Classic Audiobook Collection - The History of Britain by John Milton ~ Full Audiobook [history]

Episode Date: January 17, 2024

The History of Britain by John Milton audiobook. Genre: history Written by the poet and polemicist John Milton, The History of Britain is an ambitious attempt to trace the story of the British Isles from legendary beginnings through the arrival of the Saxons and into the early medieval period. Drawing on classical writers, medieval chronicles, and national tradition, Milton moves from mythic founders and heroic battles to the hard questions of governance, succession, and the making of a people. Along the way he weighs the reputations of rulers, examines the tension between liberty and kingship, and challenges easy patriotic storytelling by pointing out contradictions in his sources. More than a simple chronicle, this work reveals Milton's larger concerns: how histories are written, how power is justified, and how language shapes national memory. Readers will hear a learned mind at work, balancing scholarship with sharp judgment and moral intensity, as the island's past becomes a stage for enduring debates about authority, faith, and civic responsibility. Ideal for listeners who enjoy foundational narratives and the craft of early modern historiography, The History of Britain offers a vivid, opinionated tour through Britain before it became Britain as we know it. For ad-free listening try our premium subscription Chapters (Approximate) (00:00:00) Chapter 01 (01:02:38) Chapter 02 (02:10:20) Chapter 03 (03:17:33) Chapter 04 (03:47:51) Chapter 05 (04:18:08) Chapter 06 (04:50:37) Chapter 07 (05:32:33) Chapter 08 (06:14:15) Chapter 09 (06:50:44) Chapter 10 (07:44:58) Chapter 11 (08:40:59) Chapter 12 (09:24:48) Chapter 13 (10:01:58) Chapter 14 (10:58:26) Chapter 15 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The History of Britain by John Milton. Book 1 The History of Britain, that part especially now called England. From the first traditional beginning, continued to the Norman conquest, collected out of the ancientest and best authors thereof, published from a copy corrected by the author himself,

first published in the year 1670, the first book. The beginning of nation, those accepted of whom sacred books have spoken, is to this day unknown, nor only the beginning but the deeds also of many succeeding ages, yea, periods of ages, are either wholly unknown, or obscured and blemished with fables. Whether it were that the use of letters came in long after, or were it the violence of barbarous inundations,

or they themselves, at certain revolutions of time fatally decaying and degenerating, and to slothed in ignorance, whereby the monuments of more ancient civility have been some destroyed, some lost. Perhaps disesteem and contempt of the public affairs then present, as not worth recording, might partly be in cause. Certainly, oftentimes, we see that wise men and of best ability have forborne to write the acts of their own days. While they beheld with a just loathing and disdain, not only how unworthy, how perverse, how corrupt, but often how ignoble, how petty, how below all history the persons and their actions were, who either by fortune or some rude election, had attained, as a sore judgment and ignominy upon the land, to have the chief sway in managing the commonwealth.

But that any law or superstition of our philosophers, the druids, forbade the Britons to write accounts of their own memorable deeds, I know not why any person should, out of Caesar's commentaries allege. He indeed said that the doctrine they thought not lawful to commit to letters, but in most matters else, both private and public, among which well may history be reckoned, they used the Greek tongue, and that the British druids, who taught those in Gaul, should have been ignorant of any language that was known and used by the disciples, or that when they were so frequently employed in writing other things, and were so inquisitive into the highest subjects,

they would, for want of recording events, continue to be ever children, in the knowledge of times and ages, is not likely. But whatever might be the reason of it, this we find, that of British affairs, from the first peopling of the island

to the coming of Julius Caesar, nothing certain, either by tradition, history, or ancient fame hath hitherto been left us. That which we have of oldest seeing of, hath by the greater part of judicious antiquaries been long rejected as being only a modern fable. Nevertheless, there being others besides the first supposed author, and these two men not unread nor unlearned in antiquity,

who admit that for a proved story which the former explode for fiction, and seeing that oftentimes relations heretofore counted fabulous have been afterwards found to contain in them many footsteps and relics of something true, as what we read in poets of the flood and giants was little believed, till undoubted witnesses taught us that all of it was not famed. I have therefore determined to bestow the telling over even of these reputed tales, be it for nothing else but in favor of our English poets and rhetoricians, who by their art will know how to be it.

to use them judiciously. I might also produce examples as deodorous among the Greeks, Livy and others among the Latins, and Polidore and Virunius, who are accounted among our own writers. But I intend not with controversies and quotations to delay or interrupt the smooth course of the history, much less to argue and debate long who were the first inhabitants of this island and with what probabilities and what authorities each opinion hath been upheld, but shall endeavour to do that which hitherto hath been needed most, that is, with plain and lightsome brevity, to relate well and in good order things worth the noting, so as they may best instruct and benefit those who read them.

Which, imploring divine assistance, that it may redound to his glory and the good of the British nation, I now begin. that the whole earth was inhabited before the flood, and to the utmost point of habitable ground, from those effectual words of God in the creation, may be more than conjectured. Hence, that this island also had her dwellers, her affairs, and perhaps her written histories, even in that old world, those many hundred years before the flood, with much reason we may infer. after the flood and the dispersing of nations as they journeyed leisurely from the east gomer the eldest son of japheth and his offspring as by authority's arguments and affinity of

diverse names as generally believed were the first that peopleed all these western and northern climes but those of our own writers who thought they had done nothing unless with all circumstances as they tell us when and who they were who first set foot upon this island, presumed to name out of fabulous and counterfeit authors a certain Samothas or Dis, a fourth or sixth son of Japheth, whom they make about two hundred years after the flood, to have planted with colonies. First, the continent of Celtica, or Gaul, and next this island. Thence to have named it Samothia, to have reigned here, and after him linearly, four kings, Magus, Saran, Druis, and Bardas.

But the forged Berossus, whom only they have to sight, nowhere mentions that either he or any of those whom they bring did ever pass into Britain, or send their people hither, so that this outlandish figment may easily excuse our not allowing it the room here so much as of a British fable. That which follows, perhaps as wide from truth, though seeming less impertinent, is that these Samothians under the reign of Bardus were subdued by Albion, a giant son of Neptune, who called the island after his own name, and ruled it 44 years.

Till at length, passing over into Gaul, in aid of his brother Lestergan, against whom Hercules was hasting out of Spain into Italy, he was there slain in fight, and Bergeon also his brother. Sure enough we are that Britain hath been anciently termed Albion, both by the Greeks and Romans, and Mela, the geographer, makes mention of a stony shore in Langerdog, where, by report, such a battle was fought. The rest, as his giving name to the Isle, or even landing-finding,

here depends altogether upon late surmises. But too absurd and too unconscionably gross is that fond invention that wafted hither the fifty daughters of a strange Diocletian king of Syria, brought in doubtless by some illiterate pretender to something mistaken in the common poetical story of Daneus, king of Argos, while his vanity, not pleased with the obscure beginning which truest antiquity affords the nation, labored to contrive us a pedigree, as he thought, more noble. These daughters, after having by the appointment of their father, Deneas, murdered on the night of their marriage, all their husbands, except Lincius, whom his wife's loyalty saved, were by Lincius, at the suit of his wife, their sister, not put to death, but turned out to see in a ship

unmanned, of which whole sex they had incurred the hate. and, as the tale goes, they were driven on this island, where the inhabitants, who were none but devils, as some right, or as others a lawless crew left here by Albion, without head or governor, both entertained them and had issued by them a second breed of giants, who tyrannized the isle till Brutus came. The eldest of these dames in their legend they called Albina, and from thence, for which cause the whole scene was framed, will have the name Albion derived. Incredible it may seem that so sluggish a conceit should prove so ancient as to be authorized by the elder Ninius, who is reputed to have lived above a thousand years ago. This, however, I find not in him,

but he relates that Histian, sprung of Japhid, had four sons, Frankus, Romanus, Pellemunus, and Brito. of whom the Pritians were the descendants, which is as true, I believe, as that those other nations whose names are resembled came of the other three, if these dreams give not just occasion to call and doubt the book itself, which bears that title. Hitherto the things themselves have given us a warrantable dispatch to run them soon over. But now of Brutus and his line, with the whole progeny of kings to the entrance of Julius Caesar, we cannot so easily be discharged. Descents of ancestry long continued, laws and exploits not plainly seeming to be borrowed or devised, which on the common belief have wrought no small impression, being defended by many, denied utterly by few. for what though Brutus and the whole Trojan pretense were yielded up? Seeing they who first devised to bring us from some noble ancestor were content at first with Brutus the first consul of Rome after the expulsion of Tarkinus superbus,

till better invention, although not willing to forego the name of Brutus, taught them to remove it higher into a more fabulous age, and by the same remove, lighting on the Trojan ten. in affectation to make the britain of one original with the roman pitched there yet that of those old and inborn names of successive kings of this island never any should have been real persons or have done in their lives at least some part of what so long hath been related of them cannot be absolutely concluded without too great a degree of incredulity for these and those causes above men that which hath received deprivation from so many, I have chosen not to admit. Certain or uncertain, be that upon the credit of those whom I must follow. So far as it keeps aloof from impossible and absurd, and is attested by ancient writers from books more ancient,

I refuse not to relate it as being the due and proper subject of story. the principal author of these disputed facts is well known to be geoffrey of mamma what he was and whence his authority who in his age or before him have delivered the same matter and such like general discourses will better stand in a treatise by themselves all of them agree in this that brutus was the son of sylvia's he of ascanias whose father was aeneas a trojanus whose father was a and prince, who, at the burning of that city, with his son Ascanias and a collected number of his countrymen that escaped from that destruction, took refuge on board a small fleet of ships, and abandoned their native country in search of another settlement, and after long wandering on the sea arrived in Italy, where, at length, by the assistance of Latina's, king of Latium, who had given him his daughter, Lavinia in marriage, he prevailed against his enemies, and at length

succeeded Latinus in that kingdom and left it to his son Ascanius, whose son Silvius, though Roman historians deny Silvius to be son of Ascanias, had secretly married a niece of Lavinia without the consent or knowledge of Ascanius. But sometime after this marriage, the wife of Silvius becoming pregnant, the matter became known to Iscanius, and he then commanded his magicians to inquire by their art of what sex the offspring now conceived by the maid would prove at its birth to be, to which inquiry the magician's mate answered that it was such a child as should be the cause of the death of both its parents, and further that after he should, for so doing, have been banished from his country, he should in a far country obtain the highest honor.

And this prediction failed not to be accomplished, for its mother died in childbed, and the child, who was a boy and named Brutus, when he was 15 years of age, attending his father to the chase with an arrow unfortunately killed him. In consequence of this unhappy event, this young man was banished by his kindred from his native country and retired into Greece, in that part of it which had formerly been subject to Pileus,

the father of the celebrated warrior Achilles, but was then governed by a king named Pandrasus, and there took up his abode. where he met with a great number of persons who, like himself, were descended from Trojan ancestors. For after the taking of Troy by the Grecian army, Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, who was present at that great event, in revenge for his father's death, who had been slain there a little before, took prisoner Hellenus, one of King Priam's sons, together with other Trojans of distinction,

and carried them and their families away with him to Greece, in a state of servitude, from whom there was descended a numerous posterity, when young Buddhists took refuge among them. And amongst these descendants from the same common ancestors with himself, the young man soon distinguished himself so much by his valor and activity and capacity for military undertakings, that he became an object of the respect and admiration of the kings and great captains of the age,

above all the youth of that country, whereby the Trojans not only begin to hope, but secretly to move him that he would lead them the way to liberty. They alleged their numbers, and the promised help of Asaricus, a noble Greekish youth, who was by the mother's side a Trojan, and whom for that cause his brother went about to dispossess of certain castles bequeathed to him by his father. Brutus, considering both the forces offered him and the strength of those holds or castles, not unwillingly consents. First, therefore, having fortified those castles, he, with Asaricus and the whole multitude,

betake them to the woods and hills, as the safest place from whence to expostulate. And in the name of all, he sends to Pandrasis this message, that the Trojans, holding it to be acting in a manner unworthy of their ancestors for them to continue in a state of servitude, in a foreign kingdom,

had retreated to the woods, choosing rather a savage life than a slavish. If that displeased him, they desire that then, with his leave, they might depart to some other soil. As this may pass with good allowance that the Trojans might be many in these parts, for Hellenus was by Pyrrhus, made king of the Ceyonians, and the sons of Pyrrhus by Andromachy, Hector's wife, could not but be powerful through all Epirus.

So much the more it may be doubted, how these Trojans could be thus in bondage, where they had friends and countrymen so potent. But to examine these things with diligence were but to confute the fables of Britain with the fables of Greece or Italy. For of this age what we have to say as well concerning most other countries as this island is equally liable to doubt. Be how it will. Fandrasus, not expecting so bold a message from the sons of captives, gathers an army, and marching toward the woods, Brutus, who had notice of his approach nigh to a town called Sporatinum, I know not what town, but certainly of no Greek name, overnight planting himself there with good part of his men, suddenly sets upon him,

and with slaughter of the Greeks pursues him to the passage of a river, which mine author names Acalon, the meaning perhaps Acaloos, or Aicalos, or Aege. where, at the fore he overlays them afresh. This victory obtained, and a sufficient strength left in sparatinum, Brutus, with Antigonus, the king's brother, and his friend, Enaclitus, whom he had taken in the fight, returns to the residue of his friends in the thick woods, while Pandrasus, with all speed recollecting his scattered troops, besieges the town. Brutus, to relieve his men besieged, too earnestly called him, distrusting the sufficiency of his force,

bethinks himself of this policy. He calls to him Anaclitus, and, threatening instant death else, but to him and his friend Antigonus, enjoins him that he should go at the second hour of night to the Greekish Lagra, and tell the guards he had brought Antigonus by stealth out of prison to a certain woody veil, an able through the weight of his fetters to move him further, entreating them to come speedily and fetch him in. Anaclitus, to say both himself and his friend Antigonus, swears this, and, at a fit hour, sets on a loan toward the camp, is met, examined, and at last unquestionably known,

to whom great profession of fidelity first made, he frames his tale, as had been taught him, and they now, fully assured with the credit, redulous rashness leaving their stations, fared accordingly by the ambush that there awaited them. Forthwith, Brutus, dividing his men into three parts, leads on in silence to the camp, commanding first each part at a several place to enter and forbear execution, till he, with his squadron possessed of the king's tent, gave signal to them by trumpet. The sound whereof is no sooner heard, but huge havoc begins upon the sleeping and unguarded

enemy, whom the besieged, also now sallying forth, on the other side to sail. Brutus, the while, had special care to seize and secure the king's person, whose life, he being still within his custody, he knew was the surest pledge to obtain what he should demand. Day appearing, he enters the town, there distributes the king's treasury, and, leaving the place better fortified, returns with the king his prisoner to the woods. Straight, the ancient and grave men he summons to counsel, to consider what they should now demand of the king. After long debate, Mempricius, one of the gravest, utterly dissuading them from

thought of longer stay in Greece, unless they meant to be deluded with a subtle peace and the awaited revenge of those whose friends they had slain, advises them to demand first the king's eldest daughter, Inogen, in marriage to their leader Brutus, with a rich dowry, next, shipping, money, and fit provision for them all to depart the land. This resolution pleasing best, the king now brought in and placed in a high seat, is briefly told that on these conditions granted he might be free, not granted he must prepare to die. Pressed with the fear of death, the king readily yields, especially to be seen.

bestow his daughter, on whom he confessed so noble and so valiant, offers them also the third part of his kingdom, if they like to stay, if not, to be their hostage himself till he had made good his word. The marriage, therefore, solemnized, and shipping from all parts got together, the Trojans in a fleet, no less written than three hundred four-and-twenty sail, betake them to the wide sea, where, with the prosperous course two days and a night, bring them on a certain island, long as well. long before dispeopled and left waste by sea rovers. The name whereof was then the Ogesia, now unknown. They who were sent out to discover came at length to a ruined city, where it was a temple and image of Diana that gave oracles. But not meeting first or last with any creatures save wild beasts, they returned with this notice to their ships,

wishing their general would inquire of that oracle what voyage to pursue. Consultation had, Brutus, taking with them Gerian as diviner and twelve of the ancientest, with wanted ceremonies before the inward shrine of the goddess, in verse, as it seems the manner was, utters his request, Dewa Potens, Nemuran, etc. Goddess of shades and huntress, who at will walks on the rolling sphere and through the deep, on thy third reign the earth look now, and tell what land, land, what seat of rest thou bidst we seek? What certain seat where I may worship thee for A, with temples vowed and virgin choirs? To whom, sleeping before the altar, Diana, in a vision

that night thus answered, Brute, sub occassum, solace, etc. Routis, far to the west, in ocean-wide, beyond the realm of Gaul, her land there lies. See, girt, it lies where giants, dwelt of old. Now void, it fits thy people. Lither bend thy course. There shall thou find a lasting seat. There to thy sons and other Troy shall rise, and kings be bored of thee, whose dreaded might shall all the world and conquer nations bold. These verses were originally Greek, and were put into Latin, Seth Virunius by Gildas, a British poet, whom he supposes to have lived unto the Roman Emperor Claudius, which, if granted true,

adds much to the antiquity of this fable, and indeed the Latin verses are much better than for the age of Geoffrey up Arthur, unless perhaps Joseph of Exeter, who was the only spoofed poet of those times befriended him, in this answer, Diana overshot her oracle,

thus ending, Ipsis Totius Terai, Subdetus Orbis Errant, that to the race of brute, kings of this island, the whole earth shall be subject. But Brutus, guided now as he thought by divine conduct, speeds him towards the west, and after some encounters on the Afric side, arrives at a place on the Tyran Sea, where he happens to find the race of those Trojans who with Antinor came into Italy, and Carinius, a man much-famed, was the chief, though by surer authors it be reported that those

Trojans with Antinor were seated on the other side of Italy, on the Adriatic, not on the Tyrant shore. But these, joining company and passed the Herculean pillars at the mouth of Ligeres in Aquitania, cast anchor, where, after some discovery made at the place, Corinius, hunting nigh the shore with his men, is by messengers of the king Gopharius Pictus met, and questioned about his errand there. who not answering to their mind, Imbertus, one of them, lets fly an arrow at Corrinius, which he avoiding slays him,

and the Pictavian himself, hereupon levying his whole force, is overthrown by Butus and Carinus, the latter of whom, with the battle-axe which he was one to manage against the Tyrant giants, is said to have done marvels. But Gopharius, having drawn to his aid

the whole country of Gaul, at that time governed by twelve kings, puts his fortune to a second trial, wherein the Trojans, overborne by multitude, are driven back, and besieged in their own camp, which by good foresight was strongly situate. Whence Brutus unexpectedly issuing out, and Carinius, in the meanwhile, whose device it was, assaulting them behind from a wood, where he had conveyed his men the night before, the Trojans are again victors, but with the loss of Turon, a valued nephew of Brutus, whose ashes left in that place gave name to the city of Toul, built there by the Trojans.

Brutus, finding now his powers much lessened and thinking this yet not the place foretold him, leaves Aquitaine, and with an easy course arriving at Totnes in Devonshire, quickly perceives here to be the promised end to his labors. The island, not yet called Britain, but Albion, was in a manner desert and inhospitable, kept only by a remnant of giants, whose excessive force and tyranny had consumed the rest of the people. These giants, Brutus, destroys,

but to his people divides the land, which with some reference to his own name he thenceforth calls Britain. To Corrinius, Cornwall, as he now call it, fell by lot. They rather by him liked for that the hugest giants in rocks and caves were said to lurk still there, which kind of monsters to deal with was his old exercise and here with leave bespoken to recite a grand fable though dignified by our best poets while brutus on a certain festival day solemnly kept on that shore where he first landed was with the people in great jollity and mirth

a crew of these savages breaking in upon them began on the sudden another sort of game than at such a meeting was expected but at length by many hands overcome goemagog the hugest is in height twelve cubits is reserved alive, that with him Carinius, who desired nothing more, might try his strength, whom in a wrestle the giant catching aloft with a terrible hug broke three of his ribs. Nevertheless, Corinius enraged, heaving him up by main force, and on his shoulders bearing him to the next high rock, threw him headlong all shattered into the sea, and left his name on the cliff, called ever since Langeumago, which is to say the giant's leave. After this, Brutus, in a chosen place, builds Troia Nova, changed in time to Trinovontum, now London, and began to enact laws, Heli being then high priest in Judea.

And having governed the whole isle 24 years, died and was buried in his new Troy. His three sons, Lucrine, Albinact, and camber divide the land by consent. Lucrine has the middle part, L'Eugria, Camber possessed Cambria, or Wales, Albinat, Albania, now Scotland. But he, in the end, by Humber, king of the Huns, who with the fleet invaded that land, was slain in fight, and his people drove back into L'Egria. Lucrine and his brother go out against Humber, who, now marching onward, was by them defeated, and in a river drowned, which to this day retains his name.

Among the spoils of his camp and navy were found certain young maids, and Estridus, above the rest passing fair, the daughter of a king in Germany, from whence Humber as he went wasting the sea coast, had led her captain, whom Locrine, though before contracted to the daughter of Carinius, resolves to marry. By being forced and threatened by Carinius,

whose authority and power he feared, he yields to marry Gwendolyn, his daughter, but in secret loves the other, and oftentimes retiring as to some private sacrifice through vaults and passages made underground, and seven years, thus enjoying her, had by her a daughter equally fair, whose name was Sabra. But when once his fear was off, by the death of Carinius, not content with secret enjoyment, Dvorcing Gwendolyn, he makes Estreldus now his queen. Gwendolyn, all in a rage, departs into Cornwall, where Madame, the son she had by Lucrine,

was hitherto brought up by Perinius his grandfather, and gathering an army of her father's friends and subjects gives battle to her husband by the river Stururr, wherein Lucrine, shot with an arrow, ends his life. But not so ends the fury of Gwendolyn. For Estreldus and her daughter, Saperra, she throws into a river, and to leave a monument of revenge, proclaims that the stream be thenceforth called after the damsel's name, which, by length of time, is changed now to Sabrina, or Sever.

Fifteen years she governs in behalf of her son. Then, resigning to him at age, retires to her father's dominion. This, Seth my author, was in the days of Samuel. Madden hath the praise to have well and peacefully ruled the space of forty years, leaving behind him two sons, Mampricius and Malim. Mampricius had first to do with the ambition of his brother, aspiring to share with him in the kingdom, whom, therefore, at a meeting to compose matters, with a treachery which his cause needed not, he slew. Nor was he better in the sole possession thereof, so ill could he endure a partner, for he afterwards killed his nobles, and those especially next to succeed him, till at last, being given over to unnatural lust.

In the twentieth year of his reign, hunting in a forest, he was devoured by wolves. His son Ebron, a man of mighty strength and stature, reigned forty years. He first after Brutus invaded Gaul and laid it waste, and returning rich and prosperous, built Caribroenck. now York in Albania, and Alclud, Mount Agnod, or the castle of maidens, now Edinburgh. He had twenty sons and thirty daughters by twenty wives. His daughters he sent to Silvius Alba into Italy, who bestowed them on his peers of the Trojan line. His sons, under the leading of Asaricus, the brother, won them lands and seigneuries in Germany, which country has been thought by some persons to have been thence called Germania, or the land of brothers, the word

germanos in the Latin language being often used for a brother. But this derivation of the word Germany, as the name of the country, now so called, seems to have been too hastily adopted, as the time of these conquests of Ibronk and his sons of Germany seems to have been prior to the use of the word germanos in the Latin tongue in the sense of the word brother, or even to the existence of the Latin language itself, such as we now have it, in Ploutis and Terrence, and all posterior authors in it.

Some writers, who have described the country of Hennault, as Jacobus Pergamus and Lasobius, are cited to affirm that a bronch in his war there was by Brunchildas, lord of Hennault, put to the worst. Brutus, therefore, surnamed Green Shield, succeeding to repair his father's losses, as the same Lasavius reports, fought a second battle in henalt with brunschildes at the mouth of scaldus and encamped on the river hannia of which our spencer also thus sings

let scaldus tell and let tell hania and let the marsh of esthambrujjjis tell what colour were their waters that same day and all the moor twixt elversham and dell with blood of henelois which therein fell how oft that day did sad brunchildes see the Green Shield died in Dolores Vermeil, etc. But Hennault and Brunschild and Green Shield seem newer names than for a story pretended thus ancient. Him succeeded Leo, a maintainer of peace and equity, but slackened in his latter end whence arose some civil discord. He built in the north, Care Leo, and in the days of Solomon. rudhudibras or houdabras appeasing the commotions which his father could not founded kerkaint or canterbury kerguent or winchester and mount palladour now septonia or shaftesbury but this by others is contradicted

ladud his son built kerbidus or bath and those medicinal waters he dedicated to minerva in whose temple there he kept fire continually burning he was a man of great invention and taught necromancy till having made him wings to fly he fell down upon the temple of apollo in turnivant and so died after twenty years reign hitherto from father to son the direct line had run on but lear who next reigned had only three daughters and no male issue governed laudably and built kerlear now lester on the bank of sorrah but at last failing through age he determines to bestow his daughters and so among them to divide his kingdom yet first to try which of them loved him best a trial that might have made him had he known as wise how to try, as he seemed to know how much the trying behooved him, he resolves a simple resolution to ask them solemnly in order, and which of them should profess largest, her to believe? Goneril, theyldest, apprehending too well her father's weakness, makes answer invoking heaven that she loved him above her soul. Therefore, quoth the old man, overjoyed, since thou so onerest,

my declining age, to thee and the husband whom thou shalt choose, I give the third part of my realm. So Farah speeding, for a few words soon uttered, was to Reagan the second ample instruction what to say. She, on the same demands, bears no protesting, and the gods must witness that otherwise to express her thought she knew not, but that she loved him above all creatures, and so receives an equal revolt with her sister. But Cordelia the youngest, though hitherto she had been the best beloved, and had now before her eyes the rich and present higher of a little easy soothing, and the danger also, and the loss likely to betide plain dealing, yet moves not from the solid purpose of a sincere and virtuous answer. Father, said she, my love towards you is as my duty bids. What should have father, seek. What can a child promise more? They who pretend beyond this flatter. When the old man, sorry to hear this, and wishing her to recall those words, persisted asking, with a loyal sadness

at her father's infirmity, but something on the sudden, harsh and glancing rather at her sisters than speaking your own mind, two ways only, said she, I have to answer what you require me, the former your command is I should recant. Except then this other which has left me. Look how much you have. So much is your value, and so much I love you. Then hear thou, both dear, now all in passion, what thy ingratitude hath gained thee. Because thou hast not reverence thy aged father equal to thy sisters, part in my kingdom, or what else is mine reckoned to have none, and without delay gives in marriage his other daughters, Gonerum to Maglaunus, Duke of Albania, Reagan to Hanidas, Duke of Corlowe. With them, in present,

half his kingdom, the rest to follow at his death. In the meanwhile, fame was not sparing to divulge the wisdom and other graces of Cordelia, insomuch that Agonipus, a great king in Gaul, however he came by his Greek name not found in any register of French kings, seeks her to wife, and nothing altered at the loss of her dowry receives her gladly, in such manner as she was sent him. After this, King Lear more and more drooping with years, became an easy prey to his daughters and their husbands, who now, by daily encroachment, had seized the whole kingdom into their hands,

and the old king is put to sojourn with his eldest daughter, attended only by threescore knights but they in a short while grudged at as too numerous and disorderly for continual guests are reduced to thirty not brooking that affront the old king betakes him to his second daughter but there also discord soon arising between the servants of different masters in one family five only are suffered to attend him then back again he returns to the other hoping that she his eldest could not but have more pity on his grey hairs, but she now refuses to admit him, unless he be content with one only of his followers. At last the remembrance of his youngest, Cordelia, comes to his thoughts,

and now acknowledging how true her words had been, though with little hope of a kind reception from one whom he had so much injured, and that he might be able to pay her the last recompense she can have from him by making to her his confession of her wise forewarning that so perhaps his misery the proof and experiment of her wisdom might something soften her he takes his journey into france now might be seen a difference between the silent or downright spoken affection of some children to the parents and the talkative obsequiousness of others while the hope of inheritance overacts them and on the tongue's end enlarges their duty. Caudelia, out of mere love, without the suspicion of expected reward, at the message only of her father in distress, pours forth true filial tears, and not enduring either

that her own or any other eye should see him in such forlorn condition, as his messenger declared, discreetly appoints one of her trusted servants, first to convey him privately toward some good sea-town, there to array him, bathe him, cherish him, and furnish him with such attendance and state as beseemed his dignity. But then, as from his first landing, he might send word of his arrival to her husband, Achenippus. Which done with all mature and requisite contrivance, Codelia, with the king her husband, and all the barony of his realm, who then first had news of his passing the sea, go out to meet him, and after all honorable and joyful entertainment, Agonipus, as to his wife's father and his royal guest, surrenders to him during his abode there

the power and disposal of his whole dominion, permitting his wife Cordelia to go with an army and set her father upon his throne, wherein her piety so prospered as that she vanquished her impious sisters with those dukes, and leer again, as set the story, and lear again as set the story, three years obtained the crown, to whom dying Cordelia with all regal solemnities gave burial in the town of Leicester, and then, as right heir succeeding him, and her husband Agonippus, being dead, ruled the land five years in peace, until Morganus and Cunodegius, her two sister's sons, not bearing that a kingdom should be governed by a woman, in the unseasonabless time to raised that quarrel against a woman so worthy, make war against her, depose her, and imprison her,

of which being impatient, and now long unexercised, to suffer, she there, as is related, killed herself. The victors between them part the land. But Marginus, the eldest sister's son, who held by agreement from the north side of Humber to Cathness, incited by those about him to invade all as his own right, wars on kundegius who soon met him overcame and overtook him in a town of wales where he left his life and ever since his name to the place cunodegius was now sole king and governed with much praise many years about the time when rome was built him succeeded rivallo his son wise also and fortunate save what they tell us of three days raining blood and swarms of Stinging flies, or of men died. In order then, Gargustius, Chago or Lago, his nephew, Sicilius, Kinmarcus.

Then Gorbodego, whom others named Gorbodego, and Gorbodeon, who had two sons, Pharex and Porex. They, in the old age of their father, falling to contend who should succeed, Porex, attempting by treachery his brother's life, drives him into France, and in his return, though aided with the force of that country, defeats and slays him. But by his mother Vodena, who less loved him, is himself with the assistance of her women soon after slain in his bed, with whom ended, as is thought, the line of Brutus. Whereupon the whole land with civil broils was rented of five kingdoms, long time

waging war each on other, and some say fifty years. At length, Dunwallal Mulmuteus, the son of Clotten, King of Cornwall, one of the four-said five, excelling in valor and goodliness of person, after his father's decease found means to reduce again the whole island into a monarchy, subduing the rest at opportunities. First, Imner, king of Luagria, whom he slew, then Rudaucus of Cambria, Staterius, Albania, confederate together. in which fight Dunwallow is reported while the victory hung doubtful to have used this art. He takes with him six hundred stout men, bids them put on the armor of their slain enemies, and so unexpectedly approaching the squadron where those two kings had placed themselves in fight

from that part which they thought securist, assaults and dispatches them. then displaying his own ensigns, which before he had concealed, and sending notice to the other part of his army what was done, adds to them new courage and gains a final victory. This Dunwallow was the first in Britain that wore a crown of gold, and therefore by some reputed the first king. He established the Molmoutin laws, famous among the English to this day, written long after in Latin by Gildas and in Saxon by King Alfred, so said Juffrey.

But Gildes denies to have known aught of the Britons before Caesar, much less knew Alfred. These laws, whoever made them, bestowed on temples the privilege of sanctuary, to cities also and the ways thither leading. Yea, to plows granted a kind of like refuge, and made such riddance of thieves and robbers that all passages were safe. forty years he governed alone and was buried nigh to the temple of concord which he to the memory of peace restored had built in trinophant his two sons bellinus and brenas contending about the crown by decision of friends came at length to an accord brenas to have the north of humber bellinus the sovereignty of all but the younger not so contented that he as they whispered to him whose valour had sought oft repelled the invasion of Culfus, the Maureen duke, should now be subject to his brother.

