and only a few hundred feet before it. He leaned over in his saddle and asked a question of the Belgian guide who stood beside his horse. The answer was negative.

The Emperor then sent an aide-de-con to give the order to charge. Ned drew his sword and put himself at the head of the guard. No such sight had been seen since the taking of the great redoubt by the heavy cavalry at Borodino. This magnificent body of horsemen, 6,500 in number, descended the hill at a trot, disappeared in the battle-smoke, and then reappeared at the other side of the valley,

mounting the hill at full gallop. It seemed as if nothing could resist the impact of this solid mass of men. Suddenly at the right of the line, the front rank tried to pull rain. Arrived almost at the top of the hill, the queerer seers for the first time perceived between them and the English,

A deep moat. It was the sunken road. It was a terrible moment and unlooked-for catastrophe. The first line attempted to pull up, but the second line pushed the first and the third shoved the second. There was no way of holding back.

The impetus acquired to annihilate the English, crushed the French. When this ditch was full of living men and horses, the rear squadrons passed over their bodies. Nearly a third of one brigade perished in this hole. the negative reply of a treacherous guide to the emperor's inquiry had brought about this fatality which perhaps decided the fate of napoleon although the full force of the charge had been broken the plateau was taken by the french but they were unable to maintain themselves there and were finally forced to retire there is little doubt that this charge but for the catastrophe of the sunken road would have broken the british centre and decided the battle wellington who was so nearly defeated could not repress an exclamation of admiration he said splendid when finally exhausted the french cavalry turned and drifted down the slope it was followed by the entire english army the french were becoming demoralized and napoleon was obliged to put in his last reserve the infantry of the old guard

the sky had been covered all day all at once at this very moment about eight o'clock in the evening the clouds parted in the west and there appeared the large red ball of the setting sun it was the rising sun which had greeted napoleon on the field of austerlitz for this last effort every battalion of the guard was commanded by a general when the tall bearskin caps of the grenadiers appeared amidst the gloom of the falling night the enemy for a moment recoiled at the sight of these veterans of so many wars of the empire, who never yet had advanced except to victory. Knowing that they were going to die, they still saluted Napoleon Azavold with cries of Vive l'empereur. Although the guard heard the cries of Sauv Kippu, and saw their fellow soldiers retiring all around them, they continued to advance. They were led by Marshal Ney, the bravest of the brave.

After having five horses shot under him, he advanced on foot. a broken sword in his hand, crying to the English. Vene how meur a marichal de France on the chant of battalion. But in vain, he bore a charmed life. He was to meet his fate from French bullets. Night had now come, and only a few squares of the guard remained. Abandoned by all, terrible in their expiring agony,

they still fought on. Austerlitz, Yenna. Friedland, Vagram, were done, in them. At nine o'clock, only one square was left to the foot of the plateau of St. Jean. The English, filled with admiration for so much heroism, suspended their fire, and an officer cried, Brave Frenchmen surrender. Gambron gave the immortal reply, La Guard de meur and no seren pas. Says Victor Hugo,

The man who gained the Battle of Waterloo was not Napoleon who was routed. It was not Wellington, giving way at four hopeless at five. It was not Blucher, who took no part in the battle. The man who gained the battle of Waterloo was Combron. At the reply of Combron, the English officer cried, Fire! When the smoke rolled away, nothing was left. Like the fortunes of Napoleon, the old guard had passed away

upon the bloody field of Waterloo. As the old guard went in, Napoleon had started to descend into the valley to share their fate, but two faithful aide de Kahn seized the reins of his bridle and led him like a man in a dream from the field. What was the cause of the downfall of Napoleon? The question has been asked a million times and answered in many different ways.

The treason of Bourmont, the incapacity of Gouchy, and the rashness of Ney undoubtedly had much to do with the failure of the campaign. Too much stress has been laid, by some historians on the failing health of the emperor and the decline in his mental powers of which there is little evidence says victor hugo in his splendid sketch of the battle of waterloo in the second volume of le miserables was it possible for napoleon to win the battle we answer in the negative why on account of wellington on account of blucher no on account of god bonaparte victor at waterloo would not harmonize with the law of the 19th century. Says John Holland rose at the conclusion of his brilliant Lowell lectures on the

personality of Napoleon. In a world which his energies had awakened to full consciousness, such a career could not achieve lasting success. Providence uses such men while they serve its mysterious designs for the uplifting of the race. It cast them aside when their renovating work is accomplished. Napoleon saw not when that time. had come. He struggled on towards the Indies, Cadiz, and Moscow as though the new age of

nationality had not dawned, and therefore he entered his days at Saint Helena. Says Marischal Foch in an essay published on the 100th anniversary of the death of Napoleon. In my opinion, the deep reason for the disaster which overwhelmed him was that he forgot that a man cannot be God, that above the individual there is the nation. that above men there is the moral law, and that war is not the highest goal, since above war, there is peace. Napoleon reached Chalorua at five o'clock

on the morning after the battle. Leaving orders for the army to rendezvous at L'on, he immediately proceeded to Paris, where he arrived early on the 21st and went to the Elysee. He was completely worn out with fatigue. His brother Lucien advised him to seize the reins of power by a coup d'etat,

But Napoleon was no longer equal to such a course. He sent his brother with a message to the Chamber of Deputies, asking them to concert measures for the national defense. In the evening, Carnot went to the peers and Lucien to the deputies to appeal for a united national effort against the powers, but their pleas were of no effect. On the 22nd of June, under the advice of his ministers, Napoleon took the final act of his official career and abdicated in favor of his son.

but the deputies refused to recognize Napoleon the Second and at once appointed an executive commission of five members of which Foucher was chosen president. End of Chapter 22 of Napoleon I First and intimate biography by Walter Gier. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 22 1815 to 1821 St. Helena On the Sunday after the Battle of Waterloo, the 25th of June, Napoleon left his capital for the last time

and went to Malmaison. Here he remained for four days in a state of indecision very foreign to his usual character. But the Allies were fast approaching Paris and he was forced to leave. On Thursday, for the first time in many years, he put on civilian dress, and said adieu to his mother and Queen Otance.