Upon new design, sails into Norway, enters into a league with Elsin the king of Norway, and proposes to marry his daughter, which, Belaun is perceiving, in his absence, dispossesses him of all the north. Brennes, with a fleet of Norwegians, makes towards Britain, but being encountered by Gwythlach, the Danish king, who laying claim to his bride pursued him on the sea, his haste was retarded, and he bereft of his spouse, who, from the fight, by a sudden tempest, was with the Danish king driven on the coast of Northumberland and brought to Bellinus. Brennis, nevertheless finding means to recollect his navy, lands in Albania, and gives battle to his brother in the

wood calatarium, but losing the day escapes with one single ship into Gaul. Meanwhile, the Dane upon his own offer to become tributary to Belinus, being sent home with his new prize, the daughter of the King of Norway. Belinus again turns his thoughts to the administering of justice and the perfecting of his father's law. And to explain what highways might enjoy the foresaid privileges, he caused to be drawn out and paved four main roads to the utmost length and breadth of the island and to others athwart, which are since attributed to. to the Romans. Brenas, on the other side, soliciting to his aid the kings of Gaul, happens at last on Seginus, Duke of the Aloverges, where his worth and comeliness of person won him the Duke's daughter and heir, in whose right he shortly after, by the death of Seginus succeeding to his dukedom, and by obtained leave passing with a great host through the length of Gaul, gets footing

once again in Britain. Now was Bellinus unprepared. And now, the armies of the two brothers being ready to meet each other in battle, Cunovina, the mother of them both, all in affright, throws herself between them, and calling earnestly to Brenas, her son, whose absence had so long deprived her of his sight, after embracements and tears, assails him with such a motherly power, and the mention of things so dear and reverend, as irresistibly wrung from him all his enmity against bellinous. then our hands joined reconciliation made firm and council held to turn their united preparations on foreign parts thence that by these two brothers algalia was overrun the story tells and what they did in italy and at rome if these be they and not gauls who took that city the roman authors can best really so far from home i undertake naught for the monmouth chronicle which here against the street

of history carries up and down these two brethren, now into Germany, then again to Rome, pursuing Gabius and Porcena to unheard-of consuls. Thus much is more generally believed that both this Brenas and another famous captain, Britomaris, whom the epitonist Floris and others mention, were not Gauls but Britons. The name of the first, in that tongue signifying, a king, and of the other a great Briton. however bellinus after a while returning home the rest of his days ruled in peace wealth and honor above all his predecessors building some cities of which one was cairoes upon osca since kerichan beautifying others as trenivant with a gate a haven and a tower on the thames retaining yet his name on the top whereof his ashes are said to have been laid up in a golden earth after him Burguntius Barbarus was king, mild and just, but yet, inheriting his father's courage,

he subdued the Dacian, ordain, who refused to pay the tribute covenanted to Bellinus for his enlargement. In his return, finding about the Orkney's thirty ships of Spain or Biscay fraught with men and women for a plantation, whose captain also, Bartolinas, wrongfully banished as he pleaded, besought him that some part of his territory might be assigned them to dwell in, He sent with them certain of his own men to Ireland, which then lay unpeopled, and gave them that island to hold of him as in homage. He was buried in Kyrgyn, a city which he had walled about. Gwethylene, his son, is also remembered as a just and good prince,

and his wife, Marsha, to have excelled so much in wisdom as to venture upon a new institution of laws, which King Alfred translating called Martian League. but more truly thereby is meant the Mersian law not translated by Alfred but digested and incorporated with the West Saxon in the minority of her son she had the rule and then as may be supposed brought forth these laws not herself for laws are masculine births but by the advice of her sages counsellors and therein she might do virtuously since it befell her to supply the knowledge of her son else Nothing is more awry from the law of God and nature than that a woman should give laws to men. Her son, Sicilius, coming to years, received the rule, then in order, Kimmerus, then Danius or Alanius, his brother. Then Morindus, his son by Tengistella, a concubine, who is recorded a man of excessive

strength, valiant, liberal, and fair of aspect, but immanely cruel. not sparing in his anger enemy or friend if any weapon were in his hand a certain king of the morines or picard's invaded northumberland whose army this king though not wanting sufficient numbers chiefly by his own prowess overcame but dishonoured his victory by the cruel usage of his prisoners whom his own hands or others in his presence put all to several deaths well fitted to such a bestial cruel was his end, for hearing of a huge monster that from the Irish sea infested the coast, and in the pride of his strength foolishly attempting to set manly valor against a brute vastness, when his weapons were all in vain by that horrible mouth he was catched up and devoured. Gobonian, the eldest of his five sons, and whom a juster man lived not in his age, was a great builder of temples, and gave to all the oldest of his sons, and gave to all the last of his sons, and hector man lived not in his age,

was a great builder of temples and gave to all persons what was their due. To his gods, devout worship, to men of dessert, honor and preferment. To the commons, encouragement in their labors and trades, defense and protection from injuries and oppressions,

so that the land flourished above her neighbors. Violence and wrong seldom was heard of. His death was a general loss. He was buried in Trinibon. archigalo the second brother followed not his example but depressed the ancient nobility and by pealing the wealthier sort stuffed his treasury and took the right way to be deposed which afterwards befell him eladur the next brother so named the pious was set up in his place a mind so noble and so moderate as almost as incredible to have been ever found for having held the sceptre five years years, hunting one day in the forest of Calater, he chanced to meet his deposed brother, wandering in a mean condition, who had been long in vain beyond the seas importuning foreign aids

to his restormant, and was now, in a poor habit with only ten followers, privately returned to find subsistence among his secret friends. At the unexpected sight of him, Eladour, himself also then but thinly accompanied, runs to him with open arms, and after many dear and sincere welcomings conveys him to the city Alklut, there hides him in his own bedchamber. Afterwards, feigning himself sick, he summons all his peers as about greatest affairs. Where, admitting them one by one, as if his weakness endured not the disturbance of more at once, he causes them, willing or unwilling, once more to swear allegiance to archigallo, whom after reconciliation made on all sides he leads to york and from his own head places the crown on the head of his brother who thenceforth vice itself dissolving in him and forgetting her firmest hold with the admiration of a deed so heroic became a true converted man ruled worthily ten years died and was buried in kerlier

thus was a brother saved by a brother to whom the love of a crown the thing that so often dazzles and vitiates mortal men and for which thousands of persons of nearest blood have destroyed each other was in respect to brotherly dearness a contemptible thing aladur now in his own behalf re-assumes the government and did as was worthy such a man to do when providence that so great a virtue might want no sort of trial to make it more illustrious stirs up virginius and peridur his youngest brethren against him who had deserved so nobly of that relation of brotherhood as least of all men to have deserved to be injured by a brother yet him they defeat him they imprison in the tower of trenevent and divide his kingdom the north to peridure the south to virginius after whose death peridure obtaining all so much the better used his power by how much the worse he got it, so that Eladur now is hardly missed. But yet, in all right, owing to his elder the due place whereof he had deprived him, fate would that he should die first, and Eladur, after many years' imprisonment, is now the third time seated on the throne, which at last he enjoyed long in peace,

finishing the interrupted course of his mild and just reign, as full of virtuous deeds as days to his end. After these five sons of Marindus succeeded also their sons in order. Regan of Gobonian, Morganus of Archigallo, both good kings, but Enionus, his brother, taking other courses, was after six years to pose. Then Idwalo, taught by a near example, governed soberly. Then Runo, then Geruntius, he of Peridur, this last, the son of Eladur, from whose loins, for that likely is the durable and surviving

race that springs of just progenitors, issued a long descent of kings, whose names only for many successions without other memory stand thus registered. Cetellus, Coelis, Porex, Caren, and his three sons, Fulgentius, Eldatus, and Adrages, his son Uriannus, Eurgundius, and Euryontius, and Orygontius, and his three sons, Fulginthus, marianus bladuno capis juinus sicilius twenty kings in a continued row that either did nothing or lived in ages that wrote nothing at least a foul pretermission in the author of this whether story or fable himself weary of seems of his own tedious tale but to make amends for this silence blagabredus next succeeding is recorded to have excelled all before him in the art of music Opportunely had he but left us one song of the actions of his twenty predecessors. Yet after him nine more succeeded in name.

His brother, Archimilus, Eldal, Reddyan, Rederchius, Simulius, Penicel, Pier, Compooros, but Cleggwellius, with the addition of modest, wise, and just. His son, Heli, reigned 40 years and had three sons, Ludd, Casibulan, and Ninius. This Helly seems to be the same whom Ninius in his fragment calls Minokon. For him he writes to be the father of Casibulan. Ludd was he who enlarged and wold about Trinobont. There kept his court, made it the prime city, and called it from his own name, Kairlud, or Ludd's town, now London, which, as is alleged out of Gildas, became matter of

great dissension betwixt him and his brother Nidius, who took it heinously that the name of Troy, their ancient country should be abolished for any new one. Ludd was hearty and bold in war, in peace, a jolly feaster. He conquered many islands of the sea, Seth Huntington, and was buried by the gate, which from thence we call Ludgett. His two sons, Androgeus and Tenuantius, were left to the tuition of Hasibola, whose bounty and high demeanor so wrought with the common people has got him easily the kingdom transferred upon himself. He nevertheless, continuing to favor and support his nephews,

confers freely upon Androgeus, London with Kent, upon Tenuantius, Cornwall, reserving a superiority over both of them and all the other princes to himself till the romans for a while circumscribed his power thus far though leaning only on the credit of geoffrey monmouth and his assertors i yet for the specified causes have thought it not beneath my purpose to relate what i found where to i neither oblige the belief of other persons nor over-hastily subscribe mine own nor have i stood with others computing or collating years and chronologies, lest I should be vainly curious about the times and circumstances of things where of the substance is so much in doubt. By this time, like one who had set out on his way by night and traveled through a region of smooth or idle dreams, our history now arrives on the confines where daylight and truth meet us with a clear dawn, representing to our view, though at a far distant, true colors,

and shapes. For, albeit Caesar, whose authority we are now first to follow, wanted not some critics, who taxed him of misrepresenting facts in his commentaries, and even in his history of the civil war against Pompey, and therefore much more may we suppose that he has taken the same liberties in treating of the British affairs, in which, from the little skill of the British in writing, he could not apprehend that he should be contradicted, yet now in such a variety of good authors as have treated of the next following part of our history, we hardly can fail from one hand or other to be sufficiently informed of the events that happened in it, as far as can well be expected concerning things that passed so long ago. But this will better be referred to a second

discourse. End of Book 1. Recording by Thomas Copeland. Book 2 of the History of Britain by John Milton. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. The History of Britain, a second book. I am now to write of what befell the Britons from fifty and three years before the birth of our Savior, when first the Romans came in, till the decay and ceasing of that empire, a story of much truth, and, for the first hundred years and somewhat more, collected without much labor. So many and so prudent were the writers, which those two, the civilist and the wisest of European nations, both Italy and Greece, afforded to the actions of that quiescent city. For worthy deeds are not often destitute of worthy relators, as by a certain fate,

great acts and great eloquence have most commonly gone hand in hand, equaling and honoring each other in the same ages. It is true that in obscurest times, by shallow and unskilful writers, the indistinct noise of many battles and devastations of many kingdoms overrun and loss hath come to our years. For what wonder, if in all ages ambition and the love of rapine hath stirred up greedy and violent men to bold attempts in wasting and ruinous wars, which, to posterity, have left the work of wild beasts and destroyers, rather than the deeds and monuments of men and conquerors? But he whose just and true valor uses the necessity of war and dominion, not to destroy but to prevent destruction, to bring in liberty against tyrants, law,

and civility among barbarous nations, knowing that when he conquers all things else, he cannot conquer time or detraction. Wisely conscious of this his want, as well as of his worth not to be forgotten or concealed, honors and hath recourse to the aid of eloquence, this friendliest and best supply, by whose immortal record his noble deeds, which else were transitory, become fixed and durable against the force of years and generations. note in this description of the durability of a high reputation acquired by great and virtuous actions, in this in the following line, which is almost poetical, there is a considerable resemblance to the following passage of Virgil in the beginning of the third book of the Georgics, to which

Tentanda wea est qua pe quoquem posim tolera Humo, Wittorpe, Wyrum Wittorpe, Wyrum Wuletare perora. I too must strive to raise my name, sublime, upon the wings of fame, and Victor, over time and death, live in my applauding country's breath. Return to text. He fails not to continue through all posterity over envy, death, and time also victorious. Therefore, when the esteem of science and liberal study waxes low in the Commonwealth, we may presume that also their all civil virtue and worthy action has grown as low to a decline, and then eloquence, as it were, consorted in the same destiny, with the decrease and fall of virtue, corrupts also and fades.

At least resigns her office of relating public actions to illiterate and frivolous historians, such as the persons themselves both deserve and are best pleased with. Whilst they want either the understanding to choose better, or the innocence to dare invite the examining and searching style of an intelligent and faithful writer to the survey of the survey of, of their unsound exploits, which are better befriended by obscurity than by fame. As for these, the only authors we have of British matters, while the power of Rome reached hither, for Gildes affirms that of the Roman times no British writer was in his day's extent, or, if any were, either burnt by enemies, or transported with such as fled the Pictish and Saxon invasions, these therefore only Roman authors there be, who in the English tongue have laid

together as much and perhaps more than was requisite to a history of Britain. So that, were it not for leaving an unsightly gap, so near the beginning, I should have judged this labour, wherein so little seems to be required above transcription, almost superfluous. Notwithstanding, since I must go through with it, if ought by diligence may be added or omitted, or by other disposing may be more explained and more expressed, I shall assay. Julius Caesar, of whom and of the Roman, and free state, more than what pertains to the history of Britain, is not here to be discoursed, having subdued most part of Gallia or Gaul, which, by a potent faction of Rome, he had obtained of the Senate as his province for many years, stirred up with a desire of adding

still more glory to his name, and the whole Roman Empire to his ambition, or, as some say, with a far meaner and ignobler motive to it the desire of acquiring a quantity of British pearls, whose bigness he delighted to balance in his hand, determines, and that upon no unjust pretended occasion, to try his force in the conquest also of Britain. For he understood that the Britons in most of his Gallican wars had sent supplies against him, had received fugitives of the Beloviki his enemies, and were called over to aid the cities of Amorica,

which had the year before conspired all in a new rebellion. therefore Caesar, though the summer was well-nigh ending and the season unagreable to transport a war, yet judged that it would be of great advantage, only to get an entrance into the aisle, and a knowledge of the men, the places, the ports, and the access to it, which then, it seems, were even to the Gauls our neighbours almost unknown. For except merchants and traders, it is not oft, said he, that any persons used to travel thither. and to those that do besides the sea coast and the ports next to Gaglia, no thing else is known.

But here I must complain, as Pollyo did, that I do not meet with the accuracy and fullness of description, or the fidelity of memory that usually appears in Caesar's writings. For, if it was true, as the people of Reims told him, that De Vichikas, who had not long before been a powerful king of the people of Suasson in Gaul, had also had Britain under his command, and that many colonies of the northern part of Gaul, called Belgium, had gone over to Britain and made settlements there, to which they had given their own names, and which had contributed to the peopling of many provinces in that island,

and if also the Britons had so frequently given the Gauls' aid in all their wars, and lastly, if the learning of the druids, which was honored so much amongst the Gauls, was first taught them out of Britain, and those persons in Gaul, who were most desirous of attaining that learning, were usually sent to Britain to learn it. It does not appear how Britain at that time should be so utterly unknown in Gaul, or only known to merchants, and even to them be so little known that when they were called together from all parts, none could be found to inform Caesar of what bigness the island was, what nations, its inhabitants consistent, of, how great or numerous, what use of war they had, what laws, or even so much as what commodious

harbors for vessels somewhat greater than the common size, as Caesar in this passage informs us. Of all which things, as it were then first to make discovery, he sends Gaius the lucinus in a long galley with command to return as soon as this could be effected. He, in the meantime, with his whole power, draws nigh to the Maureen coast, whence the shortest passage was, was into Britain. Hither his navy which he had used against the Armoricans, and what else of shipping can be provided, he draws together. This being known in Britain, ambassadors are sent from many of the states there, who promise hostages and obedience to the Roman Empire. Them, after audience given, Caesar, as largely promising and exhorting them to continue in that mind, sends home,

and with them Comius of Arras, whom he had made king of that country, and now secretly employed, to gain a Roman party among the Britons in as many cities as he found inclinable, and to tell them that he himself was speeding thither. Prolusinous, with what discovery of the island he could make from aboard his ship, not daring to venture on the shore, within five days returns to Caesar, who soon after, with two legions ordinarily amounting of Romans and their allies to about twenty-five thousand foot and four thousand five hundred horse,

the fort and eighty ships of burdened the horse in eighteen besides what galleys were appointed for his chief commanders sets off about the third watch of night with a good gale to see leaving behind him sufficient rufus to make good the port with a sufficient strength but the horse whose appointed shipping lay wind-bound eight miles upward in another haven had much trouble to embark caesar now within sight of britain beholds on every hill multitudes of armed men ready to forbid his land and, Cicero writes to his friend Atticus that the accesses of the island were wonderfully fortified with strong works or moles. Here, from the fourth to the ninth hour of day, he awaits at anchor the coming up of his whole fleet. Meanwhile, with his legates and tribunes consulting and giving order to fit all things for what might happen in such a various and floating water-fight as was to be expected. this place which was a narrow bay close environed with hills appearing no way commodious he removes to a plain and open shore eight miles distant commonly supposed to be about deal in kent which when the britons perceived their horse and chariots as then they used to do in fight scouring before their main power speeding after some thick upon the shore others not tarrying to be assailed ride in among the waves to encounter and assault the romans even under their ships, with such a bold and free-heartedhood that Caesar himself,

between confessing and excusing that his soldiers were to come down from their ships, to stand in water heavy-armed, and to fight it once, denies not, but that the terror of such new and resolute opposition made them forget their wanted valor. To succor which, he commands his galleys, a sight unusual to the Britons, and more apt for motion, drawn from the bigger vessels to row against the open, side of the enemy, and thence, with slings, engines, and darts to beat them back. But neither yet, though amazed at the strangeness of those new sea-castles, bearing up so near and so swiftly as almost to overwhelm them, and the hurtling of oars and the battering of fierce engines against

their bodies barely exposed, did the Britons give much ground, or the Romans gain? Till he who bore the eagle of the Tenth Legion, yet in the galleys, first beseeching his gods, said thus aloud, Leap down, soldiers, unless you mean to betray your ensign, I, for my part, will perform what I owe to the Commonwealth and my general. This uttered, overboard he leaps, and, with his eagle fiercely advanced, runs upon the enemy. The rest, heartening one another,

not to admit the dishonor of so nigh losing their chief standard, follow him resolutely. Now was fought eagerly on both sides. ours, who well knew their own advantages and expertly used them, now in the shallows, now on the sand, still as the Romans went trooping to their ensigns, received them, dispatched them, and with the help of their horse,

put them everywhere to great disorder. But Caesar, causing all his boats and shallops to be filled with soldiers, commanded them to ply up and down continually with relief where they saw need, whereby at length, all the foot now and disembarked, and got together in some order on firm ground, with a more steady charge put the Britons to flight. But wanting all their horse, whom the winds yet withheld from sailing, they were not able to make pursuit.

In this confused fight, Saiva, a Roman soldier, having pressed too far among the Britons, and being beset round, after incredible valor shown, single against a multitude, swam back safe to his general, and in the place that wrung with his praises, earnestly besought pardon for his rash adventure, against discipline, which modest confessing, after no bad event, for such a deed where in valor and

ingenuity so much outweighed transgression, easily made amends and preferred him to be a centuria. Caesar is also brought in by Julian as attributing to himself the honor, if it were at all an honor to that person which he sustained, of being the first that left his ship and took land. But this were to make Caesar less understand what became him. than Saiva. The Britons, finding themselves mastered in fight, forthwith send ambassadors to treat a peace, promising to give hostages and to be at command. With them, Comius of Aris also returned, whom hitherto, since his first coming from Caesar they had detained in prison as a spy. The blame whereof they lay on the common people, for whose violence, and their own imprudence, they crave pardon.

Caesar, complaining that they had first sought peace, and then without cause had begun war, yet is content to pardon them and commands hostages, for a part they bring in straight, others, far up in the country to be sent for, they promise in a few days. Meanwhile, the people being disbanded and sent home, many princes and chief men from all parts of the isles submit themselves and their cities to the disposal of Caesar, who lay then encamped as is thought on Barham Down. thus had the Britons made their peace, when suddenly an accident unlooked for put new counsels into their minds.

Four days after the coming of Caesar, those eighteen ships of burden which from the upper haven had taken in all the Roman horse, born with a soft wind to the very coast, in sight of the Roman camp, whereby a sudden tempest scattered and driven back, some to the port from whence they loosed, others down into the west country, who, finding there no safety either to land or to cast anchor, chose rather to commit themselves again to the troubled sea, and, as Erosius reports, were most of them cast away. The same night, it being full moon, the galleys left upon dry land were unaware to the Romans covered with a spring tide, and the greater ships that lay off at anchor torn and beaten with waves to the great perplexity of Caesar and his whole army,

who now had neither shipping left to convey them back nor any provision made to stay here, intending to have wintered in Gaglia. All this the Britons well-perceiving, and by the compass of his camp, which, without baggage, appeared the smaller, guessing at his numbers, consult together, and one by one, slightly withdrawing from the camp where they were waiting the conclusion of a piece, resolved to stop all provisions, and to draw out the business till winter. Caesar, though ignorant of what they intended, yet from the condition wherein he was and their other hostages not being, send, suspecting what was likely, begins to provide a pace all that might be against what might happen, lays in corn, and, with materials fetched from the continent, and what was left of those

ships which were past help, he repairs the rest, so that now, by the incessant labor of his soldiers, all but twelve were again made serviceable. While these things were doing, one of the legions being sent out to forage, as was accustomed, and no suspicion of war, while some of the Britons were remaining in the country about, others also going and coming freely to the Roman quarters, they who were in station at the camp-gates sent speedily word to Caesar that from that part of the country to which the Legion went, a greater dust than usual was seen to rise. Caesar, guessing the matter, commands the cohorts of guard to follow him thither, to others to succeed in their stead, the rest all to arm and follow.

they had not marched long when Caesar discerns his legions sore overcharged, for the Britons, not doubting, but that their enemies on the morrow would be in that place, which only they had left unreaped of all their harvest, had placed an ambush. And while they were dispersed and busiest at their labour, set upon them, killed some and routed the rest. The manner of their fight was from a kind of chariots, wherein riding about and throwing darts, with the clutter of their horse and of their wheels,

they oftentimes broke the rank of their enemies. Then, retreating among the horse and quitting their chariots, they fought on foot. The charioteers, in the meanwhile, somewhat aside from the battle, set themselves in such order that their masters, at any time oppressed with odds, might retire safely thither, having performed with one person, both the nimble service of a horseman and the steadfast duty of a foot-soldier. So much they could with their chariots by use and exercise, as riding on the speed down a steep hill to stop suddenly, and with a short rain turned swiftly, now running on the beam, now on the yoke, then in the seat. With this sort of new skirmishing, the Romans being now overmatched and terrified, Caesar, with opportune aid, appears. For then the Britons make a stand. But he, considering that now was not a fit time to offer battle,

while his men were scarce recovered of so late of fear, only keeps his ground, and soon after leads back his legions to the camp. Further action for many days following was hindered on both sides by foul weather, in which time the Britons, dispatching messengers roundabout, learn to how small a number the Romans were reduced, and from that derive hope that they might gain both glory and booty and free themselves from the fear of the like invasions hereafter by making an example of this Roman army,

if they could but now uncamp their enemies. At this intimation, multitudes of horse and foot coming down down from all parts, make towards the Romans. Caesar, foreseeing that the Britons, though beaten and put to flight, would easily evade his foot, yet with no more than thirty horse which Comius had brought over, draws out his men to battle. Puts again the Britons to flight, pursues them with slaughter, and returning burns and lays waste the country all about. Whereupon ambassadors, on the same day being sent from the Britons to desire peace, Caesar, as his affairs at present stood for so greater breach of faith only imposes on them double the former number of hostages to be sent after

him into Gaglia. And because September was nigh half spent, a season not fit to tempt the sea with his weather-beaten fleet, the same night with a fair wind he departs towards Belgium, whether two only of the British cities sent hostages, as they promised. The rest neglected. But at Rome, when the news came of Caesar's acts here, whether it were esteemed a conquest or a fair escape, a supplication of twenty days is decreed by the Senate, as either for an exploit done or a discovery made, wherein both Caesar and the Romans gloried not a little, though it brought no benefit either to him or to the Commonwealth. The winter following, Caesar, as his custom was, going into Italy, when, as he saw that most of the Britons neglected to send their hostages,

appoints his legates, who he left in Belgium, to provide what possible shipping they could either build or repair. Low-built they were to be, as thereby easier both to freight and to hail ashore, nor needed they to be higher because the tide, so often changing, was observed to make the billows less in our sea than those in the Mediterranean. Broader, likewise, they were made for the better transporting of horses, and all other freightage, being intended chiefly for that end. These, in all about 600 being in readiness, with 28 ships of burden, and what with adventurers and other hulks about two hundred, Kota, one of the legates, wrote them, as Atheneas affirmed, in all one thousand,

Caesar from Port Ixius, a passage of some thirty miles over, leaving behind him, Lebianas to guard the haven and for other supply at need, with five legions, though but two thousand horse, about sunset hoisting sail with a slack southwest wind, at midnight was be calmed, and finding when it was light that the whole navy, lying on the current, had fallen off from the aisle, which now they could descry on their left hand, by the unwearied labour of his soldiers who refused not to tug the oar, and kept course with ships under sail, he bore up as near as might be to the same place where he had landed the year before, where, about noon arriving, note, before the birth of Christ fifty-two years,

returned to text. No enemy could be seen. For the Britons, who in great numbers, as was afterwards known had been there, at sight of so huge a fleet durst not abide. Caesar forthwith landing his army and encamping to his best advantage, some notice being given him by those he took, where to find his enemy, with the whole power save only ten cohorts and three hundred horse, left with Quintus Atreus for the guard of his ships, about the third watch of the same night marches up twelve miles into the country, and at length, by a river, commonly thought to be the Stour in Kent, espies and battled the British forces. They, with their horses and chariots, advancing to the higher banks, opposed the Romans in their march, and begin the fight. But being

repulsed by the Roman cavalry, give back into the woods to a place notably made strong both by art and nature, which, it seems, had been a fort, or hold of strength, raised heretofore by the Britons in time of wars among themselves. For entrance and access on all sides by the felling of huge trees overthroth one another was quite barred up, and within these the Britons did their utmost to keep out the enemy. But the soldiers of the Seventh Legion locking all their shields together like a roof close overhead, and others raising a mount, without much loss of blood, took the place, and drove them all to forsake the woods. Pursuit they made not long, as being through ways unknown, and now evening came on, which they more wisely spent in choosing out where to pitch and fortify their

camp that night. The next morning, Caesar had but newly sent out his men in three bodies to pursue, and the last, no further gone, than yet in sight, when horsemen, all in post from Quintus Atreus bring word to Caesar that almost all his ships in a tempest that night had suffered wreck, and lay broken upon the shore. Caesar at this news recalls his legions, himself, in all haste, writing back to the seaside, beheld with his eyes the ruinous prospect. About forty vessels was sun and lost, and the residue, so torn and shaken as not to be new-rigged without much labor. Straight he assembles what number of shipwrights either in his own legions or from beyond the sea could be summoned, sends orders to Le Vienas on the Belgian side to build more, and with a dreadful industry

of ten days, not respiteing the soldiers day or night, drew up all his ships and entrenched them round within the circuit of his camp. This done, and leaving to their defense the same strength as before, he returns with his whole forces to the same wood where he had defeated the Britons, who preventing him with greater powers than before had now repossessed themselves at that place, under Casibolin their chief leader, whose territory from the state's bordering on the sea was divided by the River Thames about 80 miles inward. With him, formerly other cities had continual war, but now, in the common danger, they had all made choice of him to be their general. Here, the British horse and charioteers, meeting with the Roman cavalry, fought stoutly,

and at first, being something overmatched, they retreat to the near advantage of their woods and hills, but being still followed by the Romans, make head again, cut off the forwardest among them, and after some pause, while Caesar, who thought the day's work had been done was busy about the entrenching of his camp, march out again, give fierce assault to the very stations of his guards and sentries, and while the main cohorts of two legions that were sent to the, the alarm stood within a small distance of each other, terrified at the newness and boldness of their fight, charged back again through the midst, without loss of a man. Of the Romans that day was slain Quintus Liberius Duras, a tribute, and the Britons, having fought their fill at the

very entrance of Caesar's camp, and sustained the resistance of his whole army entrenched, gave over the assault. Caesar here acknowledges that the Roman way both of arming and of fighting was not so well fitted against this kind of enemy, for that the foot in heavy armor could not follow their cunning flight, and durst not by ancient disciplines stir from their ensign, and the horse alone disjoined from the legions against a foe that turned suddenly upon them with a mixed encounter both the horse and foot, were in equal danger both in following and in retiring. Besides, their fashion was not in great bodies in close order, but in small divisions and open distances to make their onset, appointing others at certain spaces, now to relieve and bring off the weary, now to succeed

and renew the conflict, which argued no small experience and use of arms. Next day the Britons afar off upon the hills begin to show themselves here and there, and, though less boldly than before, to skirmish with the Roman horse. But at noon, Caesar having sent out three legions at all his horse with Trebonius the Legate to seek fodder, suddenly on all sides they set upon the foragers and charge up after them to the very legions and their standards. The Romans, with great courage, beat them back, and in the chase being well seconded by the legions, not giving them time either to rally or stand

or to descend from their chariots as they were wont, slew many. From this overthrow, the Britons that dwelt farther off, it took them home, and came no more after that time with so great a power against Caesar. Where I've advertised, he marches onward to the frontiers of Casibola, note camden returned to text which on this side were bounded by the thames not passable except in one place and that difficult about coi stakes near oatlands as it conjectured hither coming he describes on the other side great forces of the enemy placed in good array the bank set all with sharp stakes others in the bottom covered with water whereof the marks in bea's time were to be seen as it relates this having learned by such as were taken or had run to him he first commands his horse to pass over then his foot who wading up to the neck went on so resolutely and so fast that they on the other side not enduring the violence retreated and fled

cassibulon no more now in hope to contend for victory dismissing all but four thousand of those charioteers through woods and intricate ways attends their motion where the romans are to pass drives all before him and with continual sallies upon the horse, where they least expected, cutting off some and terrifying others, compels them so close together as gave them no lead to fetch in prey or booty without ill success. Whereupon Caesar, strictly commanding all not depart from the legions, had nothing left him in his way but empty fields and houses, which he spoiled and burnt. Meanwhile, the Trinobontes, a state or kingdom, and perhaps the greatest then among the Britons, less favoring Casibulan, sent ambassadors, and yielded to Caesar upon this reason. Immanuelius had been their king.

Him Casibulan had slain, and purposed the like to Mandubracius, his son, whom Orosius calls Androgorius Bida Androges. But the youth, escaping by flight into Gaglia, put himself under the protection of Caesar. These entreat that Mandabracius may still be defended and sent home to succeed in his father's right. Caesar sends him, demands forty hostages and provision for his army, which they immediately bring in and have their confines protected from the soldiers. By their example, the Senemangni, Segunchi, Uncolites, Bribochi, Kasi, so I write them for the modern names of it guessed, on like terms make their peace.

by them he learns that the town of casibolin supposed to be verilom was not far distant fenced about with woods and marshes well stuffed with men and much cattle for towns then in britain were only woody places ditched round and with a mud wall encompassed against the inroads of enemies thither goes caesar with his legions and though a place of great strength both by art and nature assaults it in two places the britons after some defence fled out all at another end of the town in the flight many were taken many slain and great store of cattle found there cassibilon notwithstanding all these losses yet does not desert himself, nor was yet his authority so much impaired, but that in Kent, though it was in a manner possessed by the enemy, his messengers and commands find obedience enough to raise all the people. By his direction, Syngotteryx, Carvilius, Tacimagulus, and Segernach's four kings reigning in those countries which lie upon the sea, lead them on to assault that camp wherein the Romans had entrenched their shipping.

But they whom Caesar left there, issuing out, slew menace, and took prisoners in Jeterix, a noted leader, without loss of their own. Cassibulan, after so many defeats, moved especially by the revolt of the cities from him, their inconstancy and falsehood one to another, uses the mediation of Comius of Arras to send ambassadors to him about treaty of yielding. Caesar, who had determined to winter in the continent, by reason that Gallia was unsettled and not much of the summer not behind, commands him only hostages, and what yearly tribute the island should pay to Rome, forbids him to molest the Trinavantes or Mandubracius,

and with his hostages and a great number of captives he puts to sea, having at twice embarked his whole army. At his return to Rome as from a glorious enterprise, he offers to Venus the patroness of his family, a corslet of British pearls. Howbeit other ancient writers have spoken more doubtfully, of Caesar's victories here, and have said that in plain terms he fled from him, for which the common verse in Lucan, with diverse passages here and there in Tacitus, is alleged.

Paulus Osorius, who took what he wrote from a history of Suetonius now lost, writes that Caesar, in his first journey, entertained with a sharp fight, lost no small number of his foot, and by a tempest nigh all his horse. Dion affirms that once in the second expedition all his foot were routed, was Saurius that another time all his horse. The British author, whom I use only then when others are all silent, hath many trivial discourses of Caesar's actions here which are best omitted. Nor have we more Kisibilin than what the same story tells, how he ward soon after with Androgius about his nephew slain by Evelina's nephew to the other, which business being at length composed Casibulan dies, and was buried in York, if the Monmouth will.

fable not. But at Caesar's coming hither, such likeliest were the Britons as the writers of those times and their own actions represent them. Encourage and warlike readiness to take advantage by ambush or sudden onset, they were not inferior to the Romans, nor cassivolent to Caesar. In weapons, arms, and the skill of encamping and battling fortifying overmatched. Their weapons were a short spear and light target, a sword also by their side. Their fight, sometimes in chariots, fanged at the axle with iron sides. Their bodies, for most part naked, only painted with woed in sundry figures to seem terrible as they thought. But when pursued by enemies, they were not nice of their painting, but were used to run into bogs, worse than wild Irish, up to the neck, and there to stay many days, holding a certain morsel in their mouths no bigger than a beam to suffice hunger.

But that receipt, and the temperance it taught, is long since unknown among us. Their towns and strongholds were spaces of ground fenced about with a ditch, and great trees felled overthwart each other. Their buildings within were thatched houses for themselves and their cattle. In peace, the upland inhabitants, besides hunting, tended their flocks and herds, but with little skill of country affairs. The making of cheese they commonly knew not, wool or flax they spun not, gardening and planting many of them knew not clothing they had none but what the skins of beasts afforded them and that not always yet gallantry they had painting their own skins with several portureses of beast bird or flower a vanity which hath not yet left us removed only from the skin to the skirt they hung now with as many coloured ribbons and yuas towards the seaside they tilled the ground and lived much after the manner of the gulls their neighbours or first planters. Their money was brazen pieces or iron rings, their best merchandise, tin.