On the lawn at Malmaison, a stone still marks the spot where he entered the carriage that was to bear him away to exile. That night at the Chateau of Rambouillet, he slept for the last time beneath a palace roof. The next day he proceeded by way of tour to the naval port of Rochefort. Here he hoped to find a vessel to take him to the United States, his chosen place of refuge, but he found the harbor blockaded by the British fleet. Even to the last, the wooden walls of England were to prove an obstacle which he could not overcome come. Joseph offered him the cabin which he had engaged aboard an American ship sailing from

Bordeaux, but Napoleon refused to secure his own safety at the expense of his brothers. Finally, he decided to surrender to Great Britain and throw himself on the mercy of his most bitter foe. On the 14th of July the National Feit Day, he went aboard the Belerophon, which immediately set sail for England. After a slow voyage of a week, the vessel dropped anchor in the lovely harbor of Torbett. which Napoleon said reminded him of Porto Farayo. Two days later, the captain received orders to proceed to Plymouth. After four days of suspense in the harbor there, Admiral Lord Keith arrived with an order that,

General Booneport, should be conveyed to the island of St. Helena. The government allowed the captive to choose three officers and a physician to accompany him. Napoleon selected Bertrand, Montelon, and Gourgeau for his companions in exile, and La Casse was added to the number in the coveted post of secretary. The Belerophon then sailed for Torbay, where the emperor and his suite were transferred on the 7th of August to a newer ship, the Northumberland,

which had been chosen for the voyage. At this time, Bertrand asked that Omera, the surgeon of the Bellerophon, be designated to accompany the emperor in place of the physician originally selected, and the admiral consented to the change. During the voyage, Napoleon passed most of his days in his cabin, where he at once began to dictate his recollections to Lacasse.

He dined every day with the Admiral and the ship's officers with whom he conversed freely. In the evening he played cards or chess in the general cabin. After a voyage of 67 days, the exile cited the frowning cliffs of St. Helena, that black wart rising out of the ocean. After dark the next day, the 17th of October, Napoleon landed and passed the night at a house prepared for his reception at Jamestown. On the morrow he was up at dawn and rode with Admiral Cockburn and Bertrand to Longwood, which had been selected for his residence.

Napoleon seemed satisfied with the arrangement and expressed a desire to occupy the house as soon as it could be altered for his occupancy. In the meantime, he took up his abode for seven weeks in a little bungalow near the town named the Briars. A more solitary, out-of-the-way place than St. Helena could not have been chosen for the captive eagle. The island is only 10 miles by 7 in dimensions, and its population at the time was less than 3,000, only a quarter of whom were white. It lies almost in the middle of the South Atlantic,

1,700 miles east of Brazil, and 1,200 miles west of the mouth of the Congo, nearly 4,000 miles from the Strait of Gibraltar. And where, may I ask, says the apologetic Mr. Rose, could a less unpleasant place of detention have been found? In Europe he must inevitably have submitted to far closer confinement. The Tower of London, the eerie of Dumbarton Castle, even Fort William itself, were named as possible places of detention. Were they suited to the child of the Mediterranean?

He needed sun, he needed exercise, he needed society. All these he could have on the plateau of Longwood in a singularly equable climate, where the heat of the tropics is assuaged by the southeast trade wind, and plants of the subtropical and temperate zones alike flourish. It was December, and the tropical summer had come before the emperor took up his residence in his final home at Longwood. For the former proprietor of so many sumptuous palaces, his generous host, the British nation,

had provided as an abode an old one-story cow stable which had been remodeled for his residence. From the porch one entered a fair-sized billiard room and passed through into the salon, beyond which was the dining room lighted only by a glass door. Opening out of this room, on the left, was the library, and on the right Napoleon's private suite, comprising a study, bedroom, and bath.

The landscape was as bare and dreary as the house. To the south, beyond the barren plateau, with its gnarled and stunted gum-trees, lay the boundless expanse of the Atlantic. In all other directions the eye rested only on the scant verger of the valleys, or the bleak walls of the mountains. Such was the earthly paradise

which Mr. Rose so eloquently describes. Unfortunately, Napoleon's household at Longwood was hardly more congenial than the surroundings of the island. The personages of this long tragedy are few in number, and of some of them we catch only occasional glimpses. Bertrand, the former Marischal du Palais, and aide-de-cant of the emperor, was an engineer-officer of distinction.

He was devoted to his life. master and not less devoted to his wife. He possessed the singular distinction among the companions of the emperor of being the only one who did not write a book. This in a way is to be regretted, for except Montalon, he is the only one who stayed till the end, and of the last three years of Napoleon's life we know but little. In his loyal silence he remains the most sympathetic figure of the emperor's entourage. Madame Bertrand was the daughter of Artur Dillon, Colonel of the Dillon Regiment, celebrated in the history of France. By his first married, she had one daughter who married the Marquis de la Tour du Pen, and was the author of the interesting recollections of the

revolution in the empire. After the death of his wife, Dillon married a widow, Madame de la Touche, a first cousin of the Empress Josephine. When Fanny Dillon was 23 years of age in 1808, the emperor himself arranged her marriage with his favorite aide-de-car, who was 12 years her senior. She was a most engaging, fascinating woman with something of the Creole charm of Josephine. She spoke English with perfect fluency. At Plymouth, she entreated her husband not to follow Napoleon to St. Helena,

made a scene in his cabin, and then attempted to drown herself. After this first tumult of Creole passion, she seems to have become reconciled to her lot. She won the regard and goodwill of all who knew her, and was the peacemaker of the little community. One trait of humor is recorded of her. At St. Helena, a child was born to her, whom she presented to the Emperor as,

The first French visitor who had entered Longwood without Lord Bathurst permission. Of the personality of Monsieur and Madame de Montelon, we catch but a faint view at St. Helena. He had known Napoleon ever since he was a child, when he went to Corsica with his mother and his stepfather, Monsieur de Semenville. He was afterwards at school in Paris with Jerome, and he was afterwards at school in Paris with Jerome, and Eugen de Boernet. It was his strange fate to share for six years the exile of the great emperor, and then, twenty years later, after the fiasco of Boulogne, to share for the same period of time in the fortress of Ham,

the imprisonment of his nephew, the future Napoleon III. After the departure of Lacasse, he succeeded to the vacant place of secretary and became the most necessary member of the Emperor's staff. He wished, however, to accompany his wife when she left in 1819, and only remained at the urgent request of Napoleon. Of his wife we know but little. Curiously enough, her marriage with Montelon had at one time been forbidden by the emperor

because she had two divorced husbands living, but he was afterwards tricked into giving his consent to Montelon's marriage with the niece of the President Ziegis without realizing that the bride was the same woman under another description. La Casse had had a very checkered career. In his youth, he had entered the French Navy and had risen to the command.

of a brig. At the beginning of the revolution, he was among the first to emigrate. After the 18 Brumère, he returned to France and became a counselor of state. At the time of the restoration, he retired to England, but again returned to France during the hundred days, and after Waterloo besought Napoleon to take him to Saint-Alina. Born three years before the emperor, he survived him by 21. With him was his son, than a boy, who in 1840 returned with the expedition to bring back Napoleon's remains. He afterwards became a senator under the Second Empire. Gourgeau was born in 1783 at Versailles, where his father was a musician at the Royal Chapel. At a very early age, he entered the army and fought with distinction in all the campaigns

of the empire, from Austerlitz to Waterloo. For exceptional services in Russia, he received the title of Baron. During the Hundred Days, he was named General and Aid de Kahn by the Emperor. after the battle of waterloo he returned with napoleon to paris and accompanied him to rochpar and england and became one of his companions in exile at longwood his extreme vanity soon brought him into collision with lecasse and montalon tiring of the life of st helina he returned to england in eighteen forty he was a member of the party which brought back the remains of the emperor he died in eighteen fifty two on the eve of the proclamation of the second empire but his journal de st elaine was not published until eighteen ninety nine in the opinion of lord rosebury the one capital and supreme record of the life at st helina is the private journal of gorgeto written for his own eye without flattery or even prejudice almost brutal in its raw realism he alone of all the chroniclers strove to be accurate and on the whole succeeded his portrait of napoleon is the most pleasing which exists but the curse of his life was his jealous temperament which rendered him an impossible companion and made napoleon glad to get rid of him He quarreled with everybody, the emperor included. By all who knew him and did not have to live with him, he was highly esteemed.

But in the little community at Longwood, he was out of place. What makes Gourge's book profoundly interesting and valuable is the new and interesting view it affords of Napoleon's real character. We are apt to think of him as selfish and domineering. But in this record we see a new Napoleon, strange and contrary to our ideas, and Napoleon such as few but rap have hitherto presented to us. Rap, the most independent and unflattering of all Napoleon's generals, and who, as his aide-de-com, was constantly at his side, says,

many people describe Napoleon as a harsh, violent, passionate man. It is because they never knew him. Absorbed as he was in his affairs, opposed in his plans, hampered in his projects, his humor was sometimes impatient and fluctuating, but he was so good and so generous that he was soon, appeased, says the Emperor's private secretary. I always found him kind, patient, indulgent.

Many other testimonies of the same kind might be quoted. Gourgeau unconsciously depicts Napoleon as gentle, patient, good-tempered, trying to soothe his touchy and morbid attendant with something like the tenderness of a kind parent for a wayward child. No one at St. Helena had more to endure than the Emperor, who was so little trained to patience, and few men would have borne his trials so well. The Book of Lacasse, first published in eight volumes,

and subsequently in abridged form under the title of Memorial of Saint Helena, had a very large circulation. It is alleged to have been written from day to day and to give an exact report of Napoleon's conversations. When corroborated by other evidence, it may be considered a faithful transcript, but its value is much impaired by the number of spurious documents which it contains.

Hardly one of these is genuine, and it has always been a mystery where he obtained them. Certainly not from the Emperor, for it is known that at the time he left Paris, he confided to his brother Joseph the letters which he considered the most important. They were bound in volumes. It was chiefly to Montalon that Napoleon dictated the notes on his career which form so interesting, though not always trustworthy, a commentary on the events of the first part of his life. While Lacasse left the island in November 1816, and Gourgeau in January 1818, Montelon remained till the end. His memoirs were published in two volumes at Paris in 1847 under the title of Rissi de la Captivete de L'Emperer Napoleon at St. Elynne.

The book is so interesting that it is a matter of regret that it was not published in its entirety. As it stands, there are obvious suppressions, do no doubt to the author's veneration for Napoleon. memory and solicitude for the political fortunes of his nephew. For the final days of the Emperor, we have no chronicles except those of Antomarcki, the least reliable of them all. He was a young Corsican surgeon of some reputation and arrived at St. Helina 18 months before Napoleon's death. He did not get on well with the Emperor who considered him too young and inexperienced. He certainly made a wrong diagnosis of Napoleon's case and treated him for a liver trouble which he considered trifling.

He rendered one service, however, which almost makes up for his mandacious book. He took a cast of Napoleon's face after his death. The original of this, now at Brussels, represents the exquisite and early beauty of the countenance, when illness had transmuted passion into patients, and when death, with its last serene touch, had restored the regularity and refinement of youth. of Omeras, voice from St. Helena, the less said the better. Unknown to Napoleon, the man was the confidential agent of Lowe, and his book is so obviously tainted as to be worthless.

The years spent at St. Helena were of immense service to the Napoleonic tradition. Most historians seem to regard the hundred days as a mere epilogue to the great drama of the first empire's fall, not realizing that it was in point of fact a prologue to the strange romance of the rise of the Second Empire. This attitude is revealed in the most interesting English study of Napoleon's captivity at St. Helena.