The rest, trifles of glass, ivory, and such like. Yet gems and pearls they had, Seth Mela, in some rivers. Their ships were made of light timber, wickered with osier between, and covered over with leather, and served not, therefore, to transport them far, and their commodities were fetched away by foreign merchants. Their dealing, Seth Deodoris, was plain and simple without fraud. Their civil government is, as under many princes and states, not Confederate or consulting in common, but mistrustful and oftentimes warring one with the other, which gave them up one by one an easy conquest to the Romans. Their religion was governed by a sort of priests or magicians called druids from the Greek name of an oak, which tree they had in great reverence, and the

mistletoe, especially growing thereon. Pliny writes them skilled in magic, no less than those of Persia. By their abstaining from a hen, a hare, a goose, from fish also, Seth Dion, and their opinion of the souls passing after death into other bodies, they may be thought to have studied Pythagoras. Yet philosophers, I cannot call them, as they were reported to be men factious and ambitious, contending sometimes about the archpriesthood, not without civil war and slaughter. nor did they restrain the people under them from a lewd adulterous and incestuous life ten or twelve men absurdly against nature possessing one woman as their common wife though of nearest kin mother daughter or sister progenitors not to be gloried in But the gospel, not long after preached here, abolished such impurities, and of the Romans we have caused not to say much worse than that they beat us into some civility, who were likely else to have continued longer in a barbarous and savage manner of life. After Julius, for Julius, before his death, tyrannously had made himself emperor of the Roman Commonwealth, and was slain in the Senate for so doing, he who next obtained the empire, Octavianus Caesar Augustus,

Either contemming the island, as Strabo would have us think, whose friendship was not worth the having, or enmity worth the fearing, or, as some say, out of a wholesome state maxim to moderate and bound the empire from growing to extensive and unwieldy, made no attempt against the Britons. But the truer cause was partly a civil war among the Romans, and partly other affairs more urging. For about twenty years after, all which time the Britons had lived at their own disposal, Augustus, in imitation of his uncle Julius, either intending, or seeming to intend an expedition hither, was coming to Gaglia when the news of a revolt in Pannonia diverted him from undertaking it. Note, year before the birth of Christ, 25.

Return to text. And about seven years after, in the same resolution, what with the unsettledness of Gaglia and what with ambassadors from Britain which met him there, he proceeded not. the next year, some difference arising between him and the Britons about covenants, he was again prevented by other new commotions in Spain. Nevertheless, some of the British potentates omitted not to seek his friendship by gifts offered in the capital, and other obsequious addresses, insomuch that the whole island became even in those days well known to the Romans, too well, perhaps, for them who, from the knowledge of us, were so

like to prove enemies. But as for tribute, the Britons paid none to Augustus, except what easy customs were levied on the slight commodities wherewith they traded into Goli. After Casibulan, Tenantius, the younger son of Ludd, according to the Monmouth story, was made king. For Androgius, the elder, conceiving himself generally hated for siding with the Romans, forsook his claim here, and followed Caesar's fortune. This king is recorded, Just and Warlike. his son kimberline or connobeline succeeding was brought up as is said in the court of augustus and with him held friendly correspondences to the end was a warlike prince his chief seat camelotanum or malden as by certain of his coins yet to be seen appears tiberius the next emperor adhering always to the advice of augustus and of himself caring less to extend the bounds of his empire sought not the britons and they as little to incite him, sent home courteously the soldiers of Germanicus that by shipwreck had been

cast on the British shore. But Caligula, his successor, a wild and dissolute tyrant, having passed the Alps with intent to rob and spoil those provinces, and stirred up by Adminius, the son of Cunobeline, who by his father banished, with a small number fled thither to him, made semblance of marching toward Britain. But being come to the ocean and there behaving himself madly and ridiculously, went back the same way, yet sent before him, boasting letters to the Senate, as if all Britain had been yielded to him. Canobeline, being now dead, and Edminius, the eldest of his sons, having, by his father been banished from his country, and by his own practice against it from the crown, though by an old coin seeming to have also reigned, to Godemnes and Caracticus,

the two younger, uncertain whether unequal or subordinate in power, were advanced in to his place. But through civil discord, Bericus, what he was further is not known, with others of his party flying to Rome, persuaded Claudius, the emperor, to an invasion. Claudius, now consul for the third time, and desirous to do something whence he might gain the honor of a triumph, at the persuasion of these fugitives, whom the Britons demanding he had denied to render, and they, for that cause, had denied further amity with Rome, makes choice of this island for his province, and sends before him Aulus Plautius, the preter, with this command, if the business grew difficult to give him notice. Plautius, with much ado, persuaded the legions to move out

of Gaglia, who murmured that now they must be put to make war beyond the world's end, for so they counted Britain, and what welcomed Julius the dictator had found there, doubtless they had heard. At last being prevailed with to obey the commands of their general, and hoisting sail from three several ports, lest their landing should in any one place be resisted, meeting crosswinds they were cast back and disheartened. Till in the night a meteor shooting flames from the east, and as they fancied directing their course, they took heart again to try the sea, and without opposition landed. For the Britons, having heard of their unwillingness to come, had been negligent to provide against

them, and retiring to the woods and boers intended to frustrate and wear them out with delay. as they had served Caesar before. Ploutius, after much trouble to find them out, encountering first with Caracticus, then with Togodomus, overthrew them, and receiving into conditions part of the Bouduni, who then were subject to the Catualony, and leaving there garrison, went on toward a river, where the Britons, not imagining that Ploutius without a bridge could pass,

lay on the further side careless and secure. But he, sending first the Germans, whose custom was, armed as they were to swim with ease the strongest current, commands them to strike especially at the horses, whereby the chariots where inconsisted their chief art of fight became unserviceable. To second them he sent Vespasian, who in his latter days obtained the empire, and Sabinus his brother, who unexpectedly assailing those who were least aware, did much execution. Yet not for this were the Britons dismayed, but reuniting the next day fought with such a courage, has made it hard to decide which way hung the victory.

Tillcaius Sidious Gaeta, at point to have been taken, recovered himself so valiantly as brought the day on his side, for which at Rome he received high honors. After this, the Britons drew back toward the mouth of the River Thames, and being acquainted with those places crossed over, where the Romans, following them through bogs and dangerous flats, hazarded the loss of all. Yet the Germans getting over, and others by a bridge at some place above,

fell on them again with sundry alarms and great slaughter, but in the heat of pursuit running themselves again into bogs and mires, lost as many of their own. Upon which ill success, and seeing the Britons more enraged at the death of Tobodemus, who in one of these battles have been slain, Ploutius, fearing the worst, and glad that he could hold what he held,

as was enjoined him, sends to Claudius. He who waited ready with a huge preparation, as if not safe enough amidst the flower of all his Romans, like a great eastern king with armed elephants marches through Gaglia. So full of peril was this enterprise esteemed, as not without all this equipage and stranger terrors than Roman armies to meet the native and the naked British valor defending their country. Joined with Ploutius, who, encamping on the Bank of the Thames attended him,

he passes the river. the Britons, who had the courage, but not the wise conduct of old Cassivalon, laying all stratagem aside in downright manhood, scruple not to a front in open field, almost the whole power of the Roman Empire. But overcome and vanquished, part by force, others by treaty, come in and yield. Claudius, therefore, who took Camelodonum, the royal seat of Cunobeline, was often by the army saluted Imperator, a military title which used, usually they gave their general after any notable exploit, but to others not above once in the

same war, as if Claudius by these acts had deserved more than the laws of Rome had provided honor to reward. Having therefore disarmed the Britons, but remitted the confiscation of their goods, for which they worshipped him with sacrifice and temple as a god, leaving Plotius to subdue what remained, he returns to Rome, from whence he had been absent only six months, and in Britain but sixteen days, sending the news before him of his victories, though in a small part of the island, by which is manifestly refuted that which Eutropius and Erosius bright of his conquering at that time also the Orchides Islands lying to the north of Scotland, and not conquered by the Romans, for aught found in any good author, till about forty years after, as shall appear. To Claudius, the Senate,

as for achievements of highest merit, decreed excessive honours, arches, triumphs, annual solemnities, and the surname of Britannicus, both to him and his son. Svetonius writes that Claudius found here no resistance, and that all was done without a stroke. But this seems not probable. The Monmouth writer names these two sons of Cunobaline, Guiderius and Arviricus, that Guiderius being slain in fight, Arviragus to conceal it, put on his brother's habiliments, and in his person upheld the battle to a victory. The rest, as of Hano, the Roman captain, Kenwisa, the emperor's daughter, and such like stuff,

is too palpably untrue to be worth rehearsing in the midst of truth. Ploutius, after this, employing his fresh forces to conquer on and quiet the rebelling countries, found work enough to deserve, at his return, a kind of triumphant riding into the capital side by side with the emperor. Vespasian also, under Plautius, had thirty conflicts with the enemy, in one of which encompassed and in great danger he was valiantly and piously rescued by his son Titus. Two powerful nations he subdued here, above twenty towns, and the Isle of Wight, for which he received at Rome triumphal ornaments and other great dignities. For that city, in reward of virtue, was ever magnificent, and long after, when true merit was ceased among them, lest anything resembling verily,

you should want honor, the same rewards were yet allowed to the very shadow and ostentation of merit. Astorius, in the room of Plautius, vice-preter, met with turbulent affairs. The Britons not ceasing to vex with inroads all those countries that were yielded to the Romans, and now, the more eagerly from their supposing that the new general being unacquainted with his army, and on the edge of winter, would not hastily oppose them. But he, weighing that first events were most available, to breed fear or contempt, resolves to begin by acting with vigor against them, and with such cohorts as were next at hand sets out against them, whom having routed so close he follows, as one who meant not to be every day molested with the cavils of a slight peace or an emboldened enemy.

Lest they should make head again, he disarms those whom he suspects, and to surround them, places many garrisons upon the rivers of Antona and Sabrina. But the Icenians, a stout people, untouched yet by these wars, as having before sought alliance with the Romans, were the first that brooks not this. By their example, others rise, and in a chosen place, fenced with high banks of earth and narrow lanes to prevent the horse from acting warily and camp. Osterius, though yet not strengthened and with his legions, causes the auxiliary bands, his troops also alighting, to assault the reampart. They within, though pestered with their own number, stood to it like men resolved, and in a narrow compass did remarkable deeds. But overpowered, at last, and others by their success

quieted, who till then wavered, Ostorius next bends his force upon the Cangians, wasting all the country, even to the sea of Ireland, without foe in his way, or them who, who durst ill-handled. When the Brigantes, attempting new matters, drew him back to settle first what was unsecure behind him. They, of whom the chief were punished, the rest forgiven, soon gave over. But the Salores, no way tractable, were not to be repressed without a set war. To further this, Camelodonum was planted with a colony of veteran soldiers to be a firm

and ready aid against revolts, and a means to teach the natives, Roman law, and civility. Coguninus also, a British king, their fast friend, had to the same intent certain cities given him, a haughty craft, which the Romans used to make kings also the servile agents of enslaving others. But the Silurais, hardy of themselves, relied more on the valor of Caracticus, whom many doubtful many prosperous successes had made eminent above all that ruled in Britain. He, adding to his courage, policy, and knowing himself to be of strength, inferior, in other

advantages the better, makes the seat of his war among the Ordovices, a country wherein all the odds were to his own party, all the difficulties to his enemy. The hills, and every access, he fortified with heaps of stones and guards of men, to come at whom a river of unsafe passage must first be waited. The place, as Camden conjectures, had thence the name of Ker-Karadok on the west edge of Shropshire. He himself continually went up and down, animating his officers and leaders, that this was the day, this the field, either to defend their liberty or to die free, calling to mind the names of his glorious ancestors, who drove Caesar the dictator out of Britain, and whose valor hitherto had preserved them from bondage and their wives and children

from dishonor. Inflamed with these words they all vow their utmost with such undaunted resolution as amazed the Roman general. But the soldiers, lest weighing because less knowing, clamored to be led on against any danger. Ostorius, after wary circumspection, bids them past the river. The Britons no sooner had them within reach of their arrows, darts, and stones, but slew and wounded largely of the Romans. They, on the other side, closing their ranks, and overhead closing their targets, threw down the loose rampires of the Britons, and pursue them up the hills, both light and armed legions, till what with galling darts and heavy strokes, the Britons, who wore neither helmet nor cuirass to defend them, were at last overcome.

This, the Romans thought of famous victory, wherein the wife and daughters of Coracticus were taken, his brothers also reduced to obedience. Himself, escaping to Cartus Mandu, a queen of the Begantes, against faith given was to the victor's delivered bound. Having held out against the Romans nine years, Seth Tacitus, but by tour computation seven, whereby his name was up through all the adjoining provinces, even to Italy and Rome, many desiring to see who he was that could withstand so many years, the Roman puissance, and Caesar, to extol his own victory, extolled the man who he had vanquished. Being brought to Rome, the people as to a solemn spectacle were called together.

The Emperor's Guard stood in arms. In order came first the king's servants, bearing his trophies won in other wars. Next, his brothers, wife, and daughter. Last, himself. The behavior of others, through fear, was low and degenerate. He only, neither in countenance, word or action, submissive, standing at the tribunal of Claudius, briefly spake to this purpose. If my mind Caesar had been as moderate in the height of fortune as my birth and dignity was eminent,

I might have come a friend rather than a captive into this city, nor couldst thou have disliked him for a confederate, so noble of descent, and ruling so many nations. My present estate, to me disgraceful, to thee is glorious. I had riches, horses, arms, and men. no wonder then if I contended not to lose them. But if by fate yours only must be empire, then, of necessity, ours among the rest, must be subjection. If I sooner had been brought to yield,

my misfortune had been less notorious, your conquest had been less renowned. And in your severest determining of me, both will be soon forgotten. But if you grant that I shall live, by me will live to you forever that praise which is so near divine, the clemency of a conqueror. Caesar moved at such a spectacle of fortune, but especially at the nobleness of his bearing it,

gave him pardon, and to all the rest. They all unbound, submissively thank him, and did like reverence to Agrippina, the emperor's wife, who sat by in state, a new and disdained sight to the manly eyes of Romans, a woman sitting publicly in her female pride among ensigns and armed cohorts. To Ostorius a triumph is decreed, and his military services are extolled as being equal to those of former great Roman commanders who had brought the most famous kings to Rome in chains as their prisoners of war. But the same prosperity attended not his later actions here, for the Silur's, whether to revenge the loss of Caracticus, or that they saw Ostorius, as if now all were done, to have become less

earnest to restrain them, beset the prefect of his camp, who was left there with legionary bands to appoint garrisons. And had not speedy aid come in from the neighboring holds and castles, would have cut them all off, notwithstanding which the prefect with eight centurions and many of their stoutest men were slain. And upon the neck of this, meeting first with Roman foragers, then with other troops hasting to their relief, utterly foiled and broke them also. The story, ascending more troops after, could hardly stay their flight, till the weighty legions coming on at first poised the battle, and at length turned the scale to the Britons, without much loss, for by that time it grew night. Then was the war shivered, as it were,

into small frays and bickeringes, not unlike sometimes to so many robberies in woods, at waters, as chance or valor, advice or rashness led them on, commanded or without commanding. that which most exasperated the Seleors was a report of certain words cast out by the Emperor that he would root them out to the very name. Therefore, two cohorts more of auxiliaries, who, by the avarice of their leaders, were too securely pillaging, they quite intercepted, and bestowing liberally on the neighboring Britons the spoils and captives, whereof they took plenty, drew other countries to join with them. These losses falling so thick upon the Romans, Astorius, with the thought and anguish thereof, ended his days. The Britons rejoicing, although no battle that yet adverse war had worn out so great a soldier. Caesar, in his place, ordains Aulus Didius.

But ere his coming, though much hastened that the province might not want a governor, the Silurus had given an overthrow to Manlius Valens with his legion, which was rumoured on both sides to be greater than was true, by the Silors to animate the new general, by him in a double respect of the more praise if he quelled them, or the more excuse if he failed. Meantime the Silur's forgot not to infest the Roman pail with wide excursions, till Didius, marching out, kept them somewhat more within bounds. Nor were they long to sort of, seek who after Caracticus should lead them, for, next to him in worth and skill of war, Venutius, a prince of the Brigantes, merited to be their chief. He, at first faithful to the

Romans, and by them protected, was the husband of Cartus Mandua, queen of the brigantes, himself perhaps reigning elsewhere. She, who had betrayed Caracticus and her country, to adorn the triumph of Claudius, thereby grown powerful and gracious with the Romans, resuming on higher of her treason deserted her husband, and marrying Velocitus, one of his squires, confers on him the kingdom also. This deed, so odious and full of infamy, disturbed the whole state. Venutius, with other forces and the help of her own subjects, who detested the example of so foul a fact, and with all the uncomeliness of their subjection to the monarchy of a woman, a piece of manhood not every day to be found among Britons, though she had got by subtle

train his brother with many of his kindred into her hands, brought her soon below the confidence of being able to resist longer, when, imploring the Roman aid, with much ado, and after many a hard encounter, she escaped the punishment which was ready to have seized her. Vinutius, thus debarred the authority of ruling his own household, justly turns his anger against the Romans themselves, whose magnanimity, not one to undertake dishonorable causes, had arrogantly intermeddled in his domestic affairs to uphold the rebellion of an adulteress against her husband. And the kingdom, he retained, against their utmost opposition,

and of war gave them their fill. First, in a sharp conflict of uncertain event, then against the legion of Caesius Nasica. Inso much, the Didius, growing old and managing the war by deputies, had work enough to stand on his defense, with the gaining now and then of a small castle. And Nero, before in that part of the Isle things continued in the same plight to the reign of Esphysian, was minded but for shame to have withdrawn the Roman forces out of Britain, in other parts whereof about the same time other things befell.

Veranias, whom Nero sent hither to succeed Didius, dying in his first year, saving a few inroads upon the Silors, left only a great boat. ghost behind him, that in two years had he lived, he would have conquered all. But Swetonius Paulinus, who next was sent hither, esteemed a soldier equal to the best in that age, for two years together went on prosperously, both confirming what was thought and subduing onward. At last, overconfident of his present actions and emulating others of whose deeds he heard from abroad, he marches up as far as Mona, the Isle of Anglesey, a populous place. For they, it seems, had both entertained fugitives, and given good assistance to the rest that withstood him.

He makes him boats with flat bottoms fitted to the shallows which he expected in that narrow frith. His foot so passed over, his horse waited or swam. Thick upon the shore stood several gross bands of men well-weaponed. Many women, like furies, running to and fro in dismal habit, with their hair loose about their shoulders, held torches in their hands. The druids, those were their priests, of whom more in another place, with hands lifted up to heaven, uttering direful prayers, astonished the Romans, who at so strange a sight stood in a maze, though wounded, but at length, awakened and encouraged by their general not to fear a barbarous and lunatic rout, fall on and beat them down, scorched and rolling in their own fire. then were they yoked with garrisons and the places consecrated their bloody superstitions destroyed. For whom they took in war they held it lawful to sacrifice, and by the entrails of men used divination. While thus Polinus had his thought still fixed before to go on winning, his back lay brought

open to occasion of losing more behind. For the Britons urged and oppressed, with many unsufferable injuries, had all banded themselves, to a general revolt. The particular causes are not all written by one author. Tacitus, who lived nearest those times of any to us extent, writes that Presuticus, king of the Icenians, abounding in wealth, had left Caesar co-air with his two daughters, thereby hoping to have secured from all wrong both his kingdom and his house, which fell out far otherwise. For, under color, to oversee and take possession of the Emperor's new inheritance, his kingdom became a prey to centurions, his house to ravening officers, his wife, Badesia violated with stripes, his daughters with rape, the wealthiest of his

subjects, as it were by the will and testament of their king, thrown out of their estates, his kindred made little better than slaves. The new colony also of Camelodonum took house or land from whom they pleased, terming them slaves and vassals, the soldiers complying with the colony out of hope hereafter to use the same license themselves. Moreover, the temple erected to Claudius, as a badge of their eternal slavery, stood a great eyesore. The priests who are of under the pretext of what was due to the religious service wasted and embezzled each man's substance upon themselves. and Cates Decianias, the procurator, endeavored to bring all their goods within the compass of new confiscation

by disavowing the remitment of Claudius. Lastly, Seneca, in his books a philosopher, having drawn the Britons unwillingly to borrow of him vast sums upon fair promises of easy loan and for repayment to take their own time, on a sudden compels them to pay in all at once with great extortion, thus provoked by heaviest sufferings and thus invited by opportunities in the absence of polinus, the Icenians, and by their examples, the Trinobantes, and as many else's hated servitude,

rise up in arms. Of these ensuing troubles, many foregoing signs appeared. The image of victory at Camelodonum fell down of itself, with her face turned, as it were, to the Britons. Certain women, in a kind of ecstasy, foretold of calamities to come. In the council-house were heard by night barbarous noises, in the theatre hideous howlings, in the creek horrid sights betokening the destruction of that colony. Here to the ocean, seeming of a bloody hue, and human shapes at Loeb left imprinted on the sand wrought in the Britain's new courage, in the Romans' unwanted fears. Camelodon, where the Romans had seated themselves to dwell pleasantly rather than defensively, was not fortified. Against that, therefore, the Britons make

their first assault. The soldiers within were not very manly. Decianus, the procurator, could send then but two hundred, and those ill-armed. And through the treachery of some among them who secretly favored the insurrection, they had deferred both to entrench themselves and to send out of the place such of the inhabitants as did not bear arms. Such as did, flying to the temple which on the second day was forcibly taken were all put to the sword. The temple made a heap, and the rest of the town rifled and burnt. Petilius Gerealis, coming to his succor, is in his way met and overthrown. His whole legion cut to pieces, he with his horse hardly escaping to the Roman camp. Decianus, whose rapin was the cause of all this fled into Gaglia. But Swatonia said these tidings not just made, through the midst of his

enemy's country marches to London, which, though not turned a colony, yet was full of Roman inhabitants, and, for the frequency of trade and other commodities, a town even then of principal note, with purpose to have made there the seat of war. But considering the smallness of his numbers and the late rashness of Petilius, he chooses, rather, with the loss of one town to save the rest. nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of them that besought him to tarry there but taking with him such as were willing gave signal to depart they who through weakness of sex or age or love of the place went not along with him perished by the enemy so did vera lama a roman free town for the britons omitting forts and castles flew thither first to a richest booty and the hope of pillaging told them on in this massacre about seventy thousand romans and their associates in the places above mentioned of certain lost their lives none might be spared none ransomed but tasted all either a present or lingering death no cruelty that either outrage or the insolence of success put into their heads was left unacted the roman wives and virgins were hanged up all naked and had their breasts cut off and sewed to their mouths

that in the grimness of death they might seem to eat their own flesh, while the Britons fell to feasting and carousing in the temple of Undata, their goddess of victory. Swatonius, adding to his legion other old officers and soldiers thereabout, which gathered to him were near upon ten thousand, and purposing with these not to defer battle, had chosen a place narrow and not to be overwinged, on his rear a wood, being well informed that his enemy were all in front on a plane, unapt for ambush. The legionary stood thick in order, impaled with light on, the horse on either wing.

The Britons in companies and squadrons were everywhere shouting and swarming, such a multitude as at other time was never seen assembled. No less reckoned than two hundred and thirty thousand, so fierce and confident of victory that their wives also came in wagons to sit and behold the sport, as they made full account, of killing Romans. A folly, doubtless for the serious Romans to smile at, as a sure token of prospering that day. A woman also was their commander in chief. Thor Batesia and her daughters ride about in a chariot, telling the tall champions, as a great encouragement, that with the Britons it was usual for women to be their leaders. A deal of other fondness they put into her mouth not worth recital. How she was lashed, how she was lashed, how

her daughters were handled, things worthier silence, retirement, and a veil, than for a woman to repeat, as done to her own person, or to hear repeated before an host of men. The Greek historian sets her in a field on a high heap of ters, in a loose-bodied gown declaiming, a spear in her hand, a hair in her bosom, which, after a long circumlocution she was to let slip among them for luxe, then praying to undati the British goddess to talk again fondly as before. And this they do out of a vanity, hoping to embellish and set out their history with the strangeness of our manners, not caring in the meanwhile to brand us with the rankest note of barbarism as if in Britain women were men, and men, women.

End of the first part of Chapter 2 of the History of Britain. Book 2 continued of the History of Britain by John Milton. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. according by Thomas Copeland. I affect not set speeches in a history, unless known for certain to have been spoken in effect as they are written, nor then, unless they are worth rehearsal, and to invent such, though eloquently, as some historians have done, is an abuse of posterity, raising in them that read other conceptions of those times and persons than were true. much less, therefore, do I purpose here or elsewhere to copy out tedious orations without decorum, though in their authors composed ready to my hand. Hitherto, what we have heard of Casibulan, Togodumness, Venusius, and Caracticus, have been full of magnanimity, soberness, and martial skill.

But the truth is that in this battle, and whole business, the Britons never more plainly manifested themselves to be right barbarians. No rule, no foresight, no forecast, experience, or estimation, either of themselves or of their enemies. Such confusion, such impotence as seemed like as not to a war, but to the wild hurry of a distracted woman with Asmad a crew at her heels. Therefore, Suetonius, contemming their unruly noises and fierce looks, heartens his men, but to stand close a while, and strike manfully this headless rabble that stood nearest,

the rest would be a purchase rather than a toil. And so it fell out, for the legion, when they saw their time, bursting out like a violent wedge, quickly broke and dissipated what opposed them. All else held only out there next to the slayer, for their own carts and wagons were so placed by themselves as left them but little room to escape between. The Romans slew all.

Men, women, and the very drawing horses lay heaped along the field in a gory mixture of slaughter. About fourscore thousand Britons are said to have been slain on the place. The enemy, scarce four hundred, and not many more wounded. Oedesia poisoned herself, or, as others say, sickened and died. she was of stature big and tall a visage grim and stern harsh of voice her hair of a bright colour flowing down to her hips she wore a plighted garment of divers colours with a great golden chain buttoned over all a thick robe gildas calls her the crafty lioness and leaves in ill fame upon her doings dion sets down otherwise the order of this fight and that the field was not won without much difficulty nor without intention of the britons to give another battle had not the death of oadusia come between albeit swatonius to preserve discipline and to dispatch the relics of war lodged with all the army in the open field which was supplied out of germany with a thousand horse and ten thousand foot

thence dispersed to winter and with incursions to waste those countries that stood out but to the britain's famine was a worse affliction having left off during this uproar to till the ground and made reckoning to serve themselves on the provision of their enemy. Nevertheless, those nations that were yet untamed, hearing of some discord risen between Swatonius and the new procurator, Pascionus, were brought but slowly to terms of peace, and the rigor used by Swatonius on them that yielded taught them the better course to stand on their defense, for it is certain that Swetonius, though else a worthy man, over-proud of his victory, gave too much way to his anger against the Britons. Corsiccian, therefore, sending such word to Rome, that these severe proceedings would beget an endless war, Polycletus, no Roman but a courtier, was sent by Nero to examine how things went.

He, admonishing Svetonius to use more mildness, awed the army, and to the Britons gave matter of laughter, who, so much even till then, were nursed up in their native liberty as to wonder that so great a general with his whole army should be at the rebuke and ordering of a court servitor. But Swatonius, a while after, having lost a few galleys on the shore, was bid resign his command, to Petronius Trepidionus, who, not provoking the Britons, nor by them provoked, was thought to have pretended the love of peace, to what, indeed, was his love of ease and slow. Trebellius Maximus followed his steps, usurping the name of gentle government to any remissness or neglect of discipline, which brought in first license, next disobedience into his camp, incensed against him partly for his covetousness,

partly by the incitement of Roshus Chilius, legate of a legion, with whom formerly disagreeing, now that civil war began in the empire he fell to open discord, charging him. him with disorder and sedition, and him, Chileas, with peeling and defrauding the legions of their pay. Inso much that Trebelius, hated and deserted of the soldiers, was content a while to govern with base and treaty, and forced at length to fly the land, which, notwithstanding, remained in good quiet, governed by Cilius, and the other legate of the legion, both faithful to Vitellius, then emperor, who sent hither Vectius Bolanos, under whose lenity, though not tainted with other fault, against the Britons nothing was done, nor in their own discipline, reform.

Petilius Correalis, by appointment of Vespasian, succeeding, had to do with the populaceous brigantes in many battles, and some of those not unbloody, for, as we heard before, it was Venusius, who even to these times held them tack, both himself remaining to the end unbankished, and some part of his country not so much has reached. It appears also by several passages in the history of Tacitus that no small matter of British forces were commanded overseas the year before, to serve in those bloody wars between Otho and Vitellius, Vitellius and Vespasian contending for the empire. to Karealis succeeded Julius Frontinus in the government of Britain, note, post-Christ 79, returned a text,

who, by taming the sea lures of people warlike and strongly inhabiting, augmented much his reputation. But Julius Agricola, whom Vespasian in his last year sent hither, trained up from his youth in the British wars, extended with victories the Roman limit beyond all his predecessors. His coming was in the midst of, summer, and the Ordovices, to welcome the new general, had hewn in pieces a whole squadron of horse, which lay upon their bounds, few escaping. Agricola, who perceived that the noise of this

defeat, had also, in the province, desirous of novelty, stirred up new expectations, resolves to be beforehand with the danger, and drawing together the choice of his legions with a competent number of German auxiliaries, not being met by the Ordovus'es, and, and, who kept the hills himself in the head of his men hunts them up and down through difficult places almost to the final extirpation of that whole nation with the same current of success what polinus had left unfinished he conquers in the isle of mona for the islanders altogether fearless of his approach whom they knew to have no shipping when they saw themselves invaded on a sudden by the auxiliaries whose country use had taught them to swim over with horse and arms were compelled to yield. This gained Agricola much opinion, who, at his very entrance, a time which others bestowed of course in hearing compliments and congratulations, had made such early progress into laborious and hardest enterprises. But by far not so famous was Agricola in bringing war to a

speedy end as in cutting off the causes from whence war arises. For he, knowing that the end of war was not to make way for injuries in peace, began reformation from his own house, permitted not his attendance and followers to sway, or have to do it all, in public affairs, lays on with equality the proportions of corn and tribute that were imposed, takes off exactions and the fees of approaching officers heavier than the tribute itself.

But the countries had been compelled before to sit and wait the opening of the public granaries, and both to sell and to buy their corn at what rate the publicans thought fit. The purveyors also commanding when they pleased to bring it in, not to the nearest, but still to the remotest places, either by the compounding of such as would be excused, or by causing a dearth where none was made a particular gain. These grievances and the like, he, in the time of peace removing,

brought peace into some credit, which before, since the Romans coming, had as ill-name as war. The summer following, Titus being then emperor, he so continually with inroads disquieted the enemy over all the isle, and, after terror, so allured them with his gentle demeanor, that many cities which till that time would not bend, gave hostages, admitted garrisons, and came in voluntarily. The winter he spent all in worthy actions,

teaching and promoting like a public father of the institutes and customs of civil life. The inhabitants, rude and scattered, and by that the proner to war, he so persuaded to build houses, temples, and seats of justice, and, by praising the forward, quickening the slow, assisting all, turned the name of necessity into an emulation. He caused, moreover, the nobleman sons to be bred up in liberal arts, and by preferring the wits of Britain before the study of, of Gaglia brought them to affect the Latin eloquence, who before hated the language.

Then were the Roman fashions imitated, and the gown. After a while, the incitements also, and materials of vice, and voluptuous life, proud buildings, baths, and the elegance of banqueting, which the foolisher sort called civility, but was indeed a secret art to prepare them for bondage. Spring appearing, he took the field, and with a prosperous expedition, wasted as far northward as the Frith of Touse, the countries of all that obeyed not, with such a terror as he went, that the Roman army, though much hindered by tempestuous weather, had the leisure to build forts and castles where they pleased, none daring to oppose them. Besides, Agrikel had this excellence in him, so providently to choose his places where to fortify as not another general then alive no scantz or fortress of his raising was ever known either to have been forced or yielded up or quitted

out of these impregnable by siege or in that case duly relieved with continual eruptions he so prevailed that the enemy whose manner was in winter to regain what in summary had lost was now alike in both seasons kept short and straightened for these exploits then esteemed so great and honourable titus in whose reign they were achieved was for the fifteenth time saluted imperator and of him agricola received triumphal honors the fourth summer demission then ruling the empire he spent in settling and confirming what the year before he had travelled over with a running conquest and had the valor of his soldiers been answerable he would have reached that year as was thought the utmost bounds of Britain. Proglota and Bodochia, now Dunbritten and the Frith of Edinburgh, two opposite arms of the sea, divided only by a neck of land, and all the creeks and inlets on this side were held by the Romans, and the enemy was driven, as it were, into another island. In his fifth year, note, post-Christ 83, returned to text. He passed over into the orchides, as we may probably guess, and other Scotch Isles,

discovering and subduing nations till then unknown. He gained also with his forces that part of Britain which faces Ireland, as aiming also to conquer that island, where one of the Irish kings, driven out by civil wars, coming to him, he both gladly received and retained him as against a fit time. The summer ensuing on a mistrust that the nations beyond Bedotria would generally rise and forlay the passages by land, he caused his fleet, making a great show, to bear along the coast,

and up the frithson harbours, joining, most commonly at night, on the same shore both land and sea forces, with mutual shouts and loud greetings. At sight whereof, the Britons, not one to see their sea so ridden, were much daunted. Howbeit the Caledonians note, Post-Christ 84, returned to text.

With great preparation, and by rumour, as of things unknown, much greater, taking arms, and of their own accord beginning war by the assault of sundry castles, sent back some of their fear to the Romans themselves, and there were of the commanders who, cloaking their fear under show of sage advice, counseled the general to retreat back on this side-bedo-trip. He, in meanwhile, having intelligence that the enemy would fall on him in many bodies, divided also his army into

three parts, which advantaged the Britons quickly spying, and on a sudden uniting, but before they had disjoined, assailed by night with all their forces, that part of the Roman army which they knew to be the weakest, and breaking in upon the camp, surprise between sleep and fear, had begun some execution. When Agricola, who had learnt what way the enemies took, and followed them with all speed, sending before him the lightest of his horse and foot to charge them behind, the rest, as they came on to affright them with clamour, so plied them without respite that by the approach of day, the Roman ensign, glittering all about, had encompassed the Britons, who now, after a sharp fight in the very ports of the camp,

betook them to their wanted refuge, the woods and fens, pursued a while by the Romans. That day else, in all appearance, had ended the war. The legions re-encouraged by this event, they also now boasting, who bit lately trembled, cry all to be led on as far as there was British ground. The Britons also, not acknowledging the loss of that day to have been due to the Roman valor, but to the policy of their captain, abated nothing of their

stoutness, but arming their youth, conveying their wives and children to places of safety, in frequent assemblies and by solemn covenants, bound themselves to mutual assistance against the common enemy. About the same time, a cohort of Germans, having slain their centurion with other Roman officers in a mutiny, and, for fear of punishment, fled on shipboard, launched forth in three light galleys without pilot, and by tide or weather carried round about the coast, using piracy where they landed while their ships held out, and as their skills served them, with various fortune, were the first discoverers to the Romans that Britain was an island. Note, post-Christ 85, returned to text.