To Lord Rosebury, that captivity is, the last phase, and nothing more. But the importance of this phase cannot be rightly appreciated if we overlook the constructive work of Napoleon during his captivity. St. Helena saw not only

the end of a great career, but the beginning of a great creation. It was the scene, merely of the death of Napoleon, but of the birth of the Napoleonic legend. It is impossible even after the lapse of a century to speak in terms of moderation of England's treatment of Napoleon. Lord Rosebury says, Where it possible we would ignore all this literature, as it is peculiarly painful for an Englishman to read. He must regret that his government ever undertook the custody of Napoleon,

and he must regret still more that the duty should have to read. been discharged in a spirit so ignoble and through agents so unfortunate the delicate post of governor of st helena during napoleon's captivity was entrusted to sir hudson low a narrow ignorant man without a vestige of tact or sympathy he was in no sense of the word a gentleman although his intentions may have been good he was in every way unfitted for the task these remarks are not the impressions only of the present writer the verdict of history is almost you Even the Duke of Wellington says, Lowe was a very bad choice.

He was a man wanting in education and judgment. After a few interviews, six in all, and those in the first three months of his term of office, Napoleon refused to see him, and during the last five years of his life, they never met. The grievances of which Napoleon complained may be ranged under three heads, those relating to title, to finance, and to custody.

when lo invited napoleon to dinner soon after his arrival he addressed him as general buonaparte the emperor regarded this as an affront it is impossible to conceive any ground on which his title was disputed he had been recognized as emperor by every power in the world except great britain and even england had informally recognized him as emperor of the french as also his heirs and successors in perpetuity in the official documents of the peace negotiations at chaty in 1814, which were signed by the plenipotentiaries of all the allies, including His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. He had been appointed Emperor by the Pope himself, and twice solemnly crowned, once as Emperor and once as King. He had received every sanction which tradition or religion or diplomacy could give to the imperial title.

It is difficult to imagine any reason for England's action except that of petty annoyance. to a hated foe. The attitude of the British government would be pitiable were it not ridiculous. It seems almost incredible, but it is true that this contemptible policy did not end even with the emperor's death. His followers wished to put on his tomb

the simple inscription, Napoleon, with the date and place of his birth and death. But Loeb refused to allow this unless Bonaparte was added, so the tomb bore no inscription. Next was the question of finance, which may be treated brief Napoleon and his household of 51 persons in all were to cost 8,000 pounds, while that expense of luxury Sir Hudson Lowe alone received a salary of 12,000 pounds.

If the Emperor required anything more he could provide it himself. Although Napoleon's own wants were very simple, the total expenses seemed to have been considerably more than double the allowance. Napoleon ordered his silver sole to make up the deficit, and the governor generously increased the allowance to an amount equal to his salary. But Bathurst, his official chief, again cut the amount down to the original sum. All this, however, so far as Napoleon was concerned, was more or less of a comedy. He did not need to sell a single spoon, for he had ample funds at Paris and even at St. Helena. He was only trying to show up the meanness of the English government, and in this he succeeded. The last group of grievances related to the question of custody, and in its relation to the health and comfort of

captive, this was by far the most serious of all. The precautions taken to prevent Napoleon's escape would have been ludicrous if the effect on his health had not been so grave. The plateau of Longwood is separated from the rest of the island by a frightful gully which entirely surrounds it, and is only approached by a narrow tongue of land twenty feet broad. In spite of these facts, this pathway was guarded by a regiment of soldiers and a park of artillery. At night, the chain of centuries was so close they could almost touch each other. From the signal stations, an approaching vessel could be seen at a distance of 60 miles. Two brigs of war patrolled around the island night and day, and frigates guarded the only two landing places in addition to the impregnable

forts. Surely, under these circumstances, Napoleon might have been allowed to keep himself in good health by riding over this barren rock without the guardianship of a British officer. Later on, when Napoleon was confined to his room by serious illness, the governor issued orders that he must show himself twice a day to the officer on duty. When the Emperor refused, the officer was ordered to peep through the keyhole or the window to see if the illustrious prisoner had not flown. The result of all this irksome espionage was that after the first months of his captivity, Napoleon, who all his life had ridden many miles a day, never mounted a horse, and his health suffered. from the lack of his regular exercise. It may be of interest to give here a sort of composite sketch of Napoleon

as he appeared at this time to a number of observers, especially as it is the last view we shall have of him. He was about five feet six and a half inches tall, stout, but very strongly built, and muscular. His head was well shaped, his hair dark brown without a gray hair among it. His eyes were light blue or gray. His nose finally formed,

his teeth good and his mouth beautiful, his chin round. His complexion was a pale olive color. His hands were small with tapering fingers and beautiful nails. His limbs were well formed with a small and well-shaped foot. His expression was pleasant, his smile winning, and his manners affable. He wore the uniform of the Chasseur de la Garde, a green coat with red facings, white waistcoat and breeches, white silk stockings and low shoes with small over.

gold buckles. Over his waistcoat he wore the red cordon of the Legion Donor, with the plaque and the cross on his left breast. As to Napoleon's habitation, it was a collection of old one-story cowsheds. It was swept by eternal winds, it was shadeless, and it was damp. The lord of so many palaces, who had also occupied as conqueror so many not his own, was now confined for his private suite to two rooms about 12 feet by 14 in size. Each of these rooms had two small windows looking towards the regimental camp. In one corner of his bedroom was the small camp bed which Napoleon had used during his campaigns. Between the fireplace and the screen which hid the back door was a sofa

on which he passed most of his days. As ornaments of the room, there were portraits of Marie-Louise and the miniature of Josephine, and the alarm clock of Frederick the Great taken from Sans-Soucet. see. In the study there were some bookshelves, a writing-table, and another bed on which the emperor could rest in the daytime, or to which he could change at night, when restless or sleepless, as often happened. At St. Helena, the emperor breakfasted alone at eleven, dressed for the day about two, and dined at various hours from three to seven. Soon after his arrival he abandoned his uniform and generally wore a green hunting coat, but he retained the little cocked hat, although he laid aside the cockade.

He passed all his days at the hut, reading, writing, and talking. The one great pleasure of Napoleon's life at St. Helena was the arrival of a box of books. All through life he was a great reader. At Brienne, all of his spare hours were spent in the school library where he literally devoured Caesar and Plutarch, and developed his admiration for the heroes of antiquity. Later in life, he wrote of those joyous hours when he lived among his books, his only friends. As a young lieutenant of artillery at Valence and Okson, he read Herodotus, the father of history, then just translated into French, Machiavelli, and Voltaire.

History was always his favorite, but he also seized upon works of travel, biography, and particularly geography. There is still on file a list of the books he took to Egypt. There were over 300 volumes, nearly half of which were on history. Forty volumes on geography, as many on poetry, and many English novels in French translation as well as the Bible, the Koran, and so on. As Emperor he had made for him a traveling library of a thousand volumes. To save space, the books were printed on thin paper without margins and were bound in flexible Morocco covers. They were all packed in boxes lined with velvet, 60 in a box. The list included books on religion, poetry, and the drama, but was mostly made up of history

biography and memoirs. A box of books was always placed under the seat of his traveling carriage, which was so arranged that it could be made up into a bed at night. There was an overhead light, which enabled the emperor to read at night, and he devoured many volumes as he rolled through the country, throwing out of the window the books he did not care to keep. Wherever he halted for the night, a box was always brought to his room where he read to pass away his sleepless hours. When he went to Elba, the books he selected from the library at Fontainebleau filled three large vans. In addition, he subscribed to all the circulating libraries, and gave a standing order to have sent him all new volumes of historic value as they were published. At St. Helena,

Napoleon asked for some books which he needed mainly in order to write his memoirs. The English government was graciously pleased to furnish the volumes, but they sent him a demand for the amount paid. The Emperor ordered Bertrand not to settle the account until he received an itemized bill. So on his death, the books were seized by low and sold in London for less than a quarter of their original cost, some fourteen hundred pounds. As the books all bore traces of his study of them and were covered with notes in the Emperor's handwriting, which had added greatly to their value, the government by this petty spiteful policy lost to the nation a priceless collection which should have been preserved in the British Museum.

Napoleon hated writing, and what he did write was almost illegible. But he liked to dictate, and sometimes did so for half a day at a stretch, only stopping occasionally to read over what had been written. Shorthand was then practically unknown, and his poor secretaries had much difficulty in keeping pace with his rapid dictation. Worst of all, when wakeful he dictated all night, and Gourgeau would be sent for at four in the morning to take the place of the exhausted Montalon. Besides reading and dictation, Napoleon had few distractions. He stayed so much indoors that he became ill from the lack of exercise.

So the last year of his life he took up gardening. Paul de la Roche painted a portrait of him in his garden, wearing red slippers and a wide-brimmed straw hat, spayed in hand, resting from his labors. He sometimes played a game of billiards, at which he was not expert, or of chess, in which he was far from skillful. As he did not like to be beaten, it severely taxed the courtliness of his suite to let him win. At cards, he always cheated, but refused to take the stakes he thus won. Of the last days of Napoleon, we know but little. Notwithstanding the atmosphere of surveillance in which he lived, his death was not expected, and the end came suddenly. During the first weeks

of 1821, his disease made rapid progress, but even his physician did not realize, that it was mortal until a few days before his death. He became faint and weary, lay upon his bed or reclined on his sofa all day and gave up his dictating. He could hardly retain any food and lost flesh perceptibly. On the 15th of April,

he dictated his testament to Montelon. In this, he distributed among his most faithful followers the six million francs he had deposited with his Paris bankers, also some souvenirs. For the last two days, of his life he was constantly delirious. He yielded his last breath on the fifth day of May at ten minutes before six in the evening. A terrible storm was raging outside as the soul of the exile took flight. The violent wind shook the frail huts of the soldiers and tore up the trees that the emperor had planted. The autopsy, which was performed at his own request, showed that he had died of a cancer of the stomach, the same disease which carried off his father and so many members of his family. The all the other organs were sound. After being embalmed, his body was clothed in the familiar green uniform and lay in state for four days.

After death, the superfluous flesh sank away, and all were struck with the serene and beautiful expression of the face, which recalled the early days of the empire. The funeral took place with all the pomp that the island could afford. The coffin, on which lay the sword and the cloak he had worn at Marango, was born with full military honors, British grenadiers to a spot chosen by the Emperor himself. The grave had been dug under two large weeping willow trees in a secluded valley not far from Longwood. In his will, Napoleon had said, "'I desire that my cendres repose on the bar of the seine, on the milieu of the people French froncée that I tantamie. Nineteen years later, a French frigate, the Belle Poulle, under the command of Prince de Juainville, angered at Jamestown. In response to the universal desire of the nation, King Louis Philippe had sent his son to convey back to France the Emperor's remains.

On this last pious pilgrimage they returned to St. Helena, Bertrand and Gourgeau, the Young Lacasse, and Artur Bertrand, the first French visitor who entered Longwood without Lord Bathard's permission. There too were Marchand, the Valet, as well as St. Denis, and three others of the Emperor's faithful attendance. They found that Longwood had reverted to its former use and again become a stable. At midnight on the 15th of October 1840, the 25th anniversary of his arrival at St. Helena, the party gathered around the Emperor's grave. When, after ten hours strenuous labor, the coffin was finally opened, they beheld once more the well-known features, unaltered and unimpaired. On a bitter December day, the dead conqueror made the most majestic of his entrances into his capital,

mounted upon a stately funeral car, escorted by the aged veterans of the old guard, his body was born in triumph down the beautiful avenue of the Chans-Elysé, under his Ark de Triumph, across the Place de la Concorde, and over the seine, to the invalides. Here, the king of the French, surrounded by the royal family and all the dignitaries of state, awaited the arrival of the illustrious dead. Suddenly, a Chamberlain appeared at the door and broke the silence with the announcement, L' Emperor, and the assembly arose with a common emotion as the body was born slowly in. Under the gilded dome of the Evalide, the spirit of the great emperor still reigns.