The following summer, Agricola, having before sent his navy to hover on the coast, and with sundry and uncertain landings to divert and disunite the Britons, himself with a power best appointed for expedition wherein also were many britons whom he had long tried both valued and faithful marches onward to the mountain grampius where the britons to the number of about thirty thousand were now lodged and still increasing for neither would their old men so many as were yet vigorous and lusty be left at home long practised in war and every one adorned with some badge or cognizance of his warlike deeds long ago of whom galgicus both by birth and merit the prime leader of their courage though of itself hot and violent is by his rough oratory and detestation of servitude in the roman yoke said to have added much more eagerness of fight testified by their shouts and barbarous applause As much did on the other side, Agricola exhort his soldiers to victory and glory. As much the soldiers, by his firm and well-grounded exhortations, were all on a fire to the onset. But first he orders them on this sort.

Of 8,000 auxiliary foot he makes his middle ward. On the wings, 3,000 horse, the legions as a reserve, stood in a ray before the camp. Either to seize the victory won without their own hazard, or to keep up the battle if it should need. the british powers on the hillside as might best serve for show and terror stood in their battalions the first on even ground the next rising behind as the hill ascended the field between wrong with the noise of horsemen and chariots ranging up and down agricola doubting to be over-winged stretches out his front though somewhat with the thinnest inasmuch that many advised to bring up the legions yet he not altering alights from his horse and stands on foot before the ensigns the fight began aloof and the britons had a certain skill with their broad swashing swords and short bucklers either to strike aside or to bear off the darts of their enemies and with all to send back showers of their own until agriola discerning that those little targets and unwieldy glaves ill-pointed would soon become ridiculous against the thrust and clothes commanded three batavian cohorts and two of the tundgrins exercised an arm for close fight to draw up and come to handy strokes the batavians as they were commanded running in upon them now with their long tucks thrusting at the face now with their pigt targets bearing them down had made good riddance of them that stood below and for haste omitting further

execution began a pace to advance uphill, seconded now by all the other cohorts. Meanwhile, the horsemen fly, the charioteers mix themselves to fight among the foot, where many of their horse also fallen in disorderly, were now more a mischief to their own than before, a terror to their enemies. The battle was a confused heap, the ground unequal, man-horses, chariots, crowded pell-mell, sometimes in little room, by and by and large, fighting, rushing, felling, overbearing, over-turning, overturning, they on the hill, which were not yet come to blows, perceiving the feunus of their enemies, came down a main, and had enclosed the Romans than the wares behind, but that Agricola with a strong body of horse, which he reserved for such a purpose, repelled them back as fast,

and others, drawn off the front, were commanded to wheel about, and charge them on the backs. Then were the Romans clearly masters, they follow, they wound, they take, and to take more kill whom they take. The Britons, in whole troops with weapons in their hands, one while fleeing the pursuer, anon without weapons desperately running upon the slayer. But all of them, when once they get the woods to their shelter, with fresh boldness made head again, and the forwardest, on a sudden they turned and slew, the rest so hampered, as had not Agricola, who was everywhere at hand, sent out his readiest cohorts, with a part of his horse to alight and scour the woods, they had received a foil in the midst of victory.

But following with a close and orderly pursuit, the Britons fled again and totally scattered, till night and weariness ended the chase. And of them that day ten thousand fell. Of the Romans, three hundred and forty, among whom Aulis Atticus, the leader of a cohort, carried with heat of youth and the fierceness of his horse too far on. The Romans jocund of this victory and the spoil they got spent the night, the vanquished, wandering about the field, both men and women, some lamenting, some calling their lost friends or carrying off their wounded, others forsaking, some burning their own houses. And it was certain enough that there were who, with a stern compassion, laid violent hands on their wives and children, to prevent the more violent hands of hostile injury.

Next day appearing manifested more plainly the greatness of their loss received. Everywhere silence, desolation, houses burning afar off, not a man-seen, all fled, and doubtful wither. Such words, the scouts springing in from all parts, and the summer now spent, no fit season to disperse a war, the Roman general leads his army among the Horstians. By whom hostages being given, he commands his admiral with a sufficient navy, to sail round the coast of Britain. Himself, with slow marches, that his delay in passing

might serve to awe those new conquered nations, bestows his army in their winter quarters. The fleet also, having fetched a prosperous and speedy compass about the aisle, put in at the haven Tritillensis, now Richburg near Sandwich, from whence it first set out. And now, likeliest, if not two years before,

as was mentioned, the Romans might discover and subdue the aisles of Orkney, which others, with less reason, following Eusebius and Erosius, a tribute to the deeds of Claudius. These perpetual exploits abroad won him wide fame, with the mission, under whom great virtue was as punishable as open crime, won him hatred, for he, maligning the renown of these his acts, in show, decreed him honors, and secret devised his ruin. note post-Christ 86 returned a text. Agricola therefore commanded home for doing too much of what he was sent to do,

left the province to his successor quiet and secure. Whether he as his conjecture were Celestius Lucullus, or before him some other, for Swatonius only names him Legget of Britain under the mission, but further of him or aught else done here until the time of Hadrian is nowhere plainly to be found. Some gather by a preface and tacitus to the book of his histories that what Agricola won here was soon after by Domitian,

either through want of valor lost or through envy neglected. And Juvenal, the poet, speaks of our Varagas in these days, and not before, King of Britain, who stood so well in his resistance as not only to be talked of at Rome, but to be held matter of a glorious triumph, if Domitian could take him captive or overcoming. then also Claudia Rufina, the daughter of a Britain, and wife of Pudence, a Roman senator,

lived at Rome, famous by the verse of Marshall for beauty, wit, and learning. The next we hear of Britain is that when Trajan was emperor, it revolted and was subdued. But Hadrian next entering on the empire, they soon unsubdued themselves. Julius Severus, said Dion, then governed the island, a prime soldier of that age, he being called away to suppress the Jews then in tumult, left things at such a pass as caused the emperor in person to take a journey hither. Note, post-Christ 122, who turned to text. Where many things he reformed, and as Augustus and Tiberius counselled, to confine the empire within moderate bounds, he raised a wall with great stakes driven in deep, and fastened together in manner of a strong mound, four-score miles in length, to divide what was wrong,

from what was barbarian, as his manner was to do in other frontiers of his empire, where great rivers divided not the limits. No ancient author names the situation of this wall, but old inscriptions, and the ruin itself, yet testifies where it went along between Solway Frith by Carlisle and the mouth of the river Tyne. Adrian, having quieted the island, took it for honour to be titled on his coin, The Restorer of Britain. in his time also Priscus Licinius, as appears by an old inscription, was lieutenant here.

Antoninus Pius reigning, the Rigantes' ever-leased patient of foreign domination, breaking in upon Genuania, which Camden guesses to be Gwynethia or North Wales, part of the Roman province, were with the loss of much territory driven back by Lollius Urbicus, who drew another wall of turves, in likelihood much beyond the former, and, as Camden proves, between the frith of Dunbitten and of Edinburgh, to hedge out incursions from the north. And Sayus Saturnius, as is collected from the digests, note, post-Christ 144, return to text,

had charge here of the Roman Navy. With like success did Marcus Aurelius, note post-Christ 162, returned to text, the next emperor, by his legate Californius Agricola, finish here a new war, commodious after him obtaining the empire. In his time, as among so many different accounts may seem most probable, Lucius, a supposed king in some part of Britain, was the first of any king in Europe that we read of,

that received the Christian faith, and this nation the first that by public authority professed it. A high and singular grace from above, if sincerity and perseverance went along. otherwise an empty boast, and to be feared the verifying of that true sentence the first shall be last. And indeed, the praise of this action is more proper to King Lucius than common to the nation, whose first professing by public authority was no real commendation of their true faith, which had appeared more sincere and praiseworthy, whether in this or any other nation,

if it had been first professed without public authority, or against it, as it might else have been but outward conformity. Lucius, in our Monmouth story, is made the second by descent from Marius. Marius, the son of Arviragus, is there said to have overthrown the Picts, then first coming out of Scythia, and to have slain Roderick their king, and in sign of victory to have set up a monument of stone in the country since called West Maria. But these things have no foundation. Coilus, the son of Marius, all his reign, which was just and peaceable, holding great amity with the Romans, left it hereditary to Lucius. He, if Bida, or not, living near 500 years after, yet our ancientist author of this report, sent to Eleutherius, then Bishop of Rome.

Note, post-Christ 181, returned to text. An improbable letter, as some of the contents discover, desiring that by his appointment he and his people might receive Christianity, from whom two religious doctors, named in our chronicles Faganus and Deruvianus, being forthwith sent, are said to have converted and baptized well-nigh the whole nation, thence Lucius to have had the surname of Levermower, that is to say, great light. Yet then first was the Christian faith here known, but even from the latter days of Tiberius, as Gildas confidently affirms, had been taught and propagated,

and that as some say by Simon Zelotius, as others say by Joseph of Arimathea, Barnabas, Paul, Peter, and their prime disciples. But of these matters variously written and believed, ecclesiastical historians can best determine, as the best of them do with little credit given to the particulars of such uncertain relations. As for Lucius, they write that after a long reign, he was buried in Gloucester, but dying without issue, left the kingdom in great commotion. By truer testimony, we find that the greatest war which in those days busied comodus was in this island. For the nations northward, notwithstanding the wall raised to keep them out, breaking in upon the Roman province wasted wide, and both the army and the leader that came against them,

wholly routed and destroyed, which put the emperor in such a fear as to dispatch hither one of his best commanders, Ulpius Marcellus. Note, post-Christ 183. Return to text. He, a man endowed with all nobleness of mind, frugal and temperate, mild and magnanimous, in war, bold and watchful, invincible against lucre and the assault of bribes, but with his valor and these, his other virtues, quickly ended this war that looked so dangerous, and had himself liked to have been ended by the peace which he brought home, for presuming to be so worthy and so good,

and the envy of so worthless and so bad an emperor. After whose departure, the Roman legions fell to sedition among themselves. Fifteen hundred of them went to Rome in the name of the rest, and were so terrible to Comodus himself, as that to please them, he delivered up to their care, Herenas, the captain of his guard, for having in the British War removed their leaders, who were senators, and in their places put those of the equestrian order. Notwithstanding which compliance, they endeavored here to set up another emperor against him. And Helvius Pertanax, note, post-Christ 186, returned a text.

Who succeeded as governor, found it a work so difficult, to appease them, that once, in a mutiny, he was left for dead among many slain, and though afterwards he severely punished the tumultors, was vain at length to seek a dismission from his charge. After him, Claudius Albinus took the government, but he, for having to the soldiers made an oration against monarchy, by the appointment of Comedus was bid to resign to Junius Severus. Note, post-christ 193, returned to text. But Albinus, in those troublesome times, ensuing under the short reign of Pertanax and Didius Julianus, found means to keep in his hands the government of Britain.

Although Septimius Severus, who next held the empire, sent hither Heraclitus to displace him, but in vain. For albinus, with all the British powers and those of Gaglia, met Severus about Lyon in France, and fought a bloody battle with him for the empire, though he was at last vanquished and slain. The government of Britain, Severus divided between two deputies, Till then one legate was thought sufficient.

The north he committed to various lupus. Where the metai rising in arms and the Caledonians, though they had promised the contrary to Lupus, preparing to defend them, he was so hard beset that he was compelled to buy his peace and a few prisoners with great sums of money. But hearing that Severus had now brought to an end his other wars, he writes him plainly the state of things here,

quote, that the Britons of the North made war upon him, broke into the province, and harassed all the countries neither them, so that there needed suddenly either more aid or the authority of Severus himself in person, unquote. Severus, though now much weakened with age and the gout, yet desirous to leave some memorial of his warlike achievements here, as he had done in other places, and hoping also to withdraw, by this means, his two sons, from the pleasures of Rome, and his soldiers from idleness sets out with a mighty power, and far sooner than could be expected arrives in Britain.

Note, post-Christ 203, returned text. The northern people, much daunted with the report of so great forces brought over with him, and yet more preparing, send ambassadors to treat of peace and to excuse their former doings. The emperor, now loath to return home without some memorable thing done, whereby he might assume to his other titles the edition of Britannicus delays his answer and quickens his preparations. Till in the end, when all things were in readiness to follow them, they are dismissed without effect. His principal care was to have many bridges laid over bogs and rotten moors that his soldiers might have to fight on sure footing.

For it seems, through lack of tillage, the northern parts were then, as Ireland is at this day, and the inhabitants in like manner wanted to retire and defend themselves in such watery places, half-naked. He also, being past Adrian's wall, note, post-Christ 209, returned a text. Cut down woods, made ways through hills, fastened and filled up unsounden plushed fens. Notwithstanding all this industry used, the enemy kept himself so cunningly within his best advantages, and seldom appearing so opportunely found his times to make eruptions upon the romans when they were most in straits and difficulties sometimes training them on with a few cattle turned out and when drawn within ambush cruelly handling them so that many a time when they were enclosed in the midst of sluze and quagmars they chose rather themselves to kill such as were faint and could not shift away than to leave them there a prey to the caledonians thus lost severus and by sickness in those noisome places no less than fifty thousand men and yet desisted not though for weakness carried in a litter till he had marched through with his army to the utmost northern verge of the isle and the britons offering peace

were compelled to lose much of their country which had not before been subject to the Romans. Note, post-Christ 2.10 returned to text. Severus, on the frontiers of what he had firmly conquered, builds a wall across the island from sea to sea, which one author judges the most magnificent of all his other deeds, and that he thence received the style of Britannicus, in length a hundred and thirty-two miles. Erosius adds it fortified, with a deep trench, and between certain spaces many towers or battlements.

The place whereof, some will have to be in Scotland, the same which Lollius Urbicus had well before. Others affirm it only Hadrian's work reedified. Both plead authorities and the ancient track yet visible. But this I leave among the studious of these antiquities to be discussed more at large. While peace held, the Empress Julia meeting on a time certain British ladies and discoursing with the wife of Agenda Coxus, a Caledonian,

cast out a scoff against the looseness of our island women, whose manner then was to use promiscuously the company of diverse men, whom straight the British women boldly thus answered, Much better do we Britons fulfill the work of nature than you Romans. We, with the best men accustomed openly, you, with the basest, commit private adulteries. whether she thought this answer might serve to justify the practice of her country, as when vices are compared the greater seems to justify the less,

or whether the law and custom wherein she was bred had whipped out of her conscience the better dictated nature, and not convinced her of the shame, certain it is that, whereas other nations used a liberty not unnatural, for one man to have many wives, The Britons, altogether as licentious, but more absurd and preposterous in their license, had one or many wives in common among ten or twelve husbands, and those for the most part incestuously.

But no sooner was Severus returned into the province, than the Britons take arms again. Against whom Severus worn out with labours and infirmity sends Antoninus his eldest son, expressly commending him to spare neither sex nor age. But Antoninus, who had his wicked thoughts taken up with the contriving of his father's death, a safer enemy than a son, did the Britons not much detriment, whereat Severus, more overcome with grief than any other malady, ended his life at York. Note, post-Christ 2.11, return to text.

After whose decease, Antoninus Caracalla, his impious son, concluding peace with the Britons, took hostages, and departed to Rome. The conductor of all this northern war, Scottish writers named Donaldus, he of Monmouth, Hougentius, in the rest of his relation, nothing worth. From hence, the Roman Empire declining apace,

good historians growing scarce or lost, have left us little else but fragments for many years ensuing. Under Gordian the Emperor, we find by the inscription of an altar stone, note, post-Christ 259, returned to text. That Nannius Philippus governed here.

Under Gallianus, we read that there was a strong and general revolt from the Roman legate. Of the 30 tyrants, which not long after took upon them the style of emperors, note post-Christ 259, returned to text. By many coins found among us, Lelianus, Victorinus, posthumus, the tetrachi, and Marius, are conjecture to have risen, or borne great's way, in this island. Note, post-Christ 267, returned to text. Prince Porphyrius, a philosopher then living,

said that Britain was a soil fruitful of tyrants, and is noted to be the first author that makes mention of the Scottish nation. While Probus was emperor, Bonifus, the son of a rhetorician, bred up a Spaniard, though by descent, a Briton, and a matchless drinker, nor much to be blamed, if, as they write, he were still wisest in his cups, having attained in warfare to high honors, and lapsely in his charge over the German shipping, willingly as was thought miscarried, trusting on his power with the Western armies, and joined with Proculus, bore himself a while for emperor. But after a long and bloody fight at Cullen, vanquished by Probus, he hanged himself,

and gave occasion of a ready jest made on him for his much drinking. Here hangs a tankard, not a man? After this, Probus, with much wisdom, prevented a new rising here in Britain by the severe loyalty of Victorinus, Amour, and whose entreaty he had placed here that governor which rebelled. Or the emperor upbraiding him with the disloyalty of the man whom he had commended, Victorinus, undertaking to set all right again, hastes thither, and, finding indeed the governor to intend sedition, by some contrivans not

mentioned in the story, slew him, whose name, some imagined to be Cornelius Lelianus. They write also that Probus gave leave to the Spaniards, Gauls, and Britons to plant vines, and to make wine, and, having subdued the vandals and Burgundians in a great battle, sent over many of them hither to inhabit, where they did good service to the Romans, when any insurrection happened in the aisle. After whom Karras, emperor, going against the Persians, left Karyinas, note post-Christ, 280, returned to text, one of his sons, to govern, among other western provinces,

this island, with imperial authority. But him Dioclesian, saluted emperor by the Eastern armies, overcame and slew. About which time, Karausius, note, Post-Christ 284, returned to text. a man of low parentage, born in Monoplia about the parts of cleaves and Jury, who, passing through all military degrees, was made at length admiral of the Belgic and Armoreic seas, then much infested by the Franks and Saxons.

What he took from the pirates, he neither restored to the owners nor accounted for it to the public, but enriched himself therewith, and yet not scouring the seas, but conniving rather at those sea-robbers, he was grown at length too great a delinquent to be less than an emperor. Note, post-Christ 285, returned to text. For fear and guiltiness in those days made emperors often of a merit, and understanding that Maximilianus Hoculius, Dioclesian's adopted son, was come against him into Gaglia, passed over with the navy which he had made his own into Britain and possessed the island.

There, note, post-Christ 286. returned to text. He built a new fleet after the Roman fashion, got into his power the legion that was left there in garrison, and detained there other outlandish cohorts, and listed the very merchants and factors of Gaglia, and with the allurements of spoil, invited great numbers of other barbarous nations to his part, and trained them to the sea service, wherein the Romans at that time were grown so out of skill that Carousius with his navy did it see what he listed, robbing on every coast, whereby Maximilian, being able to come no nearer than the shore of Bologna, was forced to conclude a peace with Carasius and yield him Britain, as one fittest to guard the

province there against inroads from the north. But not long after, note, post-Christ 291, returned to text. Maximilian, having assumed Constantius Chlorus to the dignity of Caesar, sent him against Carousius, who, in the meanwhile, had made himself strong both within the land and without. Galford of Monmouth writes that he made the Picts, his confederates, to whom lately come out of Scythia he gave Albany to dwell in, and it is observed that before his time the Picts are not known to have been anywhere mentioned, and then first by Eumenius, a rhetorician. He repaired and fortified the wall of Severus with seven castles and a roundhouse of smooth stone on the bank of Karen, which river Sathninius was of his name so called. He built also a triumphal arch in

remembrance of some victory there obtained. In France, he held Gessororica or Bologna, and all the Franks, which had by his permission seated themselves in Belgium, were at his devotion. But Constantius, hasting into Gaglia besieges Boulogne, and with stones and timber obstructing the port, keeps out all relief that could be sent in by Carousius, who, Air Constantius, with the great fleet which he had prepared could arrive thither, was slain treacherously, note, post-Christ 292, returned to text, by Electus, one of his friends, who longed to step into his place, when he, during seven years and worthily, as some say, as others, tyrannically, had ruled the island. So much the more did Constantius prosecute that opportunity

before Electus could well strengthen his affairs, and, though in ill weather, putting to sea with all urgency from several havens, to spread the terror of his landing and the doubt were to expect him, in a mist passing the British fleet unseen that lay scouting near the Isle of White, no sooner got ashore, but he fires his own ships to leave no hope of refuge but in victory. electus also though now much dismayed transfers his fortune to a battle on the shore but encountered by asclepiotitus captain of the pretorian bands and desperately rushing on unmindful of ordering his men or bringing them all to fight say the accessories of his treason and his outlandish hirelings is overthrown and slain with little or no loss to the romans but great execution on the francs his body was found almost naked in the field, for the purple robe he had thrown aside, lest it should descry him, unwilling to be found. The rest, taking flight to London, and purposing, with the pillage of

that city to escape by sea, are met by another part of the Roman army, whom the mist at sea disjoining had by chance brought thither, and with a new slaughter chased through all the streets. The Britons, their wives also and children, with great joy went out to meet Constantius, as one whom they acknowledged to be their deliverer from bondage and insolence. All this seems, by the account given of it, by Huminius, who was living at that time, and was of Constantius' household, to have been done in the course of one continued action. So also thinks Sigonius, a learned writer, though all others allow three years to the tyranny of Electus. In these days were great store of workmen and excellent builders in this island,

whom, after the alteration of things here, the Eduans in Burgundy, entertained to build their temples and public edifices. Diocletian, having hitherto successfully used his valour against the enemies of his empire, uses now his rage, in a bloody persecution against his obedient and harmless Christian subjects, from the feeling whereof neither was this island, though most remote, far enough removed. Among them here who suffered gloriously, Aaron and Julius of Keralon upon us, but chiefly Auburn of Verilom, were most renowned. The story of whose martyrdom,

soiled and worse martyred, with the fabling zeal of some idle fanciers more fond of miracles than apprehensive of truth, deserves not longer digression. Constantius, after Diocletian, dividing the empire with Galerius, had Britain among his other provinces, where, either preparing for or returning with, a victory, from an expedition against the Caledonians,

he died at York. Note, post-Christ, 306, returned to text. His son Constantine, who happily came post from Rome to Bologna, just about the time, Sothiuminius that his father was setting sail his last time hither, and not long before his death, was by him on his deathbed named, and after his funeral by the whole army saluted emperor. There goes of fame, and that seconded by most of our own historians, though not those the ancientest,

that Constantine was born in this island, and that his mother Helena was the daughter of Coilus, a British prince. But this Prince Coilus could not surely be Coilis the father of King Lucius, whose sister she must then be, for that would make her be too old by a hundred years to be the mother of Constantine. But to salve this incoherence, another coilus is feigned to be then Earl of Colchester.

To this, therefore, the Roman authors gave no testimony, except a passage or two in the panegyrics, about the sense whereof much is argued. Other writers who lived nearest to those times clear the doubt, and write him certainly born of a mean woman, Helena, the concubine of Constantius, at Nysus in Dardania.

note, post-Christ 307, returned to text. Albeit, ere his departure hence, he seems to have had some bickering in the north, which by reason of more urgent affairs, being amicably composed, he passes into Gaglia, and after four years, returns either to settle or to alter the state of things here, until a new war against Mexentius called him back, leaving Pachetianus his vice-regent. Edie ceasing, Constantine, his eldest son, enjoyed for his part of the empire, with all the provinces that lay on this side of the Alps,

this island also. Note, post-Christ, 340, return to text. But falling to civil war with Constance, his brother, was by him slain, who with his third brother, Constantius, coming into Britain, seized it as victor. Against him rose Magnentius, one of his chief commanders, by some affirmed the son of a Briton,

he, having gained on his side great forces, contested with Constantius in many battles for the sole empire, but vanquished, in the end, slew himself. Note, post-Christ 350, returned to text. Somewhat before this time, Gratianus Funarius, the father of Valentinian, afterwards emperor, had chief command of those armies which the Romans kept here, and the Aryan doctrine, which then divided Christendom, brought also in this island no small disturbance.

A land saith gildas, greedy of everything new, steadfast in nothing. At last, note, post-Christ 359, returned a text. Constantius appointed a synod of more than 400 bishops to assemble at Armenian, at the emperor's charges, which the rest, all refusing, three only of the British, poverty constraining them, accepted, though the other bishops among them offered to have borne their charges, esteeming it more honourable to live on the public than to be obnoxious to any private purse. Doubtless and ingenuous mind, and far above the presbyters of our age, who like well to sit in assembly on the public stipend,

but liked not the poverty that caused these to do so. After this, Martinus was deputed of the province, who being offended with the cruelty which Paulus, an inquisitor, sent from Constantius, exercised in his inquiry after those military officers who had conspired with Magnanthius, was himself laid hold on as an accessory. At which enraged, he runs at Paulus with his drawn sword, but failing to kill him, turns it on himself. next to whom, as may be guessed, Elypius was made deputy. In the meantime, Julian, whom Constantius had made Caesar, having recovered much territory about the Rhine where the German inroads before had long insulted, to relieve those countries most ruined

causes 800 pinnuses to be built, and with them by frequent voyages, plenty of corn to be fetched in from Britain, which even then was the usual bound, of this soil to those parts, as oft as French and Saxon pirates hindered not the transportation. While Constantius yet reigned, the Scots and Picts, breaking upon the northern confines, Julian, being at Paris, sends over Lupisinus, a well-tried soldier, but a proud and covetous man, who, with the power of light-armed Herulians, Batavians, and Myccians, in the midst of winter,

sailing from Bologna, arrives at Ritupi, seated on the opposite shore, and comes to London to consult there about the war, but soon after was recalled by Julian then chosen emperor. Under whom we read not of aught happening here, only that Palladius, one of his great officers, was hither banished. This year, Valentinian being emperor, the Atticots, Picts, and Scots roving up and down, and last the Saxons, with perpetual landings and invasions,

harried the south coast of Britain, slew necteridius, who governed the seaboarders, and Bulcobides with his forces by an ambush. With which news, Valentinian, not a little perplexed, sends first Severus, high steward of his house, and soon recalls him, and then Juvenus, who, intimating the necessity of greatest supplies, he sent at length Theodosius, a man of tried valor and experience, father to the first emperor of that name. he, note, post-Christ 364, returned to text. With selected numbers out of the legions and cohorts, crosses the sea from Bologna to Routupiai,

from whence with the Batavians, Herulians, and other legions that arrived soon after, he marches to London, and dividing his forces into several bodies, sets upon the dispersed and plundering enemy laden with spoil, from whom recovering the booty which they led away, and were forced to leave there with their lives, he restores all to the right owners, save a small portion to his wearied soldiers, and enters London victoriously, which, after having been for some time involved in many straits and difficulties, was now revived as with a great deliverance. The numerous enemy with whom he had to deal was of different nations, and the war scattered,

which the atocious, getting daily some intelligence from fugitives and prisoners, resolves to carry on by sudden parties and surprises rather than by set battles, nor omits he to proclaim indemnity to such as would lay down their arms and accept a peace, which brought in many. Yet all this not ending the work, he requires that civilis, a man of much uprightness, might be sent him to be as deputy of the island, and D'Lchiteus, a famous captain. Thus was the Adosius busied, besetting with ambushes the roving enemy, repressing his inroads, restoring cities and castles to their former safety and defense,

laying everywhere the firm foundation of a long peace, when Valentinus, note, post-Christ 368, returned a text, a Pannonian, or some great offense banished into Britain, conspiring with certain exiles and soldiers against Theodosius, whose worth he dreaded as the only obstacle to his greater design of gaining the isle into his power, is discovered, and with his chief accomplices, delivered over to Condine punishment. Against the rest, theodosius, with a wise lenity, suffered not inquisition to proceed too rigorously, lest the fear thereof are pertaining to so many, occasion might arise of new trouble in a time so unsettled. This done, he applies himself to reform things out of order, raises on the confines

many strongholds, and in them appoints due and diligent watchers, and so reduced all things out of danger that the province which but lately was under the command of the enemy, became now holy Roman, and received the new name of Valentia from Valentinian, and the city of London, that of Augusta. Thus theodosius, nobly acquitting himself in all affairs, with general applause of the whole province, accompanied to the seaside, returns to Valentinian. who about five years after sent hither frau marius a king of the alman's note post-crist three seventy three returned to text with the authority of a tribune over his own country forces which then both for number and good service were in high esteem against grachian who succeeded in the western empire maximus a spaniard and one who had served in the british wars with the younger theodosius for he also either with his father or not long after him seems to have done something in this island and now general of the roman armies here either discontented that theodosius was preferred before him to the empire or constrained by the soldiers who hated grachium assumes the imperial purple

note post-christ three eighty three returned to text and having attained victory against the scots and picts with the flower and strength of britain passes into france there slays gratian and without much difficulty during the space of five years, note, post-Christ 388, returned to text, obtains his part of the empire, but is overthrown at length and slain by Theodosius. With whom perishing most of his followers, or not returning out of Armorica, which Maximus had given them to possess, the south of Britain, by this means exhausted of her youth, and what there was of Roman soldiers on the confines drawn off, became a prey to savage invasions. Note, post-Christ 388, returned to text. Of Scots from the Irish seas, of Saxons from the German, of picks from the north.

Against them first, Chrysanthus, the son of Marcian, a bishop, made deputy of Britain by Theodosius, demeaned himself worthily. Note, post-Christ 389, returned to text. Then Stilicho, a man of great power, whom Theodosius, dying, left protector of his son, Onorius, either came in person or sending over sufficient aid repressed them, and, as it seems, new fortified the wall against them. But that legion being called away, when the Roman armies from all parts hastened to relieve Onarius,

note, post-Christ 402 returned to text. Then besieged in Asta of Piedmont by Alaric the Goth, Britain was left exposed as before to those barbarous robbers. lest any wonder how the Scots came to infest Britain from the Irish Sea, it must be understood that the Scots not many years before had been driven all out of Britain by Maximus, and their king Eugenia slain in fight, as their own annals report, whereby it seems that wandering up and down without any certain seat, they lived by scumming those seas and shores as pirates.

But more authentic writers confirm us that the Scots, whoever they might be originally, came first into Ireland and dwelt there, and named it Scotia long before the north of Britain took that name. Erogius, who lived at this time, writes that Ireland was then inhabited by Scots. About this time, note, post-Christ, 405, returned to text. Though troublesome, Pelagius in Britain found the church, and is largely writ against by St. Austin. But the Roman powers which were called into Italy when once the fear of Alark was over, made return into several provinces, and perhaps Victorinus of Tullo, whom Routilius, the poet much commands, might be then prefect of this island, if it were not he whom Stilico sent hither.

Buchanan writes that, endeavoring to reduce the Picts into a province, he gave the occasion of their calling back for Goosius and the Scots, whom Maximus, with their help, had quite driven out of the island. and indeed the verses of that poet speak him to have been active in those parts. But the time which is assigned him later by Buchanan after Gratianus muniseps, by Camden after Constantine the tyrant, accords not with that which follows in the plain course of history. Note, post-Christ 407, returned to text.

For the Vandals, having broke in and wasted all Belgium, even to those places from whence easiest passages into Britain, the Roman forces here, doubting to be suddenly invaded, were all in uproar, and in tumultuous manner set up Marcus, who, it may seem, was then deputy. But him, not found agreeable to their heady courses, they as hastily kill, for the giddy favour of a mutineing route is as dangerous as their fury. The like they do by Graschen, a British Roman, in four months advanced, adored, and destroyed. there was among them a common soldier whose name was Constantine. With him, on a sudden, so taken they are, upon the conceit put in them of the luckiness in his name, as without other visible merit to create him emperor.

It fortunate that the man had not his name for naught. So well he knew who lay hold and make good use of an unexpected offer. He, therefore, with a weakened spirit to the extent of his fortune, dilating his mind, which, in his mean condition before lay contracted and shrunk up, orders with good advice his military affairs, and with the whole force of the province and what a British was able to bear arms, he passed into France, aspiring at least to an equal share with Honorius in the empire, where by the valor of Eudobicus of Frank and Gerontius of Britain, and partly by persuasion, gaining all in his way, he came to Arles. with like felicity by his son constance whom of a monk he had made a caesar and by the conduct of gerontius he reduces all spain to his obedience

but constans after this displacing gerontius the affairs of constantine soon went to wreck for he by this means alienated set up maximus one of his friends against him in spain note post-christ four hundred nine return to text and passing into france took vienna by assault and having slain constance in that city calls on the vandals against constantine who by him incited breaking forward overrun most part of france but when constantius comtes the emperor's general with a strong power came out of italy gerontius deserted by his own forces retires into spain where also growing into contempt with the soldiers after his flight out of france by whom is how house in the night was beset, having first with a few of his servants defended himself valiantly and slain above three hundred, though when his darts and other weapons were spent he might have escaped at a private door as all his servants did, not enduring to leave his wife non-nicia, whom he loved to the violence of an enraged crew, he first cuts off the head of his friend Alanis, as was agreed. Next, his wife, though loath and delaying yet by her entreated and

importuned, refusing to outlive her husband, he dispatches. For which her resolution, Sozomenas, an ecclesiastic writer, gives her high praise, both as a wife and as a Christian. Last of all, against himself, he turns his sword, but missing the mortal place, with his poniard, finishes the work. Thus far is pursued the story of a famous Britain, related negligently by our other historians. As for Constantine, his ending was not answerable to his setting out, for he with his other son Julian, being besieged by Constantius in Arro,

and mistrusting the change of his wanted success, to save his head poorly turns priest. But that not availing him is carried into Italy and there put to death, having four years acted the emperor. While these things were doing, the Britons at home, destitute of Roman aid and the chief strength of their own youth, that went first with Maximus, then with Constantine, not returning home, vexed and harassed where their wanted enemies, had sent messages to Honorius. But he, at that time, not being able

to defend Rome itself, which in the same year was taken by Alaric, advises them by his letter to consult how best they might provide for their own safety, and acquits them of the Roman jurisdiction. They, therefore, thus relinquished, and by all right the government relapsing into their own hands, thenceforth betook themselves to live after their own laws, defending their bounds as well as they were able, and the Armoricans, who not long after were called to Britons of France, followed their example. Thus expired this great empire of the Romans,

first in Britain, and soon after, in Italy itself, having borne chiefsway in this island, though never thoroughly subdued, or all at once in subjection, if we reckon from the coming in of Julius Caesar, to the taking of Rome by Allerick, in which year Honorius wrote those letters of discharge into written, for the space of 462 years, and with the empire fell also what before in this Western world was chiefly Roman, learning, valor, eloquence, history, civility, and even language itself, all these together, as it were, with equal pace, diminishing and decay.

henceforth we are to steer by another sort of authors near enough in situation to the things they write of as they happened in their own country if that would serve and in time not much related some of them being of equal age but in expression barbarous and to say how judicious i suspend a while this we must expect in civil matters to find them dubious relators and still to the best advantage of what they term holy church meaning indeed themselves, in most other matters of religion, blind, astonished, and struck with superstition as with a planet, in one word, monks. Yet these guides, where it can be had no better, must be followed. In gross, it may be true enough. In circumstances, every reader, as his judgment guides him, may reserve his faith or bestow it. But so different a state of things requires a several relation. End of the second book of the History of Britain by John Milton.