His tomb is the first spot to which the visitor to Paris turns his steps. In an open circular crypt, directly under the dome, one sees the mass of sarcophagus of red Finland porphyry. Like sentinels around the tomb, stand twelve colossal victory. in Carrara marble, beside which are trophies composed of 60 standards taken from the enemy. In the mosaic of the pavement are traced the names of eight of Napoleon's greatest victories. Rivoli, Pyramid, Marengo, Austerlitz, Yenna, Friedland, Vagram, Moscow. Here, under the soft blue light of the dome of the Invalide on the banks of the Sen, in the midst of the French people he loved so well, repose for all talks.

the ashes of the greatest soldier the world has ever known. End of Chapter 22. Chapter 23 of Napoleon the First and Intimate Biography by Walter Gear. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. 23. 1769 to 1821. Personality of Napoleon. There is no personage in history who has been so much written about as Napoleon. the books on his life would fill a large library yet upon one point only is their practical unanimity of opinion that as a soldier the world has never seen his equal a century has not been long enough to arrive at a conclusion as to the full meaning of his life

nor has it produced any man comparable to him in force of will, energy, or in sheer power of intellect. It has been said that Napoleon himself never understood England, but it is certain that the British mind has never been able to fully appreciate the Emperor. Many have studied him with profit and insight, but never entirely free from the old insular prejudice. In France, the cult of the Napoleonic legend still survives, but no longer in an imperialistic sense. The nation today is profoundly Pacific, but it is not unmindful of the great figures of its historic past. This centennial year, France has united in honoring the greatness, nay, the grandeur, of Napoleon. A century hence, it may be possible to see in a truer perspective the influence of Napoleon

upon Europe and the world. Italy and Germany really owe to him their unification. The struggles of peoples for their independence that marked the course of the last century, received from him their original impulse, and in the Europe of today his influence is clearly to be seen. In the calm light of a century of experience there can now be little room for serious hesitation as to the place to be assigned him in the march of political and social progress. No single mind, says Mr. H. A. L. Fisher, is more powerfully stamped upon the institutions of contemporary France, for by his reaction against its successes, he saved all that was precious in the philosophy of the revolution. Napoleon had none of the illusions of a democratic statesman like

Burke that, whenever the people have a feeling, they are commonly in the right. In his opinion, an intelligent but illiterate population like that of France, demoralized by revolutionary anarchy, and without experience with democratic institutions, was unfit for political liberty. What the nation needed was social equality, guaranteed by a strong and intelligent government. The old monarchy had been weak because the vital forces of the state had been paralyzed by social privilege. No matter how autocratic the administration of Napoleon might be, it still provided an open career to talent of every kind. In the social structure of France as it was left by Napoleon, equality was the rule. Compared with the England of Pitt and Fox, the France of Napoleon was essentially democratic.

It is for this system of equality, said the world. exile to Amira, that your oligarchy hates me so much. With respect to political liberty, Napoleon's attitude was entirely different. The memory of the wild orgy of talk and legislation in the revolutionary assemblies was still fresh in his mind, and the trying scenes of the 19th Brimère had never been forgotten. He felt that a popular assembly, so far from being a help to the ruler, was a source of perplexity and embarrassment. If he had not yielded during the hundred days to what he believed to be the growing popular demand for a legislative form of government, he might have preserved his throne. The higher education of France received at his hands the impetus

which won the admiration of Matthew Arnold. During the recent war, some five million men in the American and British armies received some form of liberal or technical instruction. The idea was suggested by Napoleon at St. Helena, where he said that it was one of his plans that every regiment should have his school for instruction in science, the humanities and mechanics. Brilliant as was his military renown, Napoleon always realized that he lacked the greatest of all props to political power, legitimacy, and that only continued success could assure the stability of his throne. He therefore turned to a new force, until then hardly realized by public men in Europe, and became the first journalist of his time. He possessed in the highest degree the talent of

placing his victories in the most favorable light, while excluding all uncomfortable matter, and his bulletins and other communications published in the Monitou, constantly commended the principal actor to the admiration and applause of the world. In the monuments of the capital and in the museums of painting and sculpture, the memory of his military triumphs was also preserved, and will live for all time as an inspiration for a great martial people. During his youth and until he became consul, Napoleon was not a all attractive in person and could hardly be called well-groomed.

He was a little over five feet six, English measure, and was well proportioned. At the age of forty he became stout, and looked even smaller than he really was. His hair was dark brown, and until after his return from Egypt he wore it long in the revolutionary style. His forehead was high, his eyes of brilliant blue-gray, his nose straightened well-shaped, his mouth rather large with a so-called cupidon upper lip. his chin round and dimpled. During the early years of the empire,

before his face became too full, his features were very handsome with a clear cameo-like profile. In early life his health was uniformly good, but later he began to show signs of lessened activity due partly to a greater love of ease and partly to failing physical strength. He had inherited a sound and tough body

capable of standing great fatigue and with remarkable nervous strength. He was very moderate, so far as the table went, although he ate too fast, and he never drank any wine except a little Chambartin deluded with water. Without being entirely chaste, he was never in any sense a libertine. During his campaigns, until the different Army Corps had nearly reached the positions assigned them, Napoleon remained at General Headquarters. Then he proceeded rapidly to the front in his traveling carriage. In the presence of the enemy, he always accompanied his troops on horseback. At his