Recording by Thomas Copeland. The third book of the History of Britain by John Milton. This Librevox recording is in the public domain. Recording by Thomas Copland. The third book. This third book, having to tell of accidents as various and exemplary as the intermission or change of a government hath anywhere brought for, may deserve attention more than common, and repay it with like benefit to them who can judiciously read,

considering especially that the late civil broils here in England had cast us into a condition not much unlike to what the Britons then were in when the imperial jurisdiction, departing hence, left them to the sway of their own councils, which times, by comparing seriously with these latter, and that confusive anarchy with this interrain, we may be able, from such two remarkable turns of state, producing like effects about us, to raise a knowledge of ourselves both great and weighty, by judging hence what kind of men the Britons generally are in matters of so high enterprise, how by nature, industry, or custom fitted to attempt or undergo matters of so main consequence? Or, if it be a high point of wisdom

in every private man, much more is it in a nation, to know itself, rather than, puffed up with vulgar flatteries and etcomiums for want of self-knowledge, to enterprise rashly and come off miserably in great undertakings. Note, the following paragraphs marked with inverted commas have been omitted in all the former editions of our author's history of Britain, except that published in the collection of his works, 1738, second voluble, in folio, and the subsequent edition in quarto. Return to text. Of those who swayed most in the late troubles, few words as to this point may suffice.

They had arms, leaders, and successes to their wish, but to make use of so great an advantage was not their skill. To other causes, therefore, and not to the want of force or warlike manhood in the Britons, both those and these lately, we must impute to the ill-huders. of those fair opportunities, which might seem to have put liberty so long desired like a bride into their hands, of which other causes, equally belonging to ruler, priests, and people, above have been related, which, as they brought those ancient natives to misery and ruin, by liberty, which rightly used might have made them happy, so brought they these of late, after many labors, much bloodshed and vast expense,

to ridiculous frustration, in whom the like defects, the like miscarriages notoriously appeared, with vices not less hateful or inexcusable. For a Parliament being called to redress many things, as it was thought, the people, with great courage and expectation to be eased of what discontented them, chose to their behoof in Parliament, such as they thought to be best affected to the public good, and some indeed men of wisdom and integrity. The rest, to be sure, the greater part, whom wealth or ample possessions or bold and active ambition

rather than merit had commended to the same place. But when once the superficial zeal and popular fumes that actuated their new magistracy were cooled and spent in them, straight everyone betook himself, setting the Commonwealth behind and his private ends before, to do as his own profit or ambition led him. Then was justice delayed, and soon after denied. Spite and favor determined all.

Hence faction, thence treachery, both at home and in the field. Everywhere wrong and oppression, foul and horrid deeds committed daily, or maintained in secret or in open. Some who had been called from shops and warehouses, without other merit, to sit in supreme councils of committees, as their breeding was, fell to Huxter the Commonwealth. Others did thereafter as men could soothe and humor them best, so he who would give most, or undercovered a hypocritical zeal, insinuate basest, enjoyed unworthily the rewards of learning and fidelity, or escaped the punishment of his crimes and misdeeds.

Their votes and ordinances, which men looked should have contained the repealing or bad, laws and the immediate constitution of better, resounded with nothing else but new imposition, taxes, excises, yearly, monthly, weekly, not to reckon the officers, gifts, and preferments bestowed and shared among themselves. They, in the meanwhile, who were ever faithfulest to this cause, and freely aided them in person or with their substance, when they durst not compel, either, were slighted and bereaved after of their just debts by greedy sequestrations, and were tossed up and down after miserable attendance from one committee to another with petitions in their hands, yet either missed the obtaining of their suit, or, though it were at length granted,

mere shame and reason oftentimes extorting from them at least a show of justice, yet by their sequestrators and subcommittees abroad, men for the most part of insatiable hands and note of disloyalty, those orders were commonly disobeyed, which for certain durst not have been without secret compliance, if not compact, with some superiors able to bear them out. Thus were their friends confiscate in their enemies, while they forfeited their debtors to the state, as they called it, but indeed to the ravening. seizure of innumerable thieves in office, yet were withal no less burdened in all extraordinary assessments and oppressions than those whom they took to be disaffected. Nor were we happier

creditors to what we call the state than to them who were sequestered as the state's enemies. For that faith which ought to have been kept as sacred and inviolable as anything holy, namely the public faith, after infinite sums received, and all the wealth of the church, not better employed but swallowed up into a private gulf, was not ere long ashamed to confess bankrupt. And now, besides the sweetness of bribery and other gain, with the love of rule, their own guiltiness, and the dreaded name of just account, which the people had long called for, discovered plainly that there were of their own number who secretly contrived and fomented those troubles

and combustions in the land which openly they sat to remedy, and would continually find such work as should keep them from being ever brought to that terrible stand of laying down their authority for lack of new business, or not drawing it out to any length of time, though upon the ruin of a whole nation. And if the state were in this plight, religion was not in much better, to reform which a certain number of divines were called, who were neither chosen by any rule or custom ecclesiastical, nor eminent for either piety or knowledge above others who were left out, only as each member of Parliament in his private fancy thought fit, so were they elected one by one. The most part of them were such as it preached and cried down with great show of zeal,

the avarice and pluralities of bishops and prelates, declaring that, one cure of souls was a full employment for one spiritual pastor, how able soever, if not a charge rather above human strength. Yet these conscientious men, ere any part of the work was done for which they came together, and that on the public salary, wanted not boldness, to the ignominion scandal of their pastor-like profession, and especially of their boasted Reformation to seize into their hands or not unwillingly to accept. Besides one, sometimes two or more, the best livings, collegiate masterships in the universities, and rich lectures in the city, setting sail to all winds that might blow gain into their covetous bosoms. By which means,

these great rebukers of non-residents, among so many distant cures, were not ashamed to be seen so quickly pluralists and non-residents themselves, to a fearful condemnation doubtless by their own mouths. And yet the main doctrine for which they took such pay and insisted upon with more rejuvents than gospel was but to tell us in effect that their doctrine was worth nothing, and the spiritual power of their ministry less available than bodily compulsion, persuading the magistrate to use it as a stronger means to subdue and bring in conscience than evangelical persuasion, distrusting the virtue of their own spiritual weapons which were given them, if they be rightly called, with full warrant of sufficiency, to pull down all thoughts and imaginations that exalt themselves against God.

But while they taught compulsion without convincement, which not long before they complained of, as executed unchristianly against themselves. These intents are clear to have been no better than anti-Christian, setting up a spiritual tyranny by a secular power to the advancing of their own authority above the magistrate, whom they would have made their executioner to punish church delinquencies, whereof civil laws have no cognizance.

And well did their disciples manifest themselves, to be no better principle than their teachers, trusted with committeyships and other gainful offices upon their commendations for zealous, and as they stick not to term them godly men. But executing their places like children of the devil, unfaithfully, unjustly, unmercifully, and were not corruptly, stupidly. So that between them the teachers and these the disciples, there hath not been a more ignominious and mortal wound of faith, to piety, to the work of reformation,

nor more cause of blaspheming given to the enemies of God and truth since the first preaching of Reformation. The people, therefore, looking one while on the statists, whom they beheld without constancy or firmness, laboring doubtfully beneath the weight of their own too high undertakings, busiest in petty things, trifling in the main, deluded and quite alienated, expressed in diverse ways their designers, affection, some despising those persons who before they had honored, some deserting, some invaying,

some conspiring against them. Then, looking on the churchmen, whom they saw under subtle hypocrisy to have preached their own follies most of them, not the gospel, and to be time-servers, covetous, illiterate, persecutors, not lovers of the truth, and to be like their predecessors in most of the vices whereof they had accused them. Looking on all this, the people, which had been kept warm, a while in the counterfeit zeal of their pulpits, after a false heat became more cold and obdurate than before, some turning to lewdness, some to flat atheism,

put beside their old religion, and foully scandalized in what they expected should be the new. Thus they who of late were extolled as our greatest deliverers, and had the people wholly at their devotion, by so discharging their trust as we see, did not only weaken and unfit themselves to be dispensers of what liberty they pretended, but unfitted also the people, now grown worse and more disordinent, to receive or to digest any liberty at all. For stories teach us that liberty sought out of season, in a corrupt and degenerate age, brought Rome itself to a farther slavery.

For liberty have a sharp and double edge, fit only to be handled by just and virtuous men. To the bad and dissolute, it becomes a mischief, unwieldy, in their own hands. Neither is it completely given but by them who have the happy skill to know what is grievance and unjust to a people, and how to remove it wisely, what good laws are wanting, and how to frame them substantially.

that good men may enjoy the freedom which they merit, and the bad feel the curb which they need. But to do this, and to know these exquisite proportions, the heroic wisdom which is required surmounted far the principles of these narrow politicians. What wonder then was it if they sunk, as these unfortunate Britons had done before them, and tangled and oppressed with things too hard and generous above their strain and temper. For Britain, to speak a truth not often spoken, as it is a land fruitful enough of men stout and courageous in war, so it is naturally not over-fertile of men able to govern justly and prudently in peace, trusting only in their own mother wit, who consider not justly that civility, prudence, love of the public good more than of money or vain honor are to this soil

in a manner outlandish. Grow not here, but in minds well implanted with solid and elaborate greeting, to impolitic else and rude, if not headstrong and intractable to the industry and virtue, either of executing or understanding true civil government. Valiant indeed and prosperous to win a field, but to know the end and reason of winning, unjudicious and unwise, in good or bad success alike, unteachers.

For the sun which we want ripens wits as well as fruits, And as wine and oil are imported to us from abroad, So must ripe understanding, and many civil virtues be imported into our minds From foreign writings and examples of best ages. We shall else miscarry still, and come short in the attempts of any great enterprise. Hence did their victories prove as fruitless, as their losses dangerous, and left them, though still conquering, under the same grievances that men suffer when they are conquered, which was indeed unlikely to go otherwise, unless

men, more than vulgar, read up as few of them were, in the knowledge of ancient and illustrious deeds, invincible against many and vain titles, and free from partiality to friendships and relations, had conducted their affairs. But in the late times, from the late times, from the Chapman to the retailer, many whose ignorance was more audacious than the rest, were admitted with all their sordid rudiments to bear no mean sway among them, both in church and state. From the confluence of all their errors, mischiefs, and misdemeanors, what in the eyes of man could be expected but what befell those ancient inhabitants whom they so much resemble, confusion in the end.

But on these things, and this parallel, having enough insisted, I returned to the story which gave us the matter of this digression. The Britons thus, as we heard, being left without protection from the empire, and the land in a manner emptied of all her youth, consumed in wars abroad or not caring to return home, and those who remained in the island being, through long subjection, grown survive, in mind, slothful of body, and with the use of arms unacquainted, sustained but ill for many years the violence of those barbarous invaders who now daily grew upon them. For although, at first,

greedy of change and to be thought the leading nation to freedom from the Roman Empire, they seemed a while to bestir themselves with a show of diligence in their new affairs, some secretly aspiring to rule, others adoring the name of liberty, yet so soon as they felt by proof the weight of what it was to govern well themselves and what was wanting within them not stomach or the love of license but the wisdom the virtue the labor to use and maintain true liberty they soon remitted their heat and shrunk more wretchedly under the burden of their own liberty than before under a foreign yoke in so much that the residue of those romans which had planted themselves here despairing of their ill deportment at home and weak resistance in the field by those few who had the courage or the strength to bear arms nine years after the sacking of rome we moved out of britain into france note post christ four eighteen returned a text hiding for haste great part of their treasure which was never after found and now again the britons no longer able to support themselves against the prevailing enemy solicit honorius to their aid note post christ four twenty two returned to text

with mournful letters embassies and vows of perpetual subjection to rome if the northern foe were but repulsed he at their request spares them one legion which with great slaughter of the scots and picts drove them beyond the borders rescued the bruce Britons, and advised them to build a wall across the island between sea and sea, from the place where Edinburgh now stands to the frith of Dunbritten, by the city of Alcliffe. But the material, being only turf, and by the rude multitude unartificially built up without better direction, availed than little. Note, post-Christ 423, returned to text. When no sooner was the Legion departed, but greedy spoilers, returning, land in great numbers from their boats and pinnuses, wasting, slaying, and treading down all before them. Then our messengers again boasted to Rome in lamentable sort,

beseeching that they would not suffer a whole province to be destroyed, and the Roman name so honorable yet among them to become the subject of barbarian scorn and instruments. The emperor, at their sad complaint with what speed was possible, sends to their succor, who, coming suddenly on those ravenous multitudes that minded only spoil, surprised them with terrible slaughter. They who escaped, fled back to those seas from whence yearly they were what to arrive, and returned laden with booties. But the Romans who came not now to rule, but charitably to aid, declaring that it stood not longer with the ease of their affairs to make such laborious voyages in pursuit of so base and vagabond robbers, of whom neither glory was to be got nor gained, exhorted them to manage their own warfare,

and to defend, like men, their country, their wives, their children, and what was to be dearer than life, their liberty, against an enemy not stronger than themselves, if their own sloth and cowardice had not made them so, if they would but only find hands to grasp defensive arms, rather than basely stretch them out to receive bonds. They gave them also their help to build a new wall, not of earth as the former but of stone, both at the public cost and by particular contributions, traversing the aisle in a direct line from east to west,

between certain cities placed there as frontiers to bear off the enemy, where Severus had walled once before. They raised it twelve foot high and eight broad, along the south shore, because from thence also like hostility was few, they placed towers by the seaside at certain distances or safety of the coast. Withal, they instruct them in the art of war, leaving patterns of the arms and weapons behind them, and with animating words and many lessons of valor to a faint-hearted audience, bid them finally farewell without purpose to return. And these two friendly expeditions, the last of any hither by the Romans, were performed, as may be gathered out of Bida and Diocanus,

the two last years of Anorius. Their leader, as some modernly right, was Gallio of Ravenna. Eucannon, who departs not much from the fables of his predecessor of Uythias, names him Maximianus, and brings against him to this battle, Fergus, king of Scots, after their second supposed coming into Scotland, Durstus, king of Picts, both their slain, and Dioneth an imaginary king of Britain, or Duke of Cornwall, who improbably sided with them against his own country, hardly escaping.

With no less exactness of particular circumstances, he takes upon him to relate all those tumultuary inroads of the Scots and Picts into Britain, as if they had but yesterday happened, their order of battle, manner of fight, number of slain, articles of peace. things where Gildas and Beda are utterly silent, authors to whom the Scotch writers have none to sight comparable in antiquity, no more therefore to be believed for bare assertions, however quaintly dressed, than our Geoffrey of Monmouth when he varies most from authentic story.

But either the inbred vanity of some, in that respect, unworthily called historians, or the fond zeal of praising their nations above treasurer, truth hath so far transported them that where they find nothing faithfully to relate, they fall confidently to invent what they think may either best set off their history or magnify their country. The Scotson Picts, in manners differing somewhat from each other, but still unanimous, to rob and spoil, hearing that the Romans intended not to return from their gorochs or leathern frigates, pour out themselves in swarms upon the land, more confident than ever. And from the north end of the

aisle to the very wall's side, then first took possession as inhabitants, while the Britons, with idle weapons in their hands, stand trembling on the battlements, till the half-naked barbarians, with their long and formidable iron hooks, pull them down headlong. The rest, not only quitting the wall, but towns and cities, leave them to the bloody pursuers. who follows, killing, wasting, and destroying all in his way. From these confusions arose a famine, and from thence discord and civil commotion among the Britons, each man living by what he robbed or took violently from his neighbor. When all stores were consumed and spent where men inhabited, they betook them to the woods

and lived by hunting, which was their only sustainment. To the heaps of these evils from without were added new divisions within the church. For Agricola, the son of Severianus, a Pelagian bishop, had spread his doctrine wide among the Britons, but not uninfected before. The sounder part, neither willing to embrace his opinion to the overthrow of divine grace, nor able to refute him, crave assistance from the churches of France, who send them Germanus, bishop of Oxer, and Lupus, bishop of Trois. They, by continual preaching in churches, note, post-Christ 426, returned to text, in streets, in fields, and not without miracles, as is written, confirmed some, regained others, and at Verilam, in a public

disputation put to silence their chief adversaries. This reformation in the church was believed to be the cause of their success a while after in the field. For the Saxons and Picts with joint force. Note, post-Christ 4.30 returned a text. Which was no new thing before the Saxons, at least, had any dwelling in this island, during the abode of Germanus here had made a strong impression from the north. The Britons marching out against them, and mistrusting their own power, sent to Germanus and his colleague, reposing more in the spiritual strength of those two men than of their own thousands on. They can't. and their presence in the camp was not less than if a whole army had come to second them.

It was then the time of Lent, and the people, instructed by the daily sermons of these two pastors, came flocking to receive baptism. There was a place in the camp set apart as a church, and tricked up with bows upon Easter Day. The enemy, understanding this, and that the Britons were taken up with religious ceremonies more than with feet, of arms, advances after the pascal feast as to a certain victory. German, who also had intelligence of their approach, undertakes to be captain that day, and riding out with selected troops to discover what advantages the place might offer, lights on a valley compassed about with hills, by which the enemy was to pass, and placing there his ambush, warns them that

what word they heard him pronounce aloud the same they should repeat with universal shout the enemy passes on securely and german thrice aloud cries hallelujah which answered by the soldiers with a sudden burst of clamour is from the hills and valleys redoubled the saxons and picts on a sudden supposing at the noise of a huge host throw themselves into flight casting down their arms and great numbers of them are drowned in the river which they had newly passed. This victory thus won without hands, left to the Britain's plenty of spoil, and the person and the preaching of German greater authority and reverence than before. And the exploit might pass for current, if Constantius, the writer of his life in the next age, had resolved us how the British army came to want baptizing. For of any paganism at that time, or long before in the land, we read not, or that Pelagianism was re-baptized. The place of this victory, as is reported, was in Flintshire, by a town called Guitkirk

and the River Allen, where a field retains the name of Mays German to this day. But so soon as German was returned home, note post-Christ of 431, returned a text. The Scots and Picts, though now so many, many of them Christians that the Ladyus a deacon was ordained and sent by Salistine the Pope to be a bishop over them, were not so well reclaimed, or not so many of them, as to cease from doing mischief to their neighbours, where they found no impediment of their falling in yearly as they were once. They therefore, of the Britons who perhaps were not yet wholly ruined, in the strongest and southwest parts of the Isle,

note, post-Christ four 46, returned a text. send letters to Etyos. Then, for the third time, consul of Rome, With this superscription, To Eteus, thrice consul, the groans of the Britons. And after a few words, thus, The barbarians drive us to the sea. The sea drives us back to the barbarians.

Thus bandied up and down between two deaths, we perish either by the sword or by the sea. But the empire, at that time overspers, spread with huns and vandals, was not in a condition to lend them aid. Thus, rejected and wearied out with continual flying from place to place, but more afflicted with famine, which then grew outrageous among them, many for hunger yielded to the enemy. Others, either more resolute or less exposed to wants, keeping within woods and mountainous places, not only defended themselves, but sallying out at length gave a stop to the insulting foe, with many seasonable defeats,

led by some eminent person as may be thought, who exhorted them not to trust in their own strength, but in divine assistance. And perhaps no other assistance is here meant than the foresaid deliverance by German, if computation would permit, which gild us either not much regarded or might mistake. But that he tarried so long here the writers of his life assent not, end of part one of the third book of the history of britain by john milton reporting by thomas coplott book two of the history of britain by john milton this librivox recording is in the public domain recording by thomas coppulet finding therefore such opposition the scots and irish robbers for so they are indifferently termed without delay get them home the picts as before was mentioned then first began to settle in the utmost parts of the island, using now and then to make inroads upon the Britons. But they, in the

meanwhile, thus rid of their enemies, begin afresh to till the ground, which, after cessation, yields her fruit in such abundance as had not formerly been known for many ages. But wantonness and luxury, the wanted companions of plenty grow up as fast, and with them, if Gildas deserve belief, all other vices incident to human corruption. That would be a woman, that would which he notes especially to be the chief of perverting of all good in the land, and so continued in his days, was the hatred of truth, and all such as durst appear to vindicate and maintain it. Against them, as against the only disturbers, all the malice of the land was bent. Lies and falsities, and such as could best invent them, were only in request. Evil was embraced for good, wickedness, honored and esteemed as first. virtue, and this quality their valor had, against a foreign enemy to be ever backward and heartless, to civil broils, eager and prompt, in matters of government, and the search of truth, weak and shallow, in falsehood and wicked deeds pregnant and industrious, pleasing to God

or not pleasing with them weighed alike, and the worst most an end was the weightier. All things were done contrary to public welfare and safety. nor only by secular men, for the clergy also, whose example should have guided others, were as vicious and corrupt. Many of them besotted with continual drunkenness or swole with pride and willfulness, full of contention, full of envy, indiscreet, incompetent judges to determine what in the practice of life is good or evil, what lawful or unlawful. Thus furnished with judgment, and for manners thus qualified, both, both priests and laymen, they agree to choose them several kings of their own, as near as might be like us themselves,

and the words of my author import as much. Kings were anointed, saithee, not of God's anointing, but such as were cruelest, and soon after, as inconsiderately, without examining the truth, put to death by their anointers, to set up others more fierce and proud. As for the election of their kings, and that they had not all one monarch appears both in ages past and by the sequel, it began, as nigh as may be guessed, either this year, note, post-Christ 447, returned to text, or the following, when they saw the Romans had quite deserted their claim. About which time, also Pelagianism again prevailing by means of some few,

the British clergy too weak, it seems, at dispute, and treat the second time Germanus to their assistance. Who, coming with Severus, a disciple of Lupus, that was his former associate, stands not now to argue, for the people generally continued fright, but inquiring those authors of new disturbance, adjudges them to banishment. They, therefore, by consent of all, were delivered to Germanus, who carrying them over with him, note, post-Christ, 448, returned a text, disposed of them in such place where neither they could infect others and were themselves under cure of better instruction. But Germanus the same year died in Italy,

and the Britons not long after found themselves again in much perplexity, with no slight rumor that their old troublers the Scotson Picts had prepared a strong invasion purposing to kill all, and dwell themselves in the land from end to end. But ere they're coming in, as if the instruments of divine justice had been at strife, which of them first should destroy a wicked nation, the pestilence, for stalling the sword, left scarce enough of them alive to bury the dead, and for that time, as one extremity keeps off another, preserved the land from a worse encumbrance of those barbarous dispossessors whom the contagion gave not leave now to enter far. And yet, the Britons, nothing bettered by these heavy judgments, the one threatened, the other felt,

instead of acknowledging the hand of heaven, run to the palace of their king Vortigern with complaints and cries of what they suddenly feared from the Pictish invasion. Vortigern, who at that time was chief rather than sole king, unless the rest had perhaps left their dominions to the common enemy, is said by him of Monmouth to have procured the death first of Constantine then of Constance his son, who of a monk was made king,

and by that means to have usurped the crown. But they who can remember how Constantine, with his son Constance, the monk, the one-made emperor of the other Caesar, perished in France, may discern the simple fraud of this fable. but vortigerne however he may have come to reign is deciphered by truer stories as a proud unfortunate tyrant and yet is said to have been much beloved of the people because his vices sorted so well with theirs for neither was he skilled in war nor wise in counsel but covetous lustful and furious and prone to all vice wasting the public treasuring gluttony and riot careless of the common danger and through

a haughty ignorance, unapprehensive of his own. Nevertheless, importuned and awakened at length by unusual clamors of the people, he summons a general counsel to provide some better means than heretofore had been used against these continual annoyances from the north, wherein, by advice of all, it was determined that the Saxons should be invited into Britain against the Scots and Pates, whose breaking in they either shortly expected or already found they had not strength enough to oppose. The Saxons were a barbarous and heathen nation, famous for nothing else but robberies and cruelties done to all their neighboring, both by sea and land, in particular to this island. Witness that military force, which the Roman emperor is maintained here purposely against them,

under a special commander whose title, as is found on good record, was Count of the Saxon, and shore in Britain, and the many mischiefs done by their landing here, both alone and with the pigs, as above had been related, witness as much. There were a people thought by good writers to be descended of the Sakai, a kind of Scythians in the north of Asia, and two have been thence called Saccasums, or sons of the Sakai, who, with the flood of other northern nations, came into Europe toward the declining of the Roman Empire, and using piracy from Denmark all along these seas, possessed at length by intrusion all that coast of Germany and the Netherlands, which took thence the name of Old Saxony, lying between the Rhine and El, and from thence north as far as Edora,

the river-bounding Halcation, though not so firmly or so largely, but that their multitude wandered yet uncertain of an habitation. Such guests as these, the Britons resolve now to send for, and entreat into their houses and possessions, et whose very name heretofore they trembled afar off. So much do men, through impatience, count ever that the heaviest, which they bear at present, and to remove the evil which they suffer, care not though they act in such a manner as to pull on a greater, as if variety and change in evil also were acceptable. or whether it be that men in the despair of better imagine fondly a kind of refuge in a change from one misery to another.

The Britons, therefore, with Bordajourn, who was then accounted king over them all, resolve in full counsel to send ambassadors of their choicest men with great gifts, and, said the Saxon writer in these words, desiring their aid. Quote, Worthy Saxons, hearing the fame of your praise, prowess, the distressed Britons wearied out and overpressed by a continual invading enemy, have sent us to beseech your aid. They have a land fertile and spacious, which to your commands they bid us surrender. Herefore we have lived with freedom under the obedience and protection of the Roman Empire. Next to them, we know none worthier than yourselves, and therefore

become suppliance to your valor. Leave us not be loved. our present enemies, and to ought by you imposed, willingly we shall submit." Unquote. Yet Ethelward writes not that they promised subjection, but only amity and league. They, therefore, who had chief rule among them, hearing themselves entreated by the Britons, to that which gladly they would have wished to obtain of them by entreating, to the British embassy return this answer. quote, be assured henceforth of the Saxons as of faithful friends to the Britons,

no less ready to stand by them in their need than in their best of fortune, unquote. The ambassadors returned joyful, and with news as welcome to their country, whose sinister fate had now blinded them for destruction. The Saxons, insulting first their gods, will they head answer that the land where to they went. They should hold three hundred years, half that time conquering and half quietly possessing, furnish out three long galleys or quills

with a chosen company of warlike youth under the conduct of two brothers, Penghis and Horsop, descended in the fourth degree from Woden, from whom deified for the fame of his acts, most kings of those nations derived their pedigree. agree. These, and either mixed with these or soon after by themselves, two other tribes or neighboring people called Jutes and Angles, the one from Jutland, the other from Anglan, by the city of Sleiswick,

both provinces of Denmark, arrive in the first year of Martin, the Greek Emperor, from the birth of Christ 450 years, received with much goodwill of the people first, then of the king, who, after some assurances given and taken bestows on them the island of Tenet, where they first landed, hoping they might be made hereby more eager against the Picts when they fought as for their own country, and more loyal to the Britons from whom they had received a place to dwelling, which before they wanted. The British Neneas writes that these brethren were driven into exile out of Germany, and to Bortigerne, who reigned in much fear, one while of the Picts, then of the Romans and Ambrosius, came opportunely into the haven. For it was the custom in Old Saxony, when their numerous offspring overflowed the narrowness of their bounds, to send them out by a lot into new dwellings, wherever they found room, either vacant or to be fought.

But whether sought or unsought, they dwelt not here long without employment. for the Scots and Picts were now come down, some say, as far as Stamford in Lincolnshire, whom, perhaps not imagining to meet new opposition, the Saxons, though not till after a sharp encounter, put to flight, and that more than once, slaying in fight, as some Scotsch writers affirm, their king, Eugenius, the son of Fergus. Hengist, perceiving the island to be rich and fruitful, but are princes and other inhabitants to be given to vicious ease, sends word home inviting others to a share of his good success, who, returning with seventeen ships, were grown up now to a sufficient army,

and entertained without suspicion on these terms that they, quote, should bear the brunt of war against the Picts, receiving a stipend and some place to inhabit. With these was brought over the daughter of Hengist, a virgin wondrous fair, as is reported, Rowan, the British called her. She, by commandment of her father, who had invited the king to a banquet, coming in presence with a bowl of wine to welcome him and to attend on his cup till the feast ended, won so much upon his fancy, though already wives, as to induce him to demand her in marriage upon any conditions. Hengist at first, though it fell out perhaps according to his drift, held off, excusing his meanness, then obscurely intimating a desire and almost a necessity,

by reason of his augmented numbers, to have his narrow bounds of tannot enlarged to the circuit of Kent, had it straight by donation, though Guaronganus till then was king of their place, and so, as it were, overcome by the great munificence of Ortejan, gave him his daughter. and still encroaching on the king's favour got further leave to all over octa and ebessa his own and his brother's son pretending that they if the north were given them would sit there as a continual defence against the scots while himself guarded the east they therefore sailing with forty ships even to the orchides and every way curbing the scots and picks possessed that part of the is now northumberland notwithstanding this they complained that their monthly pay was grown much into a rear which when the britons found means to satisfy though alleging withal that they to whom promise was made of wages were nothing so many in number quieted with this a while but still seeking occasion to fall off they find fault next that their pay is too small for the danger they undergo threatening open war unless it be augmented wartimer of the king's son perceiving his father and the kingdom thus betrayed from that time bends his utmost endeavour to drive them out they on the other side making lead with the picts and scots and issuing out of kent wasted without resistant

almost the whole land even to the western sea with such a horrid devastation that towns and colonies overturned priests and people slain temples and palaces but with white fire and sword lay altogether heaped in one mixed ruin of all which multitude so great was the sinfulness that brought this upon them gildes adds that few or none were likely to be other than lewd and wicked persons the resid The residue of these, part overtaken in the mountains, were slain. Others subdued with hunger preferred slavery before instant death. Some, getting to rocks, hills, and woods inaccessible, preferred the fear and danger of any death before the shame of a secure slavery. Many fled overseas into other countries, some into Holland, where yet remains the ruins of Brittenberg, an old castle on the sea,

to be seen at low water not far from Leiden, either built as writers of their own affirm, or seized on by those Britons in their escape from Hengist. Others into Armorica, peopled as something with Britons long before, either by gift of Constantine the Great or else of Maximus to those British forces which had served them in foreign wars,

to whom those also that miscarried not with the latter Constantine at Arle. And lastly, these exiles driven out by Saxons fled for refuge. But the ancient chronicles of those provinces attest their coming thither to be then first when they fled from the Saxons. And indeed the name of Britain in France is not read till after that time. Yet how, a sort of fugitives, who had quitted without stroke their own country, should so soon win another, appears not unless joined to some party of their own settled there before. Vortigerne, nothing bettered by these calamities, grew at last so obdurate as to commit incest with his daughter,

tempted, or tempting him out of an ambition to the crown, for which being censured and condemned in a great synod of clerks and laics, partly for fear of the Saxons, according to the council of his peers, he retired into Wales, and built him there a strong castle at Radnyshire, by the advice of Ambrosius, a young prophet whom others called Merlin. Nevertheless, Faustus, who was the son, thus incestuously begotten, under the instructions of German, or some of his disciples where German was dead before, proved a religious man and lived in devotion by the River Remnes in Gwamorkshire. but the Saxons, though finding it so easy to subdue the Isle, with most of their forces, uncertain for what cause, returned home, whereas the easiness of their conquest might seem rather likely to have called in more, which makes more probable that which the British right of Portimer, for he, coming to reign instead of his father, deposed for incest, is said to have thrice driven and besieged the Saxons in the Isle of Tannet, and when the issue of shoot out with powerful supplies sent from Saxony, to have fought with them four other battles,

where of three are named. The first, on the river Darwin, the second at Episford, where in Horsa, the brother of Hengis fell, and on the British part, Catejourn, the other son of Orhagen. The third, in a field by Stonar, then called Lapis Tituli in Tannet, where he beat them into their ships that bore them home glad to have so escaped, and not venturing to land again for five years after. In the space whereof, Gortimer, dying, commanded that they should bury him in the port of Stonar, persuaded that his bones lying there would be terror enough to keep the Saxons from ever landing in that place. But they, Seth Neneas, neglecting his command, buried him in Lincoln. But concerning these times, the ancientest annals of the Saxons, relate in the

this manner. In the year 455, Hengist and Horsa fought against Vortigern in a place called Eglestri, now Easeford in Kent, where Horsa lost his life, of whom Horstead the place of his burial took its name. After this first battle in the death of his brother, Hengist, with his son Aska, took on him kingly title, and peopled Kent with Jews, who also then, or not long after, but Possessed the Isle of White and part of Hampshire lying opposite. Two years after, in a fight at Creggensford or Crawford. Note, post-Christ, 457, returned to text. Hengist and his son slew of the Britain's four chief commanders,

and his many thousand men. The rest, in great disorder, flying to London, with the total loss of Kent. And eight years passing between, note, post-Christreast 45, returned to text. He made new war on the British, and he made new war in the British. of whom, in a battle at Whippetsfleur, twelve princes were slain, and Whippet the Saxon Earl, who left his name to that place, though not sufficient to direct us where it now stands.