quarters in the field, he received the reports of his marshals and personally directed all the core movements. In the intervals, he attended to the internal administration of France, and replied to the reports which were sent him from Paris by his ministers who wrote him every day. He thus governed his empire at the same time that he directed his army. He had such a remarkable constitution that he could sleep for an hour, be awakened to receive a report and give an order, and immediately fall asleep again. without his repose or his health suffering. Six hours of sleep was sufficient for him,

whether he took it consecutively or at different intervals during the 24 hours. The days which preceded a great battle, he was constantly on horseback, to reconnoiter the force and the position of the enemy, study the field of battle, and visit the bivouacs of his soldiers. Even during the night he rode along the entire front to further assure himself of the strength of the enemy

by the number of his campfires, and he wore out several horses in a day. The day of battle he took a position at a central point where he could see everything which took place. He was surrounded by his aide-de-can, whom he dispatched to carry his orders to all points. A short distance behind him were always stationed four squadrons

of the cavalry of the guard. The marshals were advised of his position so that their reports could easily reach him. If his presence became necessary at any point, he immediately galloped there, followed by his escort. Napoleon was a very hardy but also a very careless rider. He sat hunched up in the saddle, holding the reins loosely in his right hand with his left arm pendant by his side. Sometimes he went at a walk or a trot, but more often at full gallop

without paying the slightest attention to the route. Before adopting the legendary grey redding-goat, Napoleon protected himself against the cold of the bivouac with a light blue cloak, the Manteau de Marengo, which he always kept, and which covered his coffin at St. Helena, and under which he now sleeps in the Invalide. Upon the field of battle, the tents of the Emperor were erected in the middle of a square of the old guard. There were always three principal tents, one for the Emperor, one for Berthier, the chief of staff, and a third for the officers of the household. The personal tent of the emperor was in two parts. The first, called the office, was furnished with a small

small writing table, an armchair of red Morocco for the emperor, and two stools for the secretary and the aide-de-con duty. The table and the chairs were all folding. The second part was used as a bedroom. Here was erected the little folding iron campaign bed with straps enclosed with dark green curtains. The foot-rug of the traveling coach served for desante de lye, and the Necessaire de Voyage completed the furnishing. At night, the secretary and the Descartes slept on cushions in the office. The tents, the bed, and the furniture could all be folded and rolled up and packed on the backs of mules for transportation. The little iron camp bed was about six feet long and three feet wide.

It was the bed used by Napoleon at St. Helena, upon which he died and is now at Paris. Minervais states that Napoleon never dictated except while walking. He sometimes began while seated, but at the first phrase he arose, and began to walk around the room, continuing this promenade the entire time he was dictating. Words to express his thoughts came to him without effort, and although sometimes incorrect, they always conveyed his idea clearly. In his addresses to the Senate, in his proclamations,

in his diplomatic notes, the style was always well-considered and appropriate to the subject. Napoleon rarely wrote himself, he found it too fatiguing as his hand could not keep pace with the rapidity of misconception. He never took a pen in his hand except occasionally when he was alone, and there was no one within call to act as his Emanuensis. His writing was an assemblage of characters without connection and almost unreadable. Half the letters of the words were wanting. His spelling was never correct, although he could always find any errors in the writing of other persons. This was due to

the fact that his mind moved so rapidly that he would not interrupt the flow of his thoughts to take time to write correctly. Napoleon had naturally a very active mind. Always and in all things he went straight to the point. In a discussion, he always found at once the conclusive argument. Upon the field of battle, he discovered the decisive maneuver. For him, to think, to decide, to act was a single indivisible act, so rapidly executed that between the thought and the act there was not a moment lost.

If, says Tierre. he had chosen one of the civil careers where one can only succeed by persuading others in winning them to your point of view perhaps he would have learned to moderate to control his passionate disposition but thrown into the career of arms and endowed with the supreme faculty of divining at a glance what must be done to win he reached with one bound the domination of italy with a second the government of france with a third the supremacy of europe what marvel then that this nature which god had made so quick which victory had made still more prompt, should be brusque, impetuous, domineering, absolute in its will. Everything had cooperated, nature and events,

to make of this mortal the most absolute, the most impetuous of men. It was not, however, until towards the end of his career that Napoleon gave way entirely to this spirit of domination. Then, seeing nations submit and sovereigns bow before him,

he no longer takes account either of men or of nature, and dares all, undertakes all. When he had ceased to command, he became gentle, simple, charitable, with that charity of a great mind which understands human nature, appreciates its weaknesses, and pardons them, because he knows that they are unavoidable. At St. Helena, divested of all prestige, having over his companions and misfortune only the ascendancy of a great mind and character, Napoleon continued to dominate them absolutely.

he so strongly attached them to himself by his unaltering kindness that after fearing him for the greater part of their lives they loved him for the rest towards his family he always showed the greatest kindness and generosity and pardoned over and over again their faults and their failures for the empress josephine even after her divorce he also displayed a profound tenderness although his first passionate love for her had long been cooled by her many acts of infidelity in his testament he speaks in the kindest terms of his dear wife marie louise and states that at the last moment he has for her only the tenderest sentiments although he knew full well that she was living in open concubinage with nyberg no career in history has been so dramatic few so pathetic as that of napoleon it covers just nineteen years it began in seventeen ninety six with the campaign of italy it ended with waterloo in eighteen fifteen fifteen looking back when all was over from the lonely rock where fate had chained him he said i may have had many plans but i was never free to carry out any of them it was all very well for me to hold the helm but however strong was the hand that grasped it the waves were much stronger still i have never been really my master i have always been controlled by circumstances he always realized that his hold upon power was insecure It was this feeling that constantly urged him on to Dees that brought ruin in their train. Your sovereigns born on the throne, he said to Metternich, may be beaten twenty times and go back to their capitals.

I cannot, because I am an upstart soldier. My domination will not outlive the day when I cease to be strong, and to be feared because I am strong. As a soldier, Napoleon's personal courage was above reproach. Of this he gave many of admirable examples from the bridge of Aucaly in the first campaign in Italy to his last battle at Waterloo. It was, however, his moral courage that won his campaigns, the characteristic boldness in design and execution, the willingness to risk much to win much, that, coupled with intellect, made him the master of Europe. No man in history has equalled Napoleon in force of intellect and character, and perhaps no one has ever been more favored by opportunity. Yet,

despite his great administrative work, Napoleon was not a true statesman. He had the power to create, but not the talent to mold into permanent form. Had he been content to rule a France limited by her natural boundaries, of the Rhine, the Alps and the Pyrenees, he might have founded a dynasty which would be the most powerful in Europe today. But as Frederick puts it, he sought to keep too much and ended by keeping nothing. Success and more in the opinion of Napoleon. himself is largely a question of moral, in other words, of opinion or reputation. And he adds, the art is to preserve the reputation when one has secured it. This view is also endorsed by the greatest soldier of our own day, Marischal Foch, who insists upon it frequently in his writings.

Every great commander, having established a reputation for boldness, enterprise, and skill, wins under circumstances where without this moral help, he might fail. This fact is all. This fact is often illustrated in Napoleon's career, particularly at the opening of the Vagram campaign of 1989, and during the Campaign of France in 1814, where his reputation of doing sudden, unexpected and dangerous things puzzled and dismayed his antagonists. No great soldier has ever achieved success without imagination, the ability to see the result of a far-reaching operation at its very beginning, and Napoleon possessed this trait in a very marked degree.

Says Bourienne, Although he was perhaps the most positive man who ever lived, yet I have known no one who allowed himself to be carried away more easily by the charms of imagination. Under many circumstances, to wish and to believe were one and the same thing. But this will to see nothing impossible,

this unlimited reliance on results, which was at first one of the causes of his success, ended by becoming fatal. There was developed, gradually the feeling that failure was for him impossible, and that his own views and acts were infallibly right. When he ceased to tolerate dissent, discussion fell into disuse, and everyone obeyed his orders even though he knew that the emperor was not sustained by facts. This was most marked during the unfortunate campaign of 1813, the poorest he ever conducted.

As Marmon said of him, he no longer believed in truth when it conflicted with his passions, his interests or his moods. That Napoleon was ambitious cannot be gained-said, ambitious not only for the present, but for the future. Borien quotes him as saying, For me, the immortality of the soul is the impression one leaves on the memory of man. This thought leads to great things. It were better not to have lived than to leave behind no traces of one's existence.

It is the thought expressed in Scott's immortal lines. One crowded hour of glorious life Is worth an age without a name On another occasion he denied that he had ambition Then he corrected himself And said that it was so natural to him So innate, so attached to his being That it was like the blood that flowed in his veins

Or the air he breathed. So long as Napoleon commanded small armies And retained his abnormal nervous vigor His desire to keep everything in his own hands was one of the chief causes of his success. But when his armies grew larger and his physical force began to decline, his lack of a competent general staff

led to failure. It was impossible for him to attend personally to details so extensive and he had trained no subordinates to do it for him. Like many men a very positive character, Napoleon wanted around him only active, laborious and obedient mediocrity.

His nominal chief of staff Berthier was only a very efficient and docile head clerk. It was the same with his marshals. Only a few, like Massena, Sout and Davout were capable of independent command. His other generals were exceptional lieutenants only. Never was a man so born for leadership as Napoleon. This trait was displayed even during his school days at Pryenne. When he took command of the army of Italy in 1796, he found a group of general officers all older and more experience than himself, and yet he at once imposed his will upon them. There was no attempt to evade an order during the campaign. This power over men extended both to

his generals and to his troops. The qualities which go to make up the typical warrior, says Dodge, were possessed by Napoleon in greater measure than in any other man of modern days, and so superior was he to his antagonists that he could not fail to win under anything like equal condition. No commander in history ever conceived such gigantic military problems, reduced their execution to such simplicity, and carried them through with such boldness and ability. His power to gauge a situation was most remarkable, says Odin Lieben in speaking of the campaign in Saxony.

One looked through his glass, and he had seized the picture of a whole army with incredible speed. He thus judged from some height, whole core of 50 or 60,000 men according to space and position. When to this power of clear vision there be added the innate boldness of the man and his capacity for hard unceasing work, you have such a combination of qualities as the world has rarely seen. At St. Helena, Napoleon said,

Genius consists in carrying out things despite obstacles, and, meanwhile, in finding few or no impossibilities. The result of all this clear not. boldness and application was, as he himself puts it that, all plans of the fourteen campaigns of Napoleon were in strict accord with the true principles of war. His wars were bold, but methodical. To this greatest of commanders' leadership is naturally the sovereign spell. An army, he lays down, is nothing save what it is by its head.

The general is the head, is the all of an army. It was not the Roman legions that conquered Gaul, but Caesar. It was not the Carthaginian army at the gates of Rome that made the Republic tremble, but Hannibal. In all his wonderful career, there is no scene more thrilling than that in which by word and action he subdued and won over the first of the troops sent to oppose him on his return from Elba. Alone in front of his chasseur, Napoleon steps forward. Soldiers of the Fifth, I am your emperor. Accknowledge me. Then as he flings back his coat, If there is amongst you a soldier who would slay his emperor,

Here I am. France was one. The whole army yielded to the spell. Theatrical it may have been, but who except this mighty player would have had the daring, the skill, the profound knowledge of the heart to play that desperate role? For this man knew human nature as thoroughly as Shakespeare, and could play upon it with the same sure touch. It is futile as Rose, well says, to attempt to sum up Napoleon in any one category. Attempts have been made to do so, but with indifferent success. There is only one man in history of faculties sufficiently varied and forceful to challenge comparison with Napoleon. The figure of Julius Caesar dominates the Roman world, as that of the Great Corsican overshadows the age of the French Revolution. Take them

all in all as soldiers, statesmen, lawgivers, Caesar and Napoleon are the two greatest characters in history. End of Chapter 23. End of Napoleon I. An Intimate Biography by Walter Gear.