His last encounter was at a place not mentioned. Note, post-Christ four 73, returned to text, where he gave them such an overthrow that flying in great fear they left the spoil of all to their enemies, and these perhaps are the full battle. according to Neneas fought by Gwormor, though by these writers far differently related, and happening besides many other pickeringes in the space of twenty years, as Momsbury reckons. Nevertheless, it plainly appears that the Saxons, by whomsoever, were put to hard shifts,

being all this while fought withal in Kent, their own allotted dwelling, and sometimes on the very edge of the sea, which the word Whippets felaus seems to intimate. But Gortimer being now dead and none of courage left to defend the land, Vortigern, either by the power of his faction or by consent of all, reassumes the government. And Hengist, thus rid of his grand opposer, hearing gladly the restormant of his old favorite, returns again with great forces. But to Vortigern, whom he well knew how to handle without of warring, as to his son-in-law, now that Gortimer, the only author of dissension between them was removed by death, offers nothing but all terms of new league and amity.

The king, both for his wife's sake and his own sottishness, consulting also with his peers, not unlike himself, readily yields, and the place of Parley has agreed on, to which either side was to repair without weapons. Hengist, whose meaning was not peace but treachery, appointed his men to be secretly armed, and acquainted them to what intent. The watchword was Nemet Eosaxes, that is, draw your daggers, which they observing when the Britons were thoroughly heated with wine, but the treaty, it seems, was not without cups, and provoked, as was plotted by some affront, dispatched with those poniards every one his next man, to the number of three hundred, the chief of those that could do all against him, either in counsel or in the field.

Vortiger and they only bound and kept in custody, until he granted them, for his ransom, three provinces, which were called afterward Essex, Sussex, and Middlesex. Who thus dismissed, retiring again to his solitary abode in the country of Gworthighiagnan, so called from his name. From thence to the castle of his own building in North Wales by the River Tjabi, and living there obscurely among his wives, was at length burnt in his tower by fire from heaven, at the prayer, some say, of German, but that coheres not.

As others, by Ambrosius Aure Serrelian, of whom, as we have heard at first he stood in great fear, and partly for that cause invited in the Saxons, who, whether by constraint or of their own accord, after much mischief done, most of them returning back into their own country, left a fair opportunity to the Britons of avenging themselves easier on those who stayed behind. Repending, therefore, and with earnest supplication imploring divine help to prevent their final rooting out, they gather from all parts, and under the leading of Ambrosius of

Yanus, a virtuous and modest man, the last tier of the Roman stock, advancing now onward against the late victors, defeat them in a memorable battle. Common opinion, but grounded chiefly on the British fables, makes this ambrosius to be a younger son of that Constantine, whose eldest, as we heard, was Constance the Monk, who both lost their lives abroad, usurping the empire. But the express words, both of Gildas and Bede, assure us that the parents of this Ambrosius, having here-born regal dignity, were slain in these Pictish wars and commotions in the island. And if the fear of Ambrose induced Vortigern to call him the Saxons,

it seems Vortigern usurped his right. I perceive not that Neneas makes any difference between him and Merlin. For that child without father but prophesite to Vortiger, he names not Merlin but Ambrose, makes him the son of a Roman consul, but concealed by his mother as fearing that the king therefore sought his life. Yet, the youth no sooner confessed his parentage, but Vortigerne, either in reward of his predictions or as his right, bestowed upon him all the west of Britain, himself retiring to a solitary life. Whosoever son he was, he was the first, according to surest authors, that led against the Saxons and

overthrew them, but whether before this time or after, none have written. This is certain that in a time when most of the Saxon forces were departed home, the Britons gathered strength, and either against those who were left remaining or against their whole of powers the second time returning, obtained this victory. Thus, Ambrose, as chief monarch of the Isle, succeeded Bortiger, to whose third son, Pascentius. He permitted the rule of two regions in Wales, Bulf and Borthighignan. In his days, said Nannius, the Saxons prevailed not much,

against whom Arthur, as being then chief general of the British kings, made great war, but more renowned in songs of romances than in true stories. And the sequel itself declares as much. For in the year 477, ella the saxon with his three sons chiman pletting and kisa at a place in sussex called kymonshire arrive in three ships kill many of the britons chasing those that remained into the wood andred's league another battle was fought at merkred's burnhamstead note post-christ four eighty five returned to text where ella had by far the victory but huntingdon made makes it so doubtful that the Saxons were constrained to send home for supplies. Four years after died Hengist, the first Saxon king of Kent, noted to have attained that dignity by craft as much as valor,

and for giving scope to his own cruel nature, rather than proceeding by mildness or civility. His son Oric, so-named Oysk, of whom the Kentish kings, were called, Oisking's succeeded him, and sate content with his father's winnings, more desirous to settle and defend than to enlarge his boughs. He reigned 24 years. By this time, note, post-Christ 492, returned to text. Ella and his son Kissa, besieging Androchester, supposed now to be new and in Kent, take it by force, and all within it put to the sword. Thus Ella, three years after the death of Hengist, began his kingdom of the South Saxons, peopling it with new inhabitants from the country which was then called Old Saxony, at this day Holstein and Denmark,

and had besides at his command all those provinces which the Saxons had won on this side Humber. Animated with these good successes, as if Britain were become now the field of fortune, Kerdig, another Saxon prince, the tenth by lineage from Woden, an old and practiced soldier who in many prosperous conflicts against the enemy in those parts had nursed up a spirit too big to live at home with equals, coming to a certain place which from thence took the name of Kerdik Shore, note, post-Christ 495, returned to text. With five ships and Kenrick his son, the very same day overthrew the Britons that opposed him,

and so effectually that smaller skirmishes after that day were sufficient to drive them still further off leaving him a large territory note post christ five hundred one returned to text after him porta another saxon with his two sons bea and megla in two ships arrive at portsmouth thence called and at their landing slew a young british nobleman with many others who unadvisedly set upon them the britons to recover what they had lost note post christ five hundred eight returned to text draw together all their forces led by natanloud or nazaloud a certain king in britain and the greatest sath won but with him five thousand of his men kurdick puts to rout and slaves from whence the place in hanshire as far as kurdick's ford now charred ford was called old nazaloud End of the second part of Book 3 of The History of Britain by John Milton, recording by Thomas Copeland. Part 3 of Book 3 of the History of Britain by John Milton. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland.

Book 3, Part 3. Who this king should be hath bred much question. Some think it to be the British name of Ambrose, others to be the right name of his brother, who, for the terror of his eagerness in fight, became more known by the surname of Uther, which in the Welsh tongue signifies dreadful. And if ever such a king in Britain there was as Uther Pendragon, for so also the Monmouth Book surnames him, this in all likelihood must be he. Kerdik, by so great a blow given to the Britons, had made large room about him,

not only for the men he brought with him, but for such also of his friends as he desired to make great. For which cause, and with all the more to strengthen himself, his two nephews, Stuff and Withgar, in three vessels, bring him new levies to Kerdik shore. Note, post-Christ 514, returned to text, who that they might not come sluggishly to possess what others had won for them, either by their own seeking or by appointment, are set in a place where they could not but at their first coming give proof of themselves upon the enemy.

And so well they did it, that the Britons, after a hard encounter, left them masters of the field. About the same time Ella, the first South Saxon king, died, whom Kissa his youngest son, succeeded, the other two failing before him. nor can it be much more or less than about this time for it was before the west saxon kingdom that opha the eighth from woden made himself king of the east angles who by their name testify the country above mentioned from whence they came in such multitudes that their native soil is said to have remained in the days of peda uninhabited huntington defers the time of their coming in to the ninth year of kurdick's reign for, said he, at first many of them strove for principality, seizing every one his province,

and for some while so continued, making petty wars among themselves, till in the end Uffa, of whom these kings were called Uffings, overtop them all in the year five hundred and seventy-one, then Tittalus, his son, the father of Redwald, who became potent. and not much after the East Angles began also the East Saxons to erect a kingdom under Sleida, the tenth from Odin. But Huntington, as before, will have it registered and no more than barely registered in annals later by eleven years, and Erkenwind to be the first king. Kerdic, the same in power, though not so fond of title, for bore the name of king 24 years

after his arrival. But then, founded so firmly the kingdom of the West Saxons, note, post-Christ 519, returned to text, that it subjected all the rest at length, and became the sole monarchy of England. The same year he had a victory against the Britons at Kurdics Ford by the River Avon, and after eight years another great fight at Kurdic's lead, but which army won the day is not by any writer set down. hitherto has been collected what there is of certainty with circumstances of time and place to be found registered and no more than barely registered in annals of best note without describing after huntington the manner of those battles and encounters which they who compare and can judge of books may be confident he never found in any current author whom he had to follow but this disease hath been incident to many more historians and the age whereof we now write hath had the ill hap more than any since the first fabulous times to be surcharged with all the idle fancies of posterity

yet that we may not rely altogether on saxon-inulators gildas in antiquity far before these and every way more credible speaks of these wars in such a manner though nothing conceited of the british valor as declares the saxons in his time and before to have been foiled and not seldomer than the britons for besides that first victory of ambrose and the interchangeable success long after he tells us that the last overthrow which they received at baton hill was not the least which they in their oldest annals mention not at all and because the time of this battle by any who could do more than guess is not set down or any foundation given from whence to draw a solid compute it cannot be much wide to insert it in this place for such authors as we have to follow give the conduct and praise of this exploit to arthur and that this was the last of twelve great battles which he fought victoriously against the saxons the several places written by nannius in their welsh names were many hundred years ago unknown and so are here omitted but who arthur was and whether ever any such person reigned in britain hath been doubted herefore and may again with good reason for the monk of momsbury and others whose credit hath swayed most with the learned or sort we may well perceive to have known no more of this arthur five hundred years pass nor of his doings than we now living and what they had to say transcribed out of nennius a very trivial writer yet extent which hath already been related or out of a british book the same which he of monmouth set for utterly unknown to the world till more than six hundred years after the days of arthur of whom as sigabert in his chronicle confesses all other histories were silent both foreign and domestic except only that fabulous book

Others of later time have sought to assert him by old legends and cathedral regists, but he who can accept of legends for good story may quickly swell a volume of trash, and had need be furnished with two only necessaries, leisure and belief, whether it be the writer or he that shall read. As to Arthur, no less is in doubt who was his father, for if it be true as Nannius or his noticed a verse, that Arthur was called Mabuthor, that is to say, a cruel son, for the fierceness that men saw in him as a child, and the intent of his name Arturus imports as much.

It might well be that some in after ages who sought to turn him into a fable rested the word Uther into a proper name, and so feigned him the son of Uther, since we read not in any certain story that ever such person lived till Geoffrey of Monmouth set him off, with the surname of Pendragon. And as we doubted of his parentage, so may we also of his puissance. For whether that victory at Baton Hill were his or no is uncertain,

Gildes not naming him, as he did Ambrose in the former. Next, if it be true, as Caradoc relates, that Melvis, king of that country, which is now called Somerset, kept him from Gwynnevere's wife a whole year in the town of Glaston, and restored her at the entreaty of Gildes rather than for any enforcement that Arthur,

with all his chivalry could make against a small town defended only by a moory situation. Had either his knowledge in war or the force he had to make been answerable to the fame they bear, that petty king would not have dared to put such an affront upon him, nor he have been so long, and at last without effect, in revenging it. considering lastly how the saxons gained upon him everywhere all the time of his supposed reign which began as some right in the tenth year of kurdick note post christ five twenty nine returned a text who wrung from him by long war the countries of somerset and hampshire there will remain neither place nor circumstance in story which may administer any likelihood of any of these great acts that are ascribed to it this only is acknowledged by nannius in arthur's behalf that the saxons though vanquished never so oft grew still more numerous upon him by continual supplies out of germany and the truth is that valour may be overtoiled and overcome at last with endless overcoming but as for this battle of mount baddon where the saxons were hemmed in or besieged whether by arthur won or whensoever it seems indeed to have given a most undoubted and important blow to the saxons and to have stopped their proceedings for a good while after

gildes himself witnessing that the britons having thus compelled them to sit down with peace fell thereupon to civil discord among themselves which words may seem to let in some light toward the searching out when this battle was fought and we shall find no time since the first saxon war from whence a longer peace ensued than from the fight at kurdick's league in the year five hundred and twenty seven which all the chronicles mention without victory to and give us argument from the custom they have of magnifying their own deeds upon all occasions to presume here his ill-speeding and if we look still onward even to the forty-fourth year after wherein gildes wrote if his obscure utterance be understood we shall meet with every little war between the britons and saxons this only remains difficult that the victory first won by ambrose was not so long before this at badden's siege but that the same men living might be eyewitnesses of both, and by this rate, hardly can the latter be thought won by Arthur, unless we reckon him a grown youth at least in the days of Ambrose, and much more than a youth, if Momsbury be heard, who affirms all the exploits of Ambrose to have been done chiefly by Arthur as his general, which will add much unbelief to the common assertion

of his reigning after Ambrose and Uther, especially the fight of Baden being the last, of his twelve battles. But to prove by that which follows that the fight at Kurdic's league, though it differ in name from that of Badden, maybe thought the same by all effect, Kurdic, three years after, note, post-Christ 5.30, returned to text. Not proceeding onward as his manner was on the continent, turns back his forces on the Isle of Wight, which, with the slaying of a few only in Withgarborough, he soon must be. and not long surviving, left it to his nephews by the mother's side, Stuff and Withgar. Note, post-Christ 534, returned to text. The rest of what he had subdued,

Kenrick his son held, and reigned 26 years, in whose tenth year, Withgar was buried in the town of that island which bore his name. Note, Post-Christ, 554, returned to text. Notwithstanding all these unliklihoods of Arthur's reign and great achievements in a narration, crept in I know not how among the laws of Edward the Confessor, Arthur, the famous king of Britons, is said not only to have expelled hence the Saracens, who were not then known in Europe, but to have conquered Friesland, and all the north-east isles as far as Russia, to have made Lapland the eastern bound of his empire, and Norway the chamber of Britain.

when should this be done from the saxons till after twelve battles he had no rest at home after those the britons contented with quiet they had from their saxon enemies were so far from seeking conquests abroad that by the report of gildus above sighted they fell to civil wars at home surely arthur would have done much better to have made war in old saxony to repress their flowing hither than to have one king's kingdoms as far as Russia, when he was scarce able here to defend his own. Buchanan, our neighbor historian, reprehends him of Monmouth and others for fabling in the deeds of Arthur. Yet what he writes there of himself, as of better credit, shows not whence he had it but from those fables, which he seems content to believe in part, on condition that the Scots and Picts may be thought to have assisted Arthur in all his wars and achievements. Whereof a peers as little ground by credible story as of that which he most counts fabulous.

But not further to contest about such uncertainties, I will now go on with the history. In the year 547, Ida the Saxon, sprung also from Woden in the 10th degree, began the kingdom of Bernicia in Northumberland, built the town of Bebenberg, which was after Wald, and had 12 sons, half by wives and half by concubines. hengist by leave of vortigern we may remember had sent octave and abyssa to seek them seats in the north and there by warring on the picts to secure the southern parts which they so prudently affected that what by force and fair proceeding they well quieted those countries and though so far distant from kent nor without power in their hands yet kept themselves nigh a hundred and eighty years within moderation and as inferiorly governors, they and their offspring gave obedience to the kings of Kent as to the elder family. Till at length, following the example of that age, when no less than kingdoms were the prize

of every fortunate commander, they thought it put reason as well as others of their nation to assume royalty, of whom Ida was the first, a man in the prime of his years, and of parentage such as we have heard. But how he came to wear the crown, whether by his own aspiring ambition, or by the free choice of his followers or subjects is not said. Certain enough it is that his virtues made him not less noble than his birth, in war undaunted and unfoiled, in peace, tempering the awe of magistracy with a natural mildness he reigned about twelve years. Note, post-Christ 552 returned to text.

In the meantime, while Kenrick, in a fight near Seresbury, now solomon, Cullesbury, killed and put to flight many of the Britons, and the fourth year after, at Berenbury, now Banbury is something. Note, post-Christ 553, returned to text. With Cowlan, his son, put them again to flight. Cowlan, shortly after, succeeded his father in the West Saxons, and Allah, descended also from Woden, but of another line, set up a second kingdom in Dera, the south part of North Island. Numberland. Note, post-Christ 560, returned to text, and held it 30 years, while Ada, the son of Ida, and five more after him, reigned without other memory in Bernicia. And in Kent, Ethelbert, the next year began. Note, post-Christ, 561, returned to text.

But Eska, the son of Hengist, had left Otha and he, Emmerich, to rule after him, both which which, without adding to their bounds, kept what they had in peace, fifty-three years. But Ethelbert, in length of brain, equaled both the progenitors, and, as beta counts, three years exceeded. Note, post-Christ 568, turned to text. Young, at his first entrance and unexperienced, he was the first razor-sivil war among the Saxons, claiming, from the priority of time wherein Henghis took possession here a kind of right over the later kingdoms, and thereupon was troublesome to their confines. But by them twice defeated, he who but now thought to seem dreadful became almost contemptible, for Carolyn and Cutha his son, pursuing him

into his own territory, slew there in battle at Wibbendon, two of his earls, Oslep and Kniebund. by this means the Britons, but chiefly by this victory at Baton, for the space of 44 years, ending in 571, received no great annoyance from the Saxons, but the peace they enjoyed, by illusing it, proved more destructive to them than war. For being raised on a sudden by two such eminent successes from the lowest condition of Thraldon, they whose eyes had beheld both those deliverances that by Ambrose and this at Baton were taught by the experience of either fortune, both kings, magistrates, priests, and private men, to live orderly. But when the next age, unacquainted with past evils, and only sensible of their present ease and quiet, succeeded, straight followed the apparent subversion of all truth and justice in the minds of most men. Scarce the least footstep or impression of goodness left remaining

through all ranks and degrees in the land, except in some so very few as to be hardly visible in a general corruption, which grew in short space not only manifest, but odious to all the neighboring nations. And first they're kings, amongst whom, also the sons and grandchildren, or Ambrose were foully degenerated to all tyranny and vicious life, whereof to hear some particulars out of Gildas will not be impertinent. They avenge, said he, and they protect, not the innocent, but the guilty. They swear oft, but perjure.

They wage war, but civil and unjust war. They punish rigorously them that rob by the highway, but those grand robbers that sit with them at table they honor and reward. They give alms largely, but in the face of their alms deeds pile up wickedness to a far higher heap. They sit in the seat of judgment, but go seldom by the rule of right, neglecting and proudly overlooking the modest and harmless, but countenancing the audacious, though guilty of abominable crimes. They stuff their prisons, but with men committed rather by circumvention that by any just cause.

Nothing better with a clergy, but at the same pass, or rather worse, than when the Saxons came first in, unlearned, unapprehensive, yet imprudent, subtle prowlers, pastors in name,

but indeed wolves, intent upon all occasions, not to feed the flock, but to pamper and well-line themselves. Not called, but seizing on the ministry as a trade, not as a spiritual charge, teaching the people not by sound doctrine but by evil example, usurping the chair of Peter, but through the blindness of their own worldly lusts,

they stumble upon the seat of Judas, deadly haters of truth, broachers of lies, looking on the poor Christian with eyes of pride and contempt, but fawning on the wickedest rich men without shame, great promoters of other men's alms, with their set exhortations, but themselves contributing ever least, slightly touching the many vices of the age, but preaching without end their own grievances as done to Christ, seeking after preferments and degrees in the church more than after heaven, and so gained, made it their whole study how to keep them by any tyranny. yet, lest they should be thought things of no use in their eminent places, they have their niceties and trivial points to keep in awe the superstitious multitude.

But in true, saving knowledge, leave them still as gross and stupid as themselves. Bunglers at the scripture, nay, forbidding and silencing them that know. But in worldly matters, practised and cunning shifters. in that only art and simony great clerks and masters bearing their heads high at their thoughts abject and low he taxes them also as gluttonous incontinent and daily drunkards and what shouldst thou expect from these poor laity so he goes on these beasts all belly shall these amend thee who are themselves laborious in evil doings shall thou see with their eyes who see right forward nothing but gain? Leave them rather, as bids our saviour, lest he fall both blindfold into the same perdition. Are all thus? Perhaps not all, or not so grossly. But what availed did Eli to be himself blameless while he connived at others that were abominable? Who of them hath been envied for his

better life? Who of them hath hated to consort with these, or withstood there entering the ministry, or endeavored zealously they're casting out. Yet some of these, perhaps, by others, are legended for great saints. This was the state of government, this of religion among the Britons, in that long calm of peace which the fight of Beddon Hill had brought forth. Whereby it came to pass, that so fair a victory came to nothing. Towns and cities were not re-inhabited, but lay ruined and waste. nor was it long ere domestic war breaking out wasted them more for britain as at other times had then also several kings five of whom gildas living then in armorica at a safe distance boldly reproves by name

first constantine fabled the son of cedar duke of cornwall arthur's half-brother but the mother's side who then reigned in cornwall and devon a tyrannical and bloody king polluted also with with many adulteries. He got into his power two young princes of the royal blood, uncertain whether before him in right or otherwise suspected, and, after solemn oath given of their safety, the year that Gildes wrote, slew them with their two governors in the church, and in their mother's arms, through the abbot's cope, which he had thrown over them, thinking by the reverence of Vesture to have withheld the murderer. These are commonly supposed to be the son of Mordred, Arthur's nephew, said to have revolted from his uncle, giving him in a battle his death's wound, and by him after to have been slain. Which things, were they true, would much

diminish the blame of cruelty in Constantine, revenging Arthur on the sons of so false a Mordred. In another part of Britain, but it is not expressed where, Orelius Conanus was king, him he charges also with adulteries and parricide cruelty is worse than the former to be a hater of his country's peace thirsting after civil war and prey his condition it seems was not very prosperous for gildas wished him being now left alone like a tree withering in the midst of a barren field to remember the vanity and arrogance of his father and eldest brethren who came all to untimely death in their youth The third, reigning in Demetia, or South Wales, was Vortipole, the son of a good father. He was when Gildes wrote, grown old, not in years only, but in adulteries, and in governing, full of falsehood and frugal actions. In his latter days, putting away his wife, who died in divorce, he became, if we mistake

not Gildas, incestuous with his daughter. The fourth was Kineglas, imbrewed in civil war. He also had divorced his wife and taken her sister, who had vowed widowhood. It was a great enemy to the clergy, high-minded and trusting to his wealth. The last, but greatest of all in power, was Maglokin, and greatest also in wickedness. He had driven out or slain many other kings or tyrants, and was called the island dragon, perhaps having a seat in Anglesey, the profuse giver, a great war, and of a goodly stature.

While he was yet young, he overthrew his uncle, though in the head of a complete army, and took from him the kingdom. Then, touched with the remorse of his doings, not without deliberation, took upon him the profession of a monk. But soon for Sufi's vow, and his wife also, which for that vow he had left,

making love to the wife of his brother's son, then living. Pooner refusing the offer, if she were not rather the first that enticed, found means both to dispatch her own husband and the former wife of Maglopin, to make her marriage within the more unquestionable. Neither did he this for want of better instructions, having had the learnedest and wisest men reputed of all Britain for the institutor of his youth. Thus much, the utmost that can be learned by truer story, of what passed among the Britons from the time of their useless victory at Baden to the time that Gildes wrote, that is to say, as may be guessed, from the

year of Christ 527 to the year 571, is here set down altogether, not being capable of being reduced under any certainty of years. But now the Saxons, who for the most part all this while had been still, unless among themselves, began afresh to assault them, and ere long to drive them out of all which they had maintained on this side, Wales. For Cuth, the brother of Cowan, note, Post-Christ 571, returned to text. By a victory obtained in Bedford, now Bedford, took from them four good towns,

Liggenburg, Eaglesburg, Benzington, now Benson, in Oxfordshire, and Ignatian. But outlived not many months as good success, and after six years more, note post-Christ 577, returned to text. Cowlan and Cuthwin his son gave them a great overthrow at Derham in Gloucestershire, slew three of their kings, Comor, Condodon, and Ferrymail, and took three of their chief cities, Gloucester, Cicitor, and Bedencester. The Britons notwithstanding, after some space of time, note post-Christ 584,

returned to text, judging to have outgrown their losses, gathered to a head and encounter Cowlan, with Cutha, his son, at Feathern League, whom valiantly fighting they flew among the thickest and, as he said, forced the Saxons to retire. But Cowlin, reinforcing the fight, put them to a main route,

and following his advantage, took many towns, and returned laden with rich booty. The last of those Saxons, who raised their own, own achievements to a monarchy was Cridae, much about this time, first founder of the Mercian kingdom, drawing also his pedigree from Wogan, of whom all to write the several genealogies, though it might be done without long search, were, in my opinion, to encumber the story with a sort of barbarous names, to little purpose. This may suffice that of Woden's three sons, from the eldest issued Hengist and his succession.

From the second, the kings of Mercia. From the third, all that reigned in West Saxony, and most of the Northumbers, of whom Allah was one, the first king of Dara, which after his death the race of Ida seized, and made it one kingdom with Brinisha. Note, post-Christ 588, returned to text. Usurping the childhood of Edwin, Allah's son,

whom Ethelric, the son of Ida, notwithstanding others write of him that from a poor life and beyond hope in his old age coming to the crown he could hardly by the access of a kingdom have overcome his former obscurity had not the fame of his son preserved him once more the Britons note post-Christ 588 returned to text ere they quitted awe on this side the mountains forgot not to show some manhood for meeting cow Cowan in Woden's Boarth, that is to say, at Woden's Mount in Wiltshire, note, post-Christ 592, returned to Tex, whether it were by their own forces or assisted by the angles, whose hatred, Cowan had incurred, they ruined the whole army and chased them out of his kingdom.

From whence flying, he died the next year in poverty, who a little before was the most potent, and indeed sole king of all the Saxons on this side Humber. but who was chief among the Britons in this exploit had been worth remembering whether it was Megalokun of whose prowess hath been spoken or Tudrick king of Lemorgan whom the regist of Landaff recounts to have been always victorious in fight who have reigned about this time and at length to have exchanged his crown for an hermitage till in the aid of his son, Mowric, whom the Saxons had reduced to extremes taking arms again, he defeated them at ten-turned by the River Wye, but himself received a mortal wound. Note, post-Christ 593, returned to text. The same year with Cowlan, whom Khael of the son of Cuthowlin, Cowan's brother, succeeded.

Crida, also the Merchant came deceased, in whose room Wibba succeeded, and in Northumberland, Ethelfrid, in the room of Ethelric, who had reigned there 24 years. thus omitting fables we have the view of what with reason can be relied on for truth done in britain since the romans forsook it wherein we have heard the many miseries and desolations brought by the divine hand on a perverse nation driven when nothing else would reform them out of a fair country into a mountainous and barren corner by strangers and pagans so much more tolerable in the eye of heaven is infidelity professed than Christian faith and religion dishonored by unchristian works. Yet, they also at length renounce their heathenism, which, how it came to pass,

will be the matter next related. End of the third book of Milton's History of Britain. Recording by Thomas Copeland. The fourth book of the history of Britain by John Milton. This liver-box recording is in the public domain. Reporting by Thomas Copeland. The history is. of Britain in the fourth book. The Saxons grown up now to seven absolute kingdoms, and the

latest of them established by succession, finding their power arrived well-nigh at the utmost of what was to be gained upon Britons, and as little fearing to be displanted by them, had time now to surveyed leisure by another's greatness, which quickly bred among them either envy or mutual jealousies, till the West Kingdom, at length grown overpowerful, put an end to all the rest. Meanwhile, above others, Ethelbert of Kent, who by this time had well ripened his young ambition, with more ability of years and experience in war, but before he attempted to his loss, now successfully attains, and by degrees brought all the other monarchies between Kent and Humber to be at his devotion. To which design, the kingdom of

West Saxons being the firmest of them all, at that time saw shaken by their overthrow at Wodon's birth and the death of Coulin, gave him no doubt a main advantage. The rest yielded not subjection, but as he earned it by continual victories. But to win him the more regard abroad, he marries Bertha, the French king's daughter, though a Christian, and with this condition, to have the free exercise of her faith under the care and instruction of Littardus, a bishop, sent by her parents along with her, the king, notwithstanding, and his people, retaining their old religion. Bida, out of Gildas, lays it sadly to the Britain's charge that they never would vouchsafe their Saxon neighbors the means of conversion. But how far to blame they were and what hope

there was of converting in the midst of so much hostility, or at least falsehood, or at least falsehood, from their first arrival is not now easy to determine. Howbeit, not long after, they had the Christian faith preached to them by a nation more remote, and, as report when, counted old in Vedest time, upon this occasion. The Northumbrians had a custom at that time, and many hundred years after not abolished, to sell their children for a small value to any foreign land,

of which number two comely youths were brought to Rome, whose fair and honest countenances invited Gregory, archdeacon of that city, among others that beheld them, pitying their condition, to demand whence they were. It was answered by some who stood by that they were Angli of the province Dera, subjects to Allah, king of Northumberland,

and by religion pagans, which last, Gregory deploring, framed on a sudden this allusion to the three names he heard, that the Angli, so like to angels, should be snatched de Ira, that is, from the wrath of God, to sing hallelujah, and forthwith obtaining license of Benedict the Pope would have come and preached here among them,

had not the Roman people, whose love endured not the absence of so vigilant a pastor over them, recalled him then on his journey, though he did not abandon, but only deferred for a while his pious intention. Note, post-Christ 596, return to text. For some years after, succeeding to the papal seat, and now in his fourth year, admonished Seth Beda by divine instinct, he sent Augusta, whom he had designed for bishop of the English nation and other zealous monks with him

to preach to them the gospel, who, being now on their way, discouraged by some reports, or their own carnal fear, sent back Austin, in the name of all, to beseech Gregory that they might return home, and not be sent a journey so full of hazard to a fierce and infidel nation, whose tongue they understood not. Gregory, with pious and apostolic persuasion, exhorts them not to shrink back from so good a work, but cheerfully to go on in the strength of divine assistance. The letter itself, yet extant among our writers of ecclesiastic story, I omit here, as not professing to relate of those matters more than what mixes acted with civil affairs.

The abbot Austin, or so he was ordained over the rest, re-encouraged by the exhortations of Gregory and his fellows by the letter which he brought them, came safe to the Isle of Phennat, note, boast Christ, 597, he turned to text. In number about 40, besides some of the French nation whom they took along as interpreters, Ethelbert the king, to whom Austin at his landing had sent a new and wondrous message, that he came from Rome to proffer heaven and eternal happiness in the knowledge of another God than the Saxons knew, appoints them to remain where they had landed, and necessaries to be provided them,

consulting in the meantime what was to be done, and after certain days coming into the island, chose a place to meet them under the open sky, possessed with an old persuasion that all spells, if they should use any, to deceive him, so it were not within doors, would be unavailable. They, on the other side, called to his presence, advancing for their standard a silver cross and the faded image of our saviour, came slowly forward singing their solemn litanies, which wrought in Ethelbert more suspicion, perhaps, that they used enchantments. Till, sitting down as the king willed them, they there preached to him, and all in that assembly, the tidings of salvation, whom having heard attentively the king thus answered,

Quote, fair indeed and ample are the promises which he bring, and such things as have the appearance them of much good. Yet, such as being new and uncertain, I cannot easily assent, quitting a religion which my ancestors, with all the English nation, so many years I have retained. Nevertheless, because ye are strangers and have endured so long a journey to impart us the knowledge of things which I persuade me you believe to be the truest and the best, he may be sure we shall not recompense you with any molestation, but shall provide, rather, how we may friendliest entertain ye, nor do we forbid you to gain whom you can by preaching for your belief, unquote. And accordingly, their residence he allotted them in Dorover, or Canterbury, his chief city,

and made provision for their maintenance, with free leave to preach their doctrine where they pleased. By which, and by the example of their holy life, spent in prayer, fasting, and continual labor and the conversion of souls, they won many, on whose bounty and the kings, receiving only what was necessary, they subsisted. There stood without the city on the east side an ancient church built in honor of St. Martin, while yet the Romans remained here, in which birth of the queen went out usually to pray. Note, post-Christ 598, returned to text. Here they also began Hurst to preach, baptize, and openly to exercise divine worship. But when the king himself, convinced by their good life and miracles, became Christian and was baptized, which came to pass in the very

first year of their arrival, then multitudes daily conforming to their prince thought it an honor to be reckoned among those of his faith, to whom Ethelbert indeed principally showed his favor, but compelled none, for so he had been taught by them who were both the instructors and authors of his faith, quote, that Christian religion ought to be voluntary, not compelled. About this time, Kelwulf, the son of Cuthah, Cullin's brother, reigned over the West Saxons. Note, post-Christ, 601, returned to text,

after his brother Keala, or Kellrick, and had continual war, either with English, Welsh, Hicks, or Scots. But Austin, whom with his fellows, Ethelbert had now endowed with a better place for their abode in the city and of the possessions necessary to livelihood, crossing into France was by the Archbishop of Arro at the appointment of Pope Gregory ordained Archbishop of the English, and returning, sent to Rome Lawrence and Peter, two of his associates, to acquaint the Pope of his good success in England, and to be resolved of certain theological, or rather levitical questions.

with answers to which, not proper in this place, Gregory sends also to the great worker converting, that went on so happily, a supply of laborers, meditius, justice, alinus, Profinian, and many others, who what they were may be guessed by the stuff which they brought with them. Vessels and vestments for the altar,

copes, relics, and for the Archbishop Austin, appalled to say Massin. To such a rome of rome, rank superstition that age was grown, though some of them yet retaining an emulation of apostolic zeal. Lastly, to Ethelbert they brought a letter with many presents. Austin, thus exalted to archiperscopal authority, recovered from the ruins and other profane uses a Christian church in Canterbury, built of old by the Romans, which he dedicated by the name of Christ's Church, and joining to it, built a seat

himself and his successors, a monastery also near the city eastward, where Ethelbert, at his motion, built St. Peter's, and enriched it with great endowments to be a place of burial for the archbishops and kings of Kent. So quickly did they step up into fellowship of Pond, with kings. While thus Ethelbert and his people had their minds intend on religion, Ethelfried, the Northumbrian king, was not less busied in far different of it. affairs. For being altogether warlike and covetous of fame, he more wasted the Britons than than any Saxon king before him, winning from them large territories which either he made tributary or planted with his own subjects. Note, post-Christ, 603, returned to text.

Whence Edan, king of those Scots that dwelt in Britain, jealous of his successes, came against him with a mighty army to a place called Degsasta, but in the fight losing most of his men, himself with a few escaped. Only Tibald, the king's brother and the whole wing which he commanded being unfortunately cut off, made the victory to Ethelfried less entire. Yet from that time, no king of Scots in hostile manner durst pass into Britain for a hundred and more years. and what some years before Kelwulf the West Saxon is annled to have done against the Scots and Picts, passing through the land of Ethelford a king so potent, unless in his aid and alliance, is not likely.

Buchanan writes as if Ethelford, assisted by Cowan, whom he mistitles King of East Saxons, had a battle before this time with Aden, wherein Cutha Cowan's son was slain. but Cutha, as above written from better authority, was slain in fight against the Welsh twenty years before. The number of Christians began now, note, post-Christ 604, returned to text, to increase so fast that Augustine, ordaining bishops under him, to his assistance, Melitus and Justice, sent them out both to the work of their ministry, and Meletus, by preaching, converted the East Saxons, over whom Siebert, the son of Sleda by permission of Ethelbert, being born of his sister,

Ricula, then reigned, whose conversion, Ethelbert to gratulate, built them the great church of St. Paul in London to be their bishop's cathedral, as Justice also had his built at Rochester, and both gifted by the same king with fair possessions. hitherto Austin labored well among invidels, but not with like commendation soon after among Christians. For, by means of Ethelbert summoning the Britain bishops to a place on the edge of Worcestershire, called from that time Augustine's oak, he requires them to conform with him in the same day of celebrating Easter, and many other points wherein they differed from the rites of Rome,

which, when they refused to do, not prevailing by dispute, he appeals to a miracle, restoring to sight a blind man whom the Britons could not cure. At this, something moved, though not minded to recede from their own opinions without further consultation, they request a second meeting, to which came seven Britain bishops, with many other learned men, especially from the famous monastery of Bangor, in which were said to be so many monks, living all by their own labor, that being divided under seven rectors, none had fewer than three hundred. One man there was who stayed behind, a hermit by the life he led,

who by his wisdom affected more than all the rest who went. Being demanded, for they held him as an oracle, how they might know Austin to be a man from God, that they might follow him, he answered, quote, that if they found him meek and humble, they should be taught by him, for it was likeliest to be the yoke of Christ, both what he bore himself, and would have them there, but if he bore himself proudly that they should not regard him, for he was then certainly not of God, unquote. They took his advice, and hasted to the place of meeting,

whom Austin, being already there before them, neither arose to me, and, and he was not to me, meet, nor received them in any brotherly sort, but sat all the while pontifically in his chair. Whereat the Britons, as they were counseled by the Holy Man, neglected him, and neither harpened to his proposals of conformity, nor would acknowledge him for an archbishop. And in the name of the rest, Dinothus, then abbot of Bangor, is said, thus sagely to have answered him. As to the subjection which you require, be thus persuasive. of us that in the bond of love and charity we are all subjects and servants to the church of god yea to the pope of rome and every good christian to help them forward both by word indeed to be the children of god other obedience than this we know not to be due to him whom you turn the pope and this obedience we are ready to give both to him and to every christian continually besides we are governed under god by the bishop of Kareem, who is to oversee us in spiritual matters. To which Austin thus presaging,

some say menacing, replies, since ye refuse to accept of peace with our brethren, ye shall have war from your enemies, and since ye will not with us preach the word of life to whom ye ought, from their hands ye shall receive death. This, though writers agree not whether Austin spake it as his prophecy or as his plot against the Britons fell out accordingly. For many years were not passed, note post-Christ 607, returned to text. When Ethelphred, whether of his own accord or at the request of Ethelbert incensed by Austin, with a powerful host came to Westchester, then called Caledia, where being met by the British forces and both sides in readiness to give the onset,

he discerns a company of men not habited for war standing together in a place of some safety, and by them a squadron armed, whom, having learnt upon some inquiry to be priests and monks assembled thither after three days fasting, to pray for the good success of their forces against him, therefore they first, said he, shall feel our swords, for they who pray against us fight heaviest against us by their prayers, and are our most dangerous enemies. And with that turns his first charge upon the monks. Brockmail, the captain set to guard them, quickly turns his back and leaves above twelve hundred monks

to a sudden massacre, whereof scarce fifty escaped. But not so easy work found Ethelphred against another part of Britons that stood in arms, whom, though at last he overthrew, yet it was with slaughter nearly as great of his own soldiers. To excuse Austin of this bloodshed, lest some might think at his revengeful policy, Bida writes that he was dead long before, although if the time of his sitting archbishop be rightly computed to have been sixteen years, he must have survived this action. Other just ground of charging him with this imputation appears not, save what evidently we have from Geoffrey of Monmouth. We wait, we know.

The same year, Kell Wolf made war on the South Saxons, bloody Seth Huntington to both sides, but most to them of the South. And four years after, note, post-Christ 6-11, returned to text, dying, left the government of the West Saxons to Kinnigils and Quichelm, the sons of his brother, Carola. Others, as Florent of Worcester and Matthew Westminster, will have Quichelm to have been the son of Kinnigils, but admitted to reign with his father, in whose third year, note, post-Christ 614, return to text, they are recorded with joint forces or conduct to have fought against the Britons in Bean, now Bindon in Dorsetshire, and who slain of them about two thousand.

More memorable was the second year following, note post-Christ 616, returned to text, by the death of Ethelbert, the first Christian king of Saxons, and no less a favor of all civility in that rude age. He gave laws and statutes after the example of Roman emperors, which were written with the advice of his wisest counselors, but in the English tongue, and were observed long-eastern. after, wherein his special care was to punish those who had stolen art from church or churchman, thereby showing how gratefully he received at their hands the Christian faith,

which, he no sooner did, but his son, Edbal, took the course as fast to extinguish, not only falling back into heathenism, but that which heathenism was one to abhor, marrying his father's second wife. Then soon was perceived what multitudes fulfilled or countenance of the king had professed Christianity, returning now as eagerly to their old religion, nor stayed the apostasy within one province, but quickly spread over the East Saxons, occasioned there likewise, forced forward by the death of their Christian king, Seabird, whose three sons, of whom two are named Sexted and Seward, refused in his lifetime to be brought to baptism, and after his decease, re-established the free exercise of idolatheaval.

nor so content they set themselves in despite to do some open profanation against the other sacrament of the Lord's suffer. Coming therefore into the church where Meletus the bishop was ministering, they required him in abuse and scorn to deliver to them, though they were unbaptized, the consecrated bread. And upon his refusal to comply with their request, they drove him disgracefully out of their dominion, who crossed forthwith into Kent, where things were in the same plight. and thence into France with Justice, Bishop of Rochester. But divine vengeance deferred not long the punishment of men so impious, for Edbald, vexed with an evil spirit,

fell often into foul pits of distraction, and the sons of Siebert, in a fight against the West Saxons, perished with their whole army. But Edbald within the year, by an extraordinary means, became penitent. For when Lawrence, the Archbishop and successor of Austin, preparing to ship for France after Justice and Melitus. The story goes, if it were believing, that St. Peter, in whose church he spent the night before in watching and praying,

appeared to him, and, to make the vision more sensible, gave him many stripes for offering to desert his flock. At sight were of the king, to whom next morning he showed the marks of what he had suffered, by whom and for what cause, relenting, and in great fear, dissolved his incestuous marriage, and applied himself to the Christian faith more sincerely than before, with all his people. But the Londoners, addicted still to paganism, would not be persuaded to receive again meletus for their bishop, and to compel them was not in his power. Thus, note, post-Christ 617, returned to text. Much through all the South was troubled in religion.

As much were the North parts disquieted through ambition. For Ethelford, King of Bernicia, as was touched before, having thrown Edwin out of Deira, and joined that kingdom to his own, not content to have bereaved him of his right, whose known virtues and high parts gave cause of suspicion to his enemies, sends messengers to demand him of Redwall, king of the East Angles, under whose protection, after many years wandering obscurely through all the island, he had placed his safety. Redwald, though he had promised all defense to Edwin as to his succulent, yet being tempted with continual and large offers of gold and not contemning the poisons of Ethelford, yielded at length either to dispatch him or to give him into their hands.

But being earnestly exhorted by his wife not to betray the faith and in vile of a law of hospitality and refuge given, he at last prefers his first promise as the more religious. and not only refuses to deliver him up, but, since war was thereupon denounced, determines to be beforehand with the danger, and, with a sudden army raised, surprises Eiffleth, little dreaming of an invasion, and in a fight near to the east side of the river idle, on the Merchant border, now not unsure, slays him,

dissipating easily those few forces, which he had got to march out over hastily with him, who yet, as a testimony of his fortune, not his valour, to be blamed, slew first with his own hands, Rainer became son. His two sons, Oswald and Oswald, by Akha, Edwin's sister, escaped into Scotland. By this victory, Redwald became so far superior to the other Saxon kings that Vida reckons him the next after Ella and Ethel. Who besides this conquest of the North, had like, likewise all on the hither side of the humber at his obedience. He had formerly in Kent received baptism, but coming home and being persuaded by his wife, who still, it seems was his chief

counsellor to good or bad or life, relapsed into his old religion. Yet not willing to forego his new, thought it not the worst way, lest perhaps he might err in either, for more assurance to keep them both, and in the same temple erected one altar to Christ, and another to his idols. But Edwin, as with more deliberation he undertook, and with more sincerity retained the Christian profession, so also in power and extent of dominion far exceeded all before him, seduing all, saidth Beda, English or British, even to the Isles, then called Mervanian, Anglesey, and Man, settled in this kingdom by Redwald. He sought in marriage Edelberger, whom others call Tate, the daughter of Ethelberg.

To whose ambassadors, Eidbald, her brother made answer that, quote, to wed their daughter to a pagan was not the Christian law, unquote. Edwin replied that, quote, to her religion he would be no hindlings, which with her whole household she might freely exercise, and, moreover, that if, when examined it were found the better, he would embrace it, unquote.

these ingenuous offers, opening so fair a way to the advancement of truth, are accepted, note post-Christ 625, returned to text, and Polinus, as a spiritual guardian, is sent along with the Virgin. He, being to that purpose made bishop by justice, omitted no occasion to plant the gospel in those parts, but with small success till the next year, Quichelm, at that time, one of the two West Saxon kings, envious of the greatness which he saw Edwin growing up to, sent privily, humorous, a hired swordsman, to assassinate him,

who under pretence of doing a message from his master, with a poisonous weapon stabs at Edwin, conferring with him in his house by the River Derwent in Yorkshire on an Easter day, which Lilla, one of the king's attendants, at the instant perceiving, with a loyalty that stood not then to deliberate, abandoned his whole body to the blow, which, notwithstanding, made passage through to the king's person, with a wound not to be slighted. The murderer, encompassed now with swords and desperate, four revenges his own fall with the death of another, whom his poniard reached home. Paulinus, omitting no opportunity to win the king from misbelief, obtained at length this promise from him, that if Christ, who be so magnified,

would give him to recover of his wound and victory of his enemies who had thus assaulted him, he would then become Christian. In Pledge whereof, he gave his young daughter, Inflad, to be bred up in religion, who with twelve others of his family on the day of Pentecost was baptized. and by that time well recovered of his wound to punish the author of so foul a fact he went with an army against the west saxons whom having quelled by war and of such as had conspired against him put some to death and pardoned others he returned home victorious and from that time worshipped no more his idols yet ventured not rashly into baptism but first took care to be instructed rightly in what he learnt examining and still considering with himself and others whom he held wisest,

though Boniface the Pope, by large letters of exhortation, both to him and his queen, was not wanting to quicken his belief. But while he still deferred, and his deferring might seem now to have passed the maturity of wisdom to a faulty lingering, Paulinus, by revelation, as was believed, coming to the knowledge of a secret which befell him strangely in the time of, of his troubles, on a certain day went in boldly to him, and laying his right hand on the head of the king, asked him if he remembered what that sign meant. The king, trembling and in a maze rising up, straight fell at his feet. Behold, set Paulinus, raising him from the ground. God hath delivered you from your enemies and given you the kingdom as you desired. Perform now what long since you

promised him to receive his doctrine, which I now bring you, and the faith, which, if you accept, shall to your temporal felicity add eternal. The promise claimed of him by Paulinus, how and wherefore made, though savoring much of legend, is thus related. Redwald, as we heard before, dazzled with the gold of Ethelphred, or by his threatening over odd, having promised to yield to yield up Edwin, one of his faithful companions of which he had some few with him in the court of Redwall that never shrunk from his adversity, about the first hour of night comes in haste to his chamber, and calling him forth for better secrecy, reveals to him his danger, offers him his aid to make his escape. But that course not being approved, has seeming dishonorable without more

manifest cause to begin distrust towards one who had so long been his only refuge, the friend departs. Edwin, left alone without the palace gate, full of sadness and perplexed thoughts, discerns about the dead of night a man, neither by countenance nor by habit to him known, approaching towards him, who, after salutation asked him, why, at this hour, when all others were at rest, he alone so sadly sat waking on a cold stone. Edwin, not a little misdouling who it might be, asked him again, what is sitting within doors or without concerned him to know? To whom he again, think not that who thou art,

or why sitting here, or what danger hangs over thee is to me unknown. But what would you promise to that man, whoever would befriend you out of all these troubles and persuade Red Wall to the light. All that I am able, answered Edwin, and he, what if the same man should promise to make you greater than any English king have been before you? I should not doubt both Edwin to be answerably grateful. And what if to all this he would inform you, said the other, in a way to happiness beyond what any of your ancestors have known would you hearken to his counsel edwin without stopping promised he would

and the other laying his right hand on edwin's head when this sign said he shall next befall thee remember this time of night and this discourse to perform what thou hast promised and with these words disappearing he left edward much revived, but not less filled with wonder who this unknown person should be. When suddenly the friend, who had been gone all this while to listen further what was like to be decreed to Edwin, comes back and joyfully bids him rise to his repose, for that the king's mind, though for a while drawn aside, was now fully resolved not only not to betray him, but to defend him against all enemies, as he had promised. This was said to be the cause, why Edwin admonished by the bishop of a sign which had befallen him so strangely, and as he thought so secretly, arose to him with that reverence and amazement as to one sent from heaven, to claim that promise of him which he perceived well was due to a divine power that it assisted him in his troubles. To Polinus, therefore, he makes answer, that the Christian belief he himself ought by promise,

and intended to receive, but would confer first with his chief peers and counsellors that if they likewise could be one, all at once might be baptized. They therefore being asked in counsel what their opinion was concerning the new doctrine, and well-perceiving which were the king inclined, every one thereafter shaped his reply. The chief priest, speaking first, discovered an old grudge he had against his gods for advancing others in the king's favor above him, their chief priest.

Another, hiding his court compliance in a grave sentence, commended the choice of certain before uncertain upon due examination. To like purpose answered all the rest of his sages, none openly dissenting from what, was likely to be the king's creed, whereas the preaching of Polinus could work no such effect upon them toiling till that time without success. Whereupon Edwin renouncing heathenism became Christian, and the pagan priest, offering himself freely to demolish the altars of his former gods, made some amends for his teaching to adore them.

With Edwin, note, post-Christ 627, returned to text, His two sons, Osfried and Infrid, born to him by Quenberger, daughter, a Seth Beda of Carroll, King of Mercia, in the time of his banishment, and with them most of the people, both nobles and commons, easily converted, were baptized. He, with his whole family at York, in a church hastily built up of wood, the multitude, most part in rivers. Northumberland thus christened, Polinus, crossing the river Humber, converted also the problem. of Lindsay, and Bleca, the governor of Lincoln, with his household in most of that city, wherein he built a church of stone, curiously wrought, but of small continuance,

for the roof in Beda's time, uncertain whether by neglect or by enemies, was down, the walls only standing. Meanwhile, in Mercia, Carol, a kinsman of Wibber, said Huntington, not a son, having long withheld the kingdom from Penda with his son, left it now at length to him in the 50th year of his age, with whom Kinnigils and Quichhelm, the West Saxon kings, two years after, note, post-Christ six-29, returned to text, having by that time it seems recovered strength,

since the inroad made upon them by Edwin, bought it scissors-ster, then made a truce. But Edwin, seeking every way to propagate the faith which, with so much deliberation he had received, persuaded Erpwald, the son of Wedwald, King of East Angles, to embrace the same belief. Note, post-Christ 632, returned to text. Willingly or in awe is not known, retaining under Edwin the name only of King. But Erpwald not long survived his conversion, having been slain in fight by Rickbert, a pagan,

whereby the people having lightly followed the religion of their king as lightly fell back to their own superstitions for above three years after. Edwin, in the meanwhile, do his faith adding virtue, by the due administration of justice, brought such peace over all his territories that from sea to sea man or woman might have traveled in safety. His care also was of fountains by the wayside to make them fittest for the use of travellers. and, not unmindful of regal state, whether in war or in peace, he had a royal banner carried before him. But having reigned with much honour seventeen years, he was at length by Kedwalay, or Katwalham, king of the Britons, who, with aid of the Mercian Panda had rebelled against him, slain in a battle with his son Osphrit at a place called Hethfield, and his whole army overthrown or dispersed,

in the year 633, and the 47th of his age, in the eye of man worthy a more peaceful end. His head, brought to York, was there buried in the church by him begun. Sad was this overthrow, both to the church and state of the Northumbrians. For Penda, being a heathen, and the British king, though in name a Christian, yet indeed's more bloody than the pagan, nothing was omitted of barbarous cruelty in the slaughter of sex or age. Hed Walla, threatening to root out the whole nation, though then newly Christian. For the Britons, and as Biederseth, even to his days, accounted Saxon Christianity no better than paganism,

and with them held as little communion. From these calamities, no refuge being left but flight, Paulinus, taking with him Ethelberger the Queen and her children, aided by Bassus, one of Edwin's captains, made escape by sea to Edbald, king of Kent, who, receiving his sister with all kindness, made Paulinus Bishop of Rochester, where he ended his days. After Edwin, the kingdom of Northumberland became divided as before, each rightful heir seizing his part. In Deira, Osric, the son of Elfrid, Edwin's uncle, by profession of Christian, and baptized by Polinus. In Bernicia, Infrid, the son of Ethelphred, who all the time of Edwin,

with his brother Oswald and many of the young mobility lived in Scotland, exiled, and had been there taught and baptized. No sooner had they gotten each a kingdom, but both turned recreant, sliding back into their old religion, and both were the same year slain. Osric, by a sudden eruption of Kidwalla, whom he in a strong town had unadvisedly besieged, Infrid, seeking peace and inconsiderately with a few surrendering himself. Cadwalla now ranged at will through both those provinces, using cruelly his conquest, note post-Christ six-34, returned to text. when oswald the brother of infrid with a small but christian army unexpectedly coming on defeated and destroyed both him and his huge forces which he boasted to be invincible

by a little river running into time near the ancient roman wall then called denis burn the place afterwards called heavenfield from the cross reported to be miraculous for cures which oswald there erected before the battle in token of his faith against the great number of his enemies. Obtaining the kingdom, he took care to instruct again the people in Christianity. Sending, therefore, to the Scottish elders, he does so terms them, among whom he had received baptism, he requested of them some faithful teacher, who might again settle religion in his realm, which the late troubles had much impaired. They, as readily hearkening to his request, sent Aden, a Scotch monk and bishop, but of singular zeal and meekness, with others to assist him, whom, at their own desire he seated in Lindisfarne, at the Episcopal's seat, now Holy Island, and being the son of Ethelford, by the sister of Edwin, as right heir others failing,

easily reduced both kingdoms of Northumberland as before into one, nor of Edwin's dominion lost any part, but enlarged it rather, over all the four British nations, Angles, Britons, Picts, and Scots, exercising regal authority. Of his devotion, humility, and alms deeds much as spoken, that he disdained not to be the interpreter of Aden, preaching in Scotch or bad English, through his nobles and household servants, and had the poor continually served at his gate after the promiscuous manner of those times. His meaning might be upright, but the manner, more ancient, of private or church contribution, is doubtless more evangelical. End of Part 1 of the History of Britain by John Milton, recording by Thomas Copeland.

Book 4, Part 2 of the History of Britain by John Milton. This Librevox recording is in the public domain, reporting by Thomas Copeland. About this time, the West Saxons, anciently called Gavisi, by the preaching of Berinas, a bishop whom Pope Honorius had sent, were converted to the faith with Kinnigals their king.

Him, Oswald, received, out of the font, and his daughter in marriage. The next year, note, post-Christ 635, returned a text, Quichelm was baptized in Dorchester, but lived not to the year

end. The East Angles also this year were reclaimed to the faith of Christ, which for some years past they had thrown off. But Sigabert, the brother of Erpwald, now succeeded in that kingdom, praised for a most Christian and learned man, who, while his brother yet reigned, living in France an exile, for some displeasure conceived against him by Redwald's father, learned there the Christian faith, and reigning soon after, in the same instruction. his people by the preaching of Felix, a Burgundian bishop. In the year 640, Edbal, deceased, left to Urquembert, his son by Emma the French king's daughter, the kingdom of Kent, recorded the first of English kings who commanded, through his limits,

the destroying of idols, lottably of all idols, without exception, and the first to have established lent among us under strict penalty, not worth remembering. but only to inform us that no Lent was observed here till his time by compulsion, especially being noted by some to have fraudulently usurped upon his elder brother, Ermin Red, whose right was precedent to the crowd. Oswald, having reigned eight years, note, post-Christ 642, returned to text, Worthy also, as might seem of longer life, fell into the same fate with Edwin, and from the same hand, in a great battle overcome and slain by Penda at a place called

Mazurfield, now Oswestrian Shropshire, miraculous as Seth Beda after his death. His brother Osway succeeded him, reigning, though in much trouble, 28 years, opposed either by Penda or his own son, Alfred, or his brother's son, Ethelwald. Next year, note, post-Christ 649, returned to text. Kenegills, the West Saxon king, dying, left his son Kenwald in his stead, though as yet unconverted. About this time, Sigabert, King of the East Angles, having learned in France, ere is coming to reign the manner of their schools, with the assistance of some teachers out of Kent, instituted a school here, after the same discipline, thought to be the University of Cambridge, then first founded.

And at length, weary of his kingly office, he took him to a monastical life, commending the care of government to his kinsman Egric, who had sustained him with part of that burden before. It happened some years after that Penda made war on the East Angles. They, expecting a sharp encounter, besought Sigabert, whom they esteemed an expert leader, with his presence to confirm the soldiery, and upon his refusal carried him by force out of the monastery into the camp, where, acting the monk rather than the captain, with a single wand in his hand, he was slain with Egric, and his whole army put to flight. Anna of the royal stock as next in Wright succeeded, and has the praise of a virtuous and most

Christian prince. But Kenwa, the West Saxon, having married the sister of Penda, and divorced her, was by him, with more appearance of a just cause, vanquished in fight, and deprived of his crown. Whence retiring to Anna, King of the East Angles, after three years abode in his court, note, post-Christ 648, returned to text, he there became Christian, and afterwards regained his kingdom. oswy in the former years of his reign had admitted to a share of the government with him oswin nephew of edwin who ruled in deira seven years who was commended much for his zeal in religion and for the comeliness of his person with other princely qualities was beloved of all notwithstanding which dissensions growing between them it came to arms oswin seeing himself much exceeded in numbers thought it more prudent dismissing his army to reserve himself for some better occasion but committing his person with one faithful attendant to the loyalty of hunwald of earl his imagined friend he was by him treacherously discovered and by command of oswin slain note Post-Christ, 6.51, returned to text, after whom, within twelve days, and for grief of him

whose death he foretold, died Bishop Aden, famous for his charity, meekness, and labor in the gospel. The fact of Oswe was detestable to all, which, therefore, to expiate, a monastery was built in the place where it was done, and prayers there daily offered up for the souls of both kings, the slain and the slayer. Ken walk, by this time reinstalled in his kingdom, kept it long, but with various fortune, for Beda relates him oftentimes afflicted by his enemies, with great losses, and in 652 by the annals, fought a battle, civil war, Ethelwood calls it,

at Brandon Fort by the River Avony, against whom, and for what cause, or who had the victory, they write not. Camden names the place Bradford in Wiltshire by the River Avon and Cuthred, his near kinsman, against whom he fought, but cites no authority. Certain it is that Kenwalk four years before had given large possessions to his nephew Cuthrid, the more unlikely, therefore, now to have rebelled. The next year, note, post-Christ 653, returned to text.

Pieda, whom his father Penda, though heathen, had, for his princely virtues made prince of middle ankles, belonging to the merchants, was with that people converted to the faith. For coming to Oswe with request to have in marriage El Fleda, his daughter, he was denied her but on condition that he, with all his people, should receive Christianity. Hearing, therefore, not unwillingly what was preached to him of resurrection and eternal life, much persuaded also by Alfred the king's son, who had his sister, Kinniburb to wife, he easily assented, for the truth's sake only, as he professed, whether he obtained the Virgin or no, and was baptized with all his followers. Returning, he took with him four presbyters to teach the people of his province, who by their daily preaching won many.

Neither did Penda, though himself not believer, prohibit any in his kingdom, to hear or believe the gospel, but rather hated and despised those who professing to believe attested not their faith by good works, condemning them for miserable and justly to be despised, who obey not that God in whom they choose to believe.

How well might Penda this heathen rise up in judgment against many of them, pretended Christians both of his own and these days. Yet, being a man bred up to war, as no less were others then reigning, and oftentimes one against another, though both Christians, he wore on Anna, King of the East Angles. Note, post-Christ, 654, returned to text. Perhaps without cause, for Anna was esteemed a just man, and at length slew him. About this time, the East Saxons, who, as above hath been said, had expelled their bishop Melitus, and renounced the faith, were by the means of Oswey thus reconverted.

Sigabert, surnamed de Small, being the son of Seward, without other memory of his reign, left his son king of that province, after him called Sigabert II, who coming often to visit Oswey's great friend was by him at several times, fervently dissuaded from idolatry, and, being prevailed on at length to forsake it, was there baptized. On his return home, taking with him Keda a laborious preacher afterwards made a bishop, by whose teaching, with some help of others, the people were again recovered from misbelief. But Sigabert, some years after, though standing fast in religion, was by the conspiracy of two brethren in place near about him, wickedly murdered, who, being asked, quote, what moved them to a deed so heinous, unquote,

gave no other than this barber's answer, quote, that they were angry with him for being so gentle to his enemies as to forgive them their injuries whenever they besought him, unquote, that his death seems to have happened not without some cause by him given a divine displeasure. for one of those earls who slew him, living in unlawful wedlock, and therefore excommunicated so severely by the bishop that no man might presume to enter into his house, much less to sit at meet with him, the king, not regarding this church censure, went to feast with him at his invitation, whom the bishop meeting in his return, though penitent for what he had done and fallen at his feet, touched with the rod in his hand, and angrily, thus, foretold, because thou hast neglected to abstain from the house of that excommunicate, in that house thou shalt die. And so it fell out, perhaps from that prediction, God bearing witness to his minister in the power of church discipline, spiritually executed, not juridically, on the contemned thereof. This year, 655, proved fortunate to Oswe and fatal to penitably. And fatal to penitably,

for oswey by the continual inroads of penda having long endured much devastation to the endangering once by assault and fire bebenberg his strongest city now bambra castle unable to resist him with many rich presents offered to buy his peace which not accepted by the pagan who intended nothing but destruction to that king though more than once in affinity with him turning gifts into vows he implores divine assistance, devoting, if he were delivered from his enemy, a child of one-year-old his daughter to be a nun, and twelve portions of land were on to build monasteries. His vows, as may be thought, found better success than his proffered gifts, for hereupon with his son Alfred, gathering a small power, he encountered and discomfited the Mercians, thirty times exceeding his in number, and led to him. led on by expert captains at a place called Laives, now Leeds in Yorkshire. Besides this, Ethelwold, the son of Oswald, who ruled in Deira, took part with the Mercians, but in the fight withdrew his forces and in a safe place expected the event. With which unseasonable retreat the Mercians, perhaps terrified and misdouting more danger,

fled. of their commanders, with Penda himself, being slain, among whom was Adelhir, the brother of Anna, who ruled after him the East Angles, and was the author of this war. And many more flying were drowned in the river, which Beda calls Windward, then swore above its banks. The death of Penda, who had been the death of so many good kings, made General rejoicing, as the song witnessed. At the River, Winwood, Anna was of end. To Edelhere succeeded Ethelward his brother in the East Angles. To Sigurbert, in the East Saxons, Swidhelm, the son of Saxeuf Bede, the brother of Sigurberd, Seth Momsbury.

He was baptized by Kedda, then residing in the kingdom of the East Angles, and by Ethelwald the King received out of the font. But Oswe, in the strength of his lake victory, within three years after, note, post-Christ 658, returned to text, subdued all Mercia, and of the Pictish nation, greatest part, at which time he gave to Pida his son-in-law the kingdom of South Mercia, divided from the northern by the River Trent. But Pida, the spring following, as was said, by the treason of his wife, the daughter of Oswe, married by him for a special Christian, on the feast of Easter, not protected by the holy time, was slain.

note post-crist six fifty nine returned to text the mercian nobles imin iba eb and edbert throwing off the government of oslie set up wolfer the other son of penda to be their king whom till then they had kept hid and with him adhered to the christian faith Kenwalk, the West Saxon now settled at home and desirous to enlarge his dominion, prepares against the Britons, joins battle with them at Penn in Somerseture, and, overcoming, pursues them to Brederida. Another fight he had with them before had a place called Whitgernsburg, barely mentioned by the monk of Momsbury. Nor was it long ere he fell at variance with Wolfer, the son of Penda, his old enemy, scarce yet warm in his throne, fought with him at Possensburg on the Easter holidays, note post-Christ 661, returned to text, and as Ethelwood Seth took him prisoner. But the Saxon annals, quite otherwise,

say that Wolfer, winning the field, wasted the West Saxon country as far as Eskeston, and not staying there, took and wasted the Isle of Wight, but, causing the inhabitants to be baptized, who had till then been unbelievers, gave the island to Ethelwold, king of the South Saxons, whom he had received out of the font. The year six hundred and sixty-four,

a synod of Scottish and English bishops in the presence of Oswe and Alfred his son, was held in a monastery in those parts to debate on what day Easter should be kept, a controversy which long before had disturbed the Greek and Latin churches, wherein the Scots not agreeing with the way of Rome, nor yielding to the disputants on that side to whom the king most inclined, such as were bishops here resigned and returned home with their disciples.

Another clerical question was there, also much controverted, not so superstitious, in my opinion, as ridiculous, about the right-shaving of crowns. The same year was seen an eclipse of the sun in May, followed by a sore pestilence beginning in the south, but spreading to the north, and over all Ireland with great mortality, in which time the East Saxons, after Swithelham's decease,

being governed by Sigurd, the son of Sigbert the small, and Sebi of Seward, though both subject to the Mercians, Sigur and his people, unsteady of faith, supposing that this plague was come upon them for renouncing their old religion, fell off the second time to infidelity, which the Mercian king, Wolfer, understanding, sent Geromanos, a faithful bishop, who, with other his fellow labourers, by sound doctrine and gentle dealing, soon recured them of their second relapse.

In Kent, Ercombert, expiring, was succeeded by his son Eckbert, in whose fourth year, note post-Christ six 68, the eight is illegible, returned to text. By means of Theodore, a learned Greekish monk of Tarsus, whom Boe Fattalion, had ordained Archbishop of Cantib, the Greek and Latin tongue with other liberal arts, arithmetic, music, astronomy, and the like, began first to flourish among the Saxons, as did also the whole land, under potent and religious kings, more than ever before, as Beda affirms, till his own days. Two years after, note, post-Christ six-sevety, returned to text, in Northumberland died Oswe, much addicted to Romish rights, and resists,

resolved had his disease released him to have ended his days in Rome. Eckfried, the eldest of his son's begotten wedlock, succeeded him. After other three years, note, post-Christ 673, returned to text. Eckbert, in Kent, deceased, left nothing memorable behind him but the general suspicion to have slain or connived at the slaughter of his uncle's two sons, Albert and Egelbright. In recompense wereof, he gave to the mother of them part of Tannet, wherein to build an abbey. The kingdom fell to his brother Lothair. And much about this time, by the best account it should be, however, replaced in Beda, that Echfried of Northumberland,

having war with the Mercian Wolfer, won from him Lindsay, and the country thereabout. Seby, having reigned over the East Saxon's 30 years, not long before his death, though he had long before desired to do so, took on him the habit of a monk, and drew his wife at length, though unwilling, to the same devotion. Kenwalk, also dying, left the government to Sexburger his wife, who outlived him in it but one year. having been driven out, Seth Matthew of Westminster, spelled M-A-T-P-E-S-T-M-P period, by the nobles disdaining female government. After whom, several petty kings, as Beda calls them, for ten years' space, divided the West Saxons. Note, post-Christ 673, returned to text. Others named two Esquin, the nephew of Kinnigils, and Kentwin's son, not petty by their deeds, for Esquin fought a battle with Wolfer, note post-Christ 676, returned a text,

at Bedenhavde, and about a year after, both deceased. But Wolfer, not without a stain left behind him, of selling the Bishopric of London, to Winnie, the first Simonist we read of in this story. Kenwalk had before expelled him from his chair at Winchester. Ethelred, the brother of Wolfer, obtaining next the Kingdom of Mercia, not only recovered Lindsay, and what besides in those parts Wolfer had lost to Eckford some years before, but found himself strong enough to extend his arms another way, as far as Kent, wasting that country without respect to church or monastery, much also in damaging the city of Rochester, notwithstanding what resistance Lothair could make against it. In August, 678 was seen a morning comment for three months following in manner of a fiery

pillar, and the South Saxons about this time were converted to the Christian faith upon this occasion. Wilfred, bishop of the Northumbrians, entering into contention with Eckford the king, was by him deprived of his bishopric, and long wandering up and down as far as Rome, no, post-Christ 679, returned to text, returned at length into England. But not daring to approach the north whence he was banished, he thought him where he might to best purpose elsewhere exercise his ministry. The south of all other Saxons remained yet heathen, but Edelwalk their king not long before he had been baptized in Mercia, persuaded by Wolfer, and by him, as hath been said, received out of the font. For which relations sake, he had the Isle of White and a

province of the Minare adjoining given him on the continent about Minosborough in Hampshire, which Wolfer had a little be forgotten from Kenwa. Thither Wilfred takes his journey, and with the help of other spiritual labourers about him, in short time planted there the gospel. It had not reigned, as is said, of three years before in that country, whence many of the people daily perished by famine, till on the first day of their public baptism, soft and plentiful showers descending restored all abundance to the summer following.

Two years after this, note, post-Christ 681, returned to text, Kentwin, the other West Saxon king above named, chased the Welsh Britons, as is chronicled without circumstance, to the very seashore. But, in the year by Beatty's reckoning, 683, Kedwalah, a West Saxon of the Royal Line, whom the Welsh will have to be Cadwallader, last king of the Britons, thrown out by faction, returned from banishment, and invaded both Kentwyn,

if then living, or whoever else had divided the succession of Kenwalk, slaying in fight Edelwock, the South Saxon, who opposed him in their aid, but soon after was repulsed by two of his captains, Ritune and Andune. who for a while held the province in their power but cadwallah gathering new force note post christ six eighty five returned to text with the slaughter of bertune and also of edric the successor of edelwock won the kingdom but reduced the people to heavy thraldom then addressing himself to conquer the isle of white the inhabitants of which till that time continued to be pagans as bideseth though others say otherwise as above have been related, made a vow, though himself yet unbaptized, to devote the fourth part of that island, and the spoils thereof, to holy uses. Conquest obtained, paying his vow, as then was the belief, he gave his fourth to Bishop Wilfred, who was by chance there present, and the bishop gave it

to Bertrand, a priest, his sister's son, with commission to baptize all the vanquished who meant to save their lives. But the two young sons of Arwald, king of that island, met with much more hostility, for they, at the enemy's approach, flying out of the aisle and being betrayed as to the place where they were hid, which was not far from then, were led to Kedwalah, who lay then under cure some wounds received, and by his appointment, after instruction and baptism first given them, were harshly put to death, which the youths are said with a courage above their age to have Christianly suffered. In Kent, Lothair died this year of his wounds received in the fight against the South Saxons, led on by Edric, who, descending from Ermrinit, it seems, challenged the crown

and wore it, though not commendably, one year and a half. But coming to a violent death, note post-Christ six-85, returned to text, left the land exposed a prey either to homebred usurpers or to neighboring invaders, among whom Cadwallah, taking advantage from their civil distempers, and marching easily through the country of the South Saxons whom he had subdued, sorely harassed the country, which had of a long time been untouched by any hostile incursion. But the Kentish men, all parties uniting against a common enemy, with joint power so opposed him that he,

He was constrained to retire back. His brother, Molo, in the flight, with twelve men in his company, seeking shelter in a house, was beset, and therein burnt by the pursuers. Kedwalah, much troubled at so great a loss, recalling and soon rallying his disordered forces, returned fiercely upon the chasing enemy. Note, post-Christ six 86, returned to text. Nor could have he got out of the province till both by fire and sword he had avenged the death of his brother. At length, note, post-Christ 686,

returned to text, Victor, the son of Eckbert, attaining the kingdom, both settled at home all things in peace, and secured his borders from all outward hostility. While thus Kedwalah disquieted both west and east, after his winning the crown, Eckfried the Northumbrian and Ethelred, the Mercian fought a sole battle by the River Trent, wherein Elfwin, brother to Eckford, a youth of 18 years, much beloved, was slain, and that accident, being likely to occasion much more shedding of blood, peace was happily made up by the grave exhortation of Archbishop Theodore, a pecuniary fine only being paid to Eckford, as some satisfaction for the loss of his brother's life. Another adversity befell Eckford in his family

By means of Ethelred, his wife, King Anna's daughter, Who, having taken him for her husband, And professing to love him above all other men, persisted during twelve years In the obstinate refusal of his bed, thereby thinking to live the purer of life. So perversely then was chastity instructed against the Apostle's rule. At length, obtaining of him with much importunity,

her departure, she veiled herself a nun, and being then made Abbas of Elie, died seven years after of the pestilence, and might with better warrant have kept faithfully her undertaken wedlock, though now canonized by the name of St. Audrey of Elie. In the meanwhile, Eckford had sent Bertus with the power to subdue Ireland, a harmless nation, said Beda, and ever friendly to the English, in both which qualities they seem to have left a posterity much unlike them at this day. The inhabitants of Ireland seeing their country to be miserably wasted by these invaders, without regard had to places halid or profane, they betook themselves partly to their weapons, and partly to implore divine aid, and, as was thought, obtained it in their full avengement upon

Eckford, for he, the next year, against the minded persuasion of his, his sagest friends, and especially of Cudbert, a famous bishop of that age, marching unadvisedly against the Picts, who long before had been subject to Northumberland, was by them feigning flight, drawn unawares into narrow straits over top with hills, and cut off with most of his army, from which times hath been, military valor began among the Saxons to decay. and not only the Picts who had till then been peaceable, but some part of the Britons also recovered by arms their liberty for many years after. Yet Alfred, elder but base, brother to Eckford,

a man said to be learned in the scriptures, being recalled from Ireland to which place in his brother's reign he had retired, and now succeeding him, upheld with much honour, though in narrower bounds, the residue of his kingdom. Kedwalah, having now with great disturbance of his neighbors, reigned over the West Saxons two years, besides what time he spent of gaining it, wearied, perhaps, with his own turbulence, went to Rome,

desirous there to receive baptism, which till then his worldly affairs had caused him to defer. And accordingly, on Easter Day, 689, he was baptized by Sirius, the Pope, and his name changed to Peter. All which notwithstanding, surprised with the disease, he outlived not the ceremony which he had so far sought much above the space of five weeks,

but died there in the 30th year of his age, and in the Church of St. Peter was there buried, with a large epitaph upon his tomb. Him succeeded, Ina of the royal family, and from the time of his coming in, for many years oppressed the land with like grievance, as Kedwalah had done before him, insomuch that in those times there was no bishop among them. His first expedition was into Kent to demand satisfaction for the burning of Molo.

Victred, loath to hazard all for the rash act of a few, delivered up thirty of those that could be found accessory, or, as others say, pacified Ina with a great sum of money. Meanwhile, at the incitement of Eckbert, a devout monk, Wilbrot, a priest eminent for learning, passed over at sea having twelve others in company with intent to preach the gospel in Germany. Note, post-Christ 694, returned to text, and coming to Pepin, chief regent of the Franks, who a little before had conquered the hither Frisia, by his countenance and protection and with a promise also of many benefits to them who should believe,

they found the work of conversion much the easier, and Wilbrot obtained the first bishopric in that nation. But two priests, each of them huled by name and for distinction surnamed from the color of their hair, the black and the white, by his example piously affected to the souls of their countrymen, the old Saxons, at their coming thither to convert them met with much worse entertainment. For in the house of a farmer who had promised to convey them as the desire to the governor of that country, being discovered by their daily ceremonies to be Christian priests,

and the cause of their coming being suspected, they were by him and his heathen neighbors cruelly butchered, yet were not unavanged. For the governor, enraged at such violence offered to his strangers, Sending armed men slew all those inhabitants and burnt their village. After three years, note post-Christ 697, returned to text, in Mercia, Ostrid the Queen, wife to Ethelred was killed by her own nobles, as Bida's epitome of course.

Florence calls them Southumbrians negligently omitting the cause of so strange a fact. And the year following, note post-Christ six-ninety, returned to text, Bethrid, a Northumbrian general, was slain by the pigs. Ethelred, seven years after the violent death of his queen, note, post-Christ 704, returned to text, put on the monk and resigned his kingdom to Kenred,

the son of Wolfer, his brother. The next year, note post-Christrecentre five, returned to text, Alfred in Northumberland died, leaving Osrid, a child only, eight years old to succeed him. Four years after which, note post-Christ's 709, returned to text, Kenrod, having a while with praise governed the Mercian kingdom, went to Rome in the time of Pope Constantine and was shorn a monk, and in that condition, spent there the residue of his days. Keldred, succeeded him, the son of Ethelred,

who had reigned the next before. With Kenred went off. the son of Sigur, king of the East Saxons, and betook him to the same habit, leaving his wife and native country. A comely person in the prime of his youth, much desired of the people, and such was his virtue by report that he might have otherwise been worthy to have reigned. Ina, the West Saxon one year after, note, post-Christ 7.10, returned to text, fought a battle which was at first at first, doubtful, but at last successful, against Garant King of Wales. The next year, note, post-Christ 7-11, return to text. Bertfried, another Northumbrian captain, fought with the Picts and slaughtered them, Seth Huntington, to the full avengment of Eckfried's death.

The fourth year after, note, post-Christ 715, returned to text. Ina had another doubtful and cruel battle that, Woodnesburg in Wiltshire, with Kelred the Mercian who died the year following a lamentable death. Note, post-Christ 716, returned to text. For as he sat one day feasting with his nobles, suddenly possessed with an evil spirit, he expired in despair, as Boniface, Archbishop of Mince, an Englishman, who taxes him for a defiler of nuns, writes by way of caution to Ethelbolt his next of kin who succeeded him. Osrid also, a young Northumbrian king, slain by his kindred in the eleventh of his reign,

for his vicious life and incest committed with nuns, was by Kenred succeeded and avenged. He, reigning two years, left Osric in his room. Note, post-Christ 718, returned to text. In whose seventh year, if be to calculate right, victrid, king of Kent, deceased, having reign, years, and some part of them with Swebar, as Beda testifies. Note, post-Christ 725, returned to text. He left behind him three sons, Ethelbert, Edbert, and Alric, his heirs. Three years after which, note, post-Christ 728, returned to text, appeared two comets about the sun, terrible to behold,

the one before him in the morning, the other after him in the evening, for the space of two weeks in January, bending their blaze toward the north, at which time the Saracens furiously invaded France, but were expelled soon after with great overthrow. The same year in Northumberland, Osric, dying, or slain, adopted Kelwulf, the brother of Kenred, his successor, to Humbida dedicates his story, but writes this only of him, that the beginning and the process of his reign met with many. adverse commotions whereof the event was then doubtfully expected. Meanwhile, Aina, seven years before having slain Kenwolf, to whom Florent gives the addition

of Clyto, which is given usually to none of the persons of the royal blood, and the fourth year after having overthrown and slain, Albright, another Clyto, driven from Taunton to the South Saxons for aid, and having vanquished also the East Angles in more than one battle, as Momsbury writes, but does not mention the ear, whether to expiate so much blood or infected with the contagious humor of those times, and Momsbury said that the persuasion of Ethel Burgay's wife, went to Rome, and there ended his days. Yet this praise left behind him, to have made good laws, the first of the Saxon laws that remain extant to this day, and to his kinsman Edelard bequeathed the crown.

no less than the whole monarchy of England and Wales. For Ina, if we believe a digression in the laws of Edward the Confessor, was the first king crowned of both English and British subject since the entrance of the Saxons, of the British by means of his second wife, who was some way related to Cadwallder, the last king of Wales, which I should not have noted, as it appears to me, to be unlikely, but for the place in which I found it.

note bead post christ seven thirty one returned to text after aina by a surer author ethelbald king of mercier commanded all the provinces on this side the humber with their kings the picts were in league with the english the scots were peaceable within their bounds and of the britons part were under their own government and part subject to the english in which peaceful state of the land many in northumberland were in northumberland both nobles and commons, laying aside the exercise of arms, betook them to the cloister. And not content so to do at home, many in the days of Ina, clerks and laics, men and women, hastening to Rome in herds, thought themselves nowhere sure of eternal life till they were cloistered there. Thus representing the state of things in this island, Bida surceases to write, out of whose writings chiefly has been gathered since the Saxon's arrival such an imperfect account of their actions as hath been here delivered, which is but a scattered story picked out here and there with some trouble and tedious work from among his many legends of visions and miracles,

which toward the latter end of it is so bare of civil matters that what can be thence collected may seem to be a calendar rather than a history, being taken up for the most part with a succession of kings and computation of years, and even these uninteresting particulars are hard to be reconciled with the Saxon annals. Their actions that we read of were most commonly wars, but for what cause waged or by what counsels carried on, no care was had to let us know, whereby their strength and violence, we understand, but of their wisdom, reason, or justice, little or nothing.

the rest treating of superstition and monastical affectation, kings one after another, leaving their kingly charge to run their heads fondly into a monk's cowl, which leaves us uncertain whether Bida was wanting to his matter or his matter to him. Yet from hence to the Danish invasion it will be worse with us when we are destitute of Bida, left only to obscure and blockish chronicles, whom Momsbury and Huntingdon, from neither they nor we had better authors of those times, ambitious to adorn the history,

make no scruple of times, I doubt, to interline with conjectures and surmises of their own. But rather than imitate these writers, I shall choose to represent the truth quite naked, though as lean as a plain journal. Yet, will him all be able to, of Momsbury must be acknowledged, both for style and judgment, to be by far the best writer of them all. But what labor is to be endured in turning over volumes of rubbish and

the rest, Florence of Worcester, Huntingdon, Simeon of Durham, Hovedon, Matthew of Westminster, and many others of obscure a note with all their monarchisms is a penance to think. Yet these are our only registers. Transcribers, one after another of the most part, and sometimes worthy enough for the things they register. This travail, rather than not know at once what may be known of our ancient story, sifted from fables and impertinences, I voluntarily undergo, and to save others if they please the like unpleasing labor, except those who take pleasure to be all their lifetime raking the foundations of old abbeys and cathedrals.

But to my task now, as it be false End of book four, part two of the history of Britain by John Milton, recording by Thomas Copeland. Book four, part three of the history of Britain by John Milton. This Liber Vox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. In the year 733, on the 18th day of the Callens of September, was an clips of the sun about the third hour of day, obscuring almost his whole orb as with a black shield. Ethelbald, king of Mercia, besieged and took the castle or town of Somerton.

And two years after, note, post-Christ 735, returned to text, Bida, our historian, died. Some say the year before. Kellwolf, in Northumberland three years after, note, post-Christ 738, returned to text, became a monk in Lindisfarne, yet none of the severest, for he brought those monks from milk and water to wine and ale, in which doctrine no doubt they were soon docile,

and well might for Kelwulf brought with him good provision, great treasure and revenues of land, recited by Simeon, yet all under pretense of following, I use the author's words, who were Christ by voluntary poverty. No marvel then if such applause were given by monkish writers to kings turning monks, and much cunning perhaps used to allure them. To Edbert, his uncle's son, he left the kingdom,

whose brother Eckbert, Archbishop of York, built a library there. But two years after, note post-Christre seven-fort, returned to text, while Edbert was busied in war against the pigs, Ethelwald, the Mercian by foul fraud, assaulted part of Northumberland in his absence, as the supplement to beat his epitome, records. In the Kingdom of the West Saxons, Edelard, who succeeded Ina, having been much molested in the beginning of his reign with the rebellion of Oswald as kinsmen, who contended with him for the right of succession, Overcoming at last those troubles died in peace in the year 741, leaving Cuthrid, one of the same lineage to succeed him. Who at first had much war with Ethelbald the Mercian and various success, but joining with him in a league two years after, note post-Christ 743, returned to text, made war on the Welsh, over whom Huntingdon doubts not to give them a great victory. and simeon reports another battle fought between britons and picts in the year ensuing now was the kingdom of the east saxons drawing to a period for sigurd and senfred the son of seby having reigned a while and after them young

who soon quitted his kingdom to go to rome with canred as it been said the government was conferred on selred son of sigbert the good who having ruled thirty-eight years came to a violent death, note, post-Christ 746, returned a text. How or wherefore is not set down? After whom, Swithrid, was the last king, driven out by Eckbert the West Saxon. But London with the countries adjacent obeyed the merchants, till they also were dissolved. Cuthard had now reigned about nine years, note, post-Christ seven forty-eight, returned to text, when Kenrick, his son, a valiant young prince, was in a military tumult slain by his own soldiers. The same year, Edbert, dying in Kent, his brother Edelbert, reigned in his stead. But after two years, note, post-Christ 750, returned to text, the other Edbert in Northumberland,

whose war with the Picts hath been above mentioned, made now such progress there as to of Duke Kyle, so seth the octary of Bede and other counties thereabout, to his dominion, while Cuthred, the West Saxon, had a fight with Ethelon, one of his nobles. Note, post-Christ 752, returned to text. A stout warrior, envied by him in some matter of the Commonwealth, as far as by the Latin of Ethelwood can be understood, others interpreted sedition, and with much ado overcoming, took Ethelhun for his valor into favor, by whom faithfully served in the 12th or 13th of his reign, he encountered in a set battle with Ethelbal, the Mercian, at Bjorford, now Berford, in Oxfordshire.

One year after, note, post-Christ 753, returned to text, against the Welch, which was the last but one of his life. Huntingdon, as his manner is to comment upon the anal text, makes a terrible description of that fight between Cuthred and Ethelbald and the prowess of Ethelhon at Bjorford, but so effectively and therefore suspiciously that I hold it not worth rehearsal, and both in that and the latter conflict he gives victory to Cuthard, after whom Sidgebert, it is uncertain by what right, as his kinsman, said Florent, stepped into the throne whom hated for his cruelty and other evil doings kenwolf joining with most of the nobility dispossessed of all his dominions but hampshire that province he lost also within a year note post christ seventy five returned text

together with the love of all those who till then remained his adherents by slaying cumbren one of his chief captains who for a long long time had faithfully served and now dissuaded him from incensing the people by such tyrannical practices. Thence, flying for safety into Andrew's wood, forsaken of all, he was at length slain by the swineherd of Cumberin in revenge of his master, and Kinwolf, who had an undoubted right to the crown, was joyfully saluted king. The next year, note, post-Christ 756, returned text. Eidberth in Norrumbrian, joining forces with Unust, King of the Pig, says Simeon writes, besieged and took by surrender the city of Alpuleth, now Dunn Britain in Lennox, from the Britons of Cumberland, and ten days after the whole army perished, about Nguengverig,

but to tell us how he forgets. In Mercia, Ethelbald was slain at a place called Secandun, now Seckington in Warwickshire, the year following, note post-Christ 757, returned to text, in a bloody fight against Cuthred, as Huntington surmises, but Cuthred was dead two or three years before. Others write him to have been murdered in the night by his own guard, and the treason, as some say, of the old writ who succeeded him, but ere many months was defeated and slain by Arthur.

yet Ethelbald seems not without cause after a long and prosperous reign to have fallen by a violent death, which seems to have been the consequence of his having ventured on the vain confidence of his many alms, to commit uncleanness with consecrated nuns, besides lay egotteries, as the Archbishop of Menson letter taxes him, and his predecessor, and that by his example most of his peers did the like, which adulterous doings, he foretold him, were likely to produce a slothful offspring, good for nothing but to be the ruin of that kingdom,

as it fell out not long after. The next year, note, post-Christ 758, Osmond, according to Florence, ruling the South Saxons, and Swithrid the East, Edgerton, Northumberland, following the steps of his predecessor, got him into a monk's hood,

which seems the more to be wondered at, as he had reigned worthily twenty-one years with the love and high estimation of all both at home and abroad and was still able to govern and was much entreated by the kings his neighbours not to lay down his charge with an offer on that condition to yield up to him part of their own dominions but he could not be moved from his resolution and accordingly relinquished his regal office to oswald his son who at the year's end though without just cause was slain by his own servants. Note, post-Christ 759, returned to text. And the year after died Ethelbert, son of Victred, the second of that name in Kent. After Oswald, Ethelwald, otherwise called Molo, was set up king,

who in his third year, note, post-Christ 762, returned to text, at a great battle at El Dune by Melrose, slew Oswin a great lord rebelling and gained the victory. But the third year after, note, post-Christ, 765, returned to text, fell by the treachery of Alcred, who assumed his place. The fourth year after which, note, post-Christ 769, returned a text, Cataracta, an ancient and fair city in Yorkshire,

was burnt by Arnid, a certain tyrant, who the same year came to a like end and after five years more note post christ seven seventy four returned to text alchred the king deposed and forsaken by all his people flew with a few first to beba a strong city of those parts and thence to kinot king of the pigs Ethelred, the son of Molo, was crowned in his stead. Meanwhile, Afa, the Mercian, growing powerful, had subdued a neighboring people who are by Simeon called Hastings, and fought successfully this year with Ulrich, Gaeo Kent, at a place called Ockinford. The annals also speak of wondrous serpents then seen in Sussex. Nor had Kinwolf the West Saxon given small proof of his valor in several battles against the Welsh here to four, but this year seven hundred and seventy-five meeting with offa at a place called bezington was put to the worse and offa won the town for which they contended in northumberland note post-christ seventy-eight seek doubtless for seven seventy-eight returned to text

ethelred having caused three of his nobles aldef kinwolf and eka treacherously to be slain by two other peers was himself the next year driven into banishment elphold the son of oswald succeeding in his place yet this succession also was followed by civil broils for in his second year note post christ seven eighty returned to text osbold and athelherd two noblemen raising forces against him routed burn his general, and pursuing, burned him at a place called Celetune. I am sensible, how wearisome it may likely be to read of so many bare and reasonless actions, so many names of kings one after another, acting little more than mute persons in a scene. What would it be to have inserted the long beadroll of archbishops, bishops, bishops, abbots, abbesses, and their doings, neither to religion profitable nor to morality, swelling my authors each to a voluminous body by me studiously omitted, and left as their property

will have a mind to write the ecclesiastical matters of those ages. Neither do I care to wrinkle the smoothness of history with rugged names of places unknown, harped at in Camden and other choreographers. Six years, therefore, passed over in silence, as wholly of such argument, bring us note, Post-Christ 786, returned to text, to relate next the unfortunate end of Kinwolf, the West Saxon, who, having laudably reigned about thirty-one years, yet suspecting that Kinyard, brother of Sidbert, the former king, intended to usurp the crown after his decease, or revenge his brother's expulsion, had commanded him into banishment, but he, lurking here and there on the borders with a small company,

having had intelligence that Kinwolf was in the country thereabout, at Marantam, or Merton in Surrey, at the house of a woman whom he loved, went by night. and beset the place. Kinwolf, overconfident either of his royal presence or personal valor, issuing forth with a few about him, runs fiercely at Kinyard and wounds him sore, but by his followers hemmed in his killed among them. The report of so great an accident, soon running to a place not far off, where many more attendants awaited the king's return, Osirc and Wivert, two earls, hasted with a great number to the house,

where Kinyard and his fellows yet remained. He, seeing himself surrounded, with fair words and promises of great gifts, attempted to appease them, but those being rejected with disdain fights it out to the last, and is slain with all but one or two of his retinue, which were nigh a hundred.

Kinwolf was succeeded by Berthring, being both descended from Kurdic, the founder of that kingdom. Not better was the end of Elfwald in Northumberland two years after, slain miserably by the conspiracy of Sagan, one of his nobles, or as others say of the whole people, at Silchester by the Roman Wall. Yet undeservedly, as his supple at Hagustald, now hex of a pontine, and some miracles there said to be done, are alleged to witness, and Sigan, five years after, laid violent hands on himself. Osrid, son of Alcrit, advanced into the room of Elfwald, and within one year driven out left

his seat vacant to Ethelred, son of Molo, who, after ten years banishment, imprisonment, said Alcuin, had the scepter put again into his hand. Note, post-Christ 789, returned to text. The third year of Berthrick, king of the West Saxons, gave beginning from abroad to a new and fatal revolution of calamity on this land. For three Danish ships, the first that had been seen here of that nation, arriving in the west, to visit these as was supposed foreign merchants, the king's gatherer of customs, taking horse from Dorchester, found them to be spies and enemies. For, being commanded to come and give account of their lading at the

king's custom house, they slew him, and all that came with him. as an earnest of the many slaughters rapids and hostilities which they returned not long after to commit over all the island of this danish first arrival and on a sudden worse than hostile aggression the danish history far otherwise relates as if their landing had been at the mouth of the humber and their spoilful march far into the country though soon repelled by the inhabitants they hasted back as fast to their ships. But from what cause, what reason of state, what authority or public counsel the invasion proceeded, it makes not mention. And it excites our wonder yet the more by telling us that Sigfrid, then King of Denmark and long after, was a man studious more of peace and quiet than a warlike matters. These therefore seem rather to have been some wanderers at sea, who, with public commission or without,

through love of spoil or hatred of Christianity, seeking booties on any land of Christians, came by chance or weather on this shore. The next year, note, post-Christ 790, returned to text, Osred in Northumberland, who, driven out by his nobles had given place to Ethelred, was taken and forcibly shaved a month at York. And the year after, note, post-Ombiland.

Christ 791, returned to text. Oilf and Oelfwyn, sons of Elfold, formerly king, were drawn by fair promises from the principal church of York, and after by command of Ethelred cruelly put to death at one Waldromere, a village by the great pool in Lancashire. Nor was the third year less bloody, note, post-Christ seven ninety-two, returned to text. for Osred, who not liking a shaven crown, had desired banishment and obtained it, returning from the Isle of Man with small forces at the secret but deceitful call of certain nobles, who by oath had promised to assist him, were also taken, and by Ethelred dealt with in the same manner,

who the better to avouch his cruelties, thereupon married Elphlet, the daughter of Offa, for in offa was found as little faith as mercy he the same year having drawn to his palace ethelgrite king of the east angles with fair invitations to marry his daughter caused him to be there inhospitably beheaded and his kingdom wrongfully seized by the wicked counsel of his wife set matthew of westminster annexing ther long and unlikely tale for which violence and bloodshed to make atonement, with Friars at least, he bestows the relics of St. Albun in a shrine of pearl and gold. Far worse, it fared the next year with the relics in Lindisfarne, where the Danes Landing pillaged that monastery, and a friars killed some and carried away others captive, sparing neither priest nor layman, which many strange thunders and fiery dragons, with other impressions in the air, seen frequently before, were judged to foresignify.

This year, Ulrich, third son of Victorod, ended in Kent his long reign of 34 years. With him ended the race of Henkest. Thenceforth, whomsoever wealth of faction advanced took on him the name and state of a king. The Saxon annals of 784 named Eilmund, then reigning in Kent, but that consists not with the time of Ulrich, and I find him nowhere else mentioned. The year following, note post-Christ 794, returned to text, was remarkable for the death of Offa the Mercia, a strenuous and subtle king. He had much intercourse with Charles the Great, at first in enmity to the interdicting of commerce on either side, at length in much amity

and firm league, as appears, but the very course. the letter of Charles himself, yet extant, procured by Alcuin, a learned and prudent man, though a monk, whom the kings of England in those days had sent orator into France to maintain good correspondence between them and Charles the Great. He granted, Seth Huntingdon, a perpetual tribute to the Pope out of every house in his kingdom, for yielding perhaps to translate the primacy of Canterbury to Litchfield in his own dominion. He drew a trench of wondrous length between Mercia and the British confines from sea to sea. Eckferth, the son of Offa, a prince of great hope, who also had been crowned nine years before his father's decease, restoring to the church

what his father had seized on, yet within four months by a sickness ended his reign, and to Kenulf, next in the right of the same progeny, bequeathed his kingdom. Meanwhile, the Danish pirates, who still wasted Northumberland, venturing on shore to spoil another monastery at the mouth of the River Don, were assailed by the English, and their chief captains slain on the place. Then, returning to sea, were most of them shipwrecked, others driven again on shore, were put all to the sword. Simeon attributes this their punishment to the power,

of St. Cudbert, offended with them for the rifling his convent. Two years after this died Ethelred. Note, post-Christ 796, returned a text. Twice king, but not exempted at last from the fate of many of his predecessors, being miserably slain by his people. Some say deservedly, as not unconscious with them who trained Osred to his ruin. Oswald, a nobleman exalted to the throne, and in less than a month deserted and expelled, was forced to fly from Lindisfarne by sea to the Pictish king, and died an abbot. Irdolph, whom Ethelred six years before had commanded to be put to death at Ripon before the Abbey Gate, dead, as was supposed, and, with solemn dirge carried into the church, and yet after midnight found there alive, I mean not how, then banished,

now recalled, was in your created king. In Kent, Ethelbert, O'Pran, whom the annals call Edbright, so different they often are from one another, both in timing and in naming, by some means having usurped regal power, after two years reign contending with Kenoff the Mercian was by him taken prisoner, and soon after, out of pious commiseration, let go. But not being received of his own, what became of him, Momsbury leaves in doubt. Asimian writes that Kenoff commanded to put out his eyes and lop off his hands, but whether the sentence were executed or not is left much in doubt by his want of expression.

The second year after this, they in Northumberland, who had conspired against Ethelred, note post-Christ 798, returned to text. Now also raising war against Erdolph, under Wada, their chief captain, after much havoc on either side at Longhoe, near Whaley in Lancashire, the conspirators at last flying, Erdolph returned with victory. The same year London, with a great multitude of her inhabitants, by a sudden fire was consumed. The year 800 made way for great alteration in England, uniting her seven kingdoms into one, by Eckbert, the famous West Saxon. Him, Berthrick, dying childless left next to reign, the only survivor of that lineage descended from Inigild,

the brother of King Ina. And, according to his birth liberally bred, he began early from his youth to give signal hopes of more than ordinary worth growing up in him, which Berthric fearing, and with all his juster title to the crown, secretly sought his life, and Eckberg, perceiving, fled to Offa the Mercian. But he, having married Edbert, his daughter, to Berthrick, easily gave ear to his ambassadors, coming to require Eckbert. He again put to his shifts, escaped thence into France, but after three years banishment there, which perhaps contributed much to his education, Charles the Great then reigning, he was called over by the public voice, for Berthrick was newly dead, and with general applause

created King of the West Saxons. The same day, Ethelman at Kinner's Ford, passing over with the Worcestershire men, was met by Wales-Tun, another nobleman, with those of Wiltshire, between whom happened a great fray wherein the Wilshiremen overcame, but both dukes were slain, and no reason of their quarrel was assigned. Such bickering's to recount, met often in these our writers. What more worth is it than to chronicle the wars of kites or crows, flocking and fighting in the air. The year following, note, post-Christ 801, returned to text. Erdolph, the Northumbrian, leading forth an army against Kenwolf, the Mercian, for harboring

certain of his enemies, by the diligent mediation of other princes and prelates, arms were laid aside, and amity soon sworn between them. But, Eidberger, the wife of Berthric, a woman every way wicked, in malice, especially cruel, could not, or cared not to appease the general hatred justly conceived against her having been accustomed in her husband's day to accuse any whom she spited and not prevailing to his ruin her practice was by poison secretly to contrive his death it fortunate that the king her husband lighting on a cup which she had tempered not for him but for one of his great favourites whom she could not harm by accusing sipped thereof only and in a while after still pining away ended his days the favorite drinking deeper found speedier its fatal effect she fearing to be questioned for these acts fled overseas with what treasure she had to charles the great whom with rich gifts coming to his presence the emperor courtly received with this pleasant proposal choose edberger which of us to thou wilt me or my son for his son stood near him, to be thy husband.

She, no dissembler of what she liked best, made easy answer. Were it in my choice, I should choose the two your son, rather, as the younger man, to whom the emperor, between jest and earnest, Hadst thou chosen me, I had bestowed on thee my son. But since thou hast chosen him, thou shalt have neither him nor me. Nevertheless, he assigned her a rich monastery to dwell in as abbess. For that life, it may seem she chose next to profess, but being a while after detected of unchastity with one of her followers,

she was commanded to depart thence, and from that time wandering poorly up and down with one servant, in Pavia, a city in Italy, she finished at last in beggary, her shameful life. In the year 805, Cuthred, whom Kenneth the Mercian had, instead of Pren made king in Kent, having obscurely reigned eight years, deceased. In Northumberland, Iredulf, the year following, was driven out of his realm by Alfold. Note, post-Christ, 806, returned to text, who reigned two years in his room, after whom Indrid, son of Yodolph, reigned 33 years.

But I see not how this can stand with the sequel of story out of better authors, much less that which Buchanan relates the year following. Note post-Christ 108, returned to text, of Achaeus, King of Scots, who having reigned 32 years and dying in 809, had formerly aided, but in what year of his reign, he tells not, hungus, king of the Picts, with ten thousand Scots against Athelston, a Saxon, or Englishman, who was then wasting the Pictish borders. That hungus, by the aid of those Scots and help of St. Andrew, their patron, in a vision by night,

and the appearance of his cross by day, routed the astonished English and slew Athelston in fight. Who this Athelston was, I believe no man knows. Buchanan supposes him to have been some Danish commander, on whom King Allured or Alfred had bestowed Northumberland. But of this I find no footstep in our ancient writers, and if any such thing were done in the time of Alfred, it must be little less than a hundred years after. This Athelston, therefore, and this great overthrow,

seems rather to have been the fancy of some legend than any warrantable record. Meanwhile, note post-Christ 813, returned to text. Eckbert, having with much prudence, justice, and clemency, a work of more than one year, established his kingdom and himself in the affections of his people, turns his first enterprise against the Britons, both them of Cornwall and those beyond Severn, subduing both. In Mercia, Kenoth, the sixth year after, note, post-Christ 819, returned to text, having reigned with great praise of his religious mind and virtues both in peace and war, deceased.

His son Kenelm, a child of seven years, was committed to the care of his elder sister, Quendred, who, with a female ambition aspiring to the crown, hired one who had the charge of his nurture to murder him, led into a woody place upon pretence of hunting. The murder, as is reported, was miraculously revealed, but to tell how, by a dove, dropping a written note on the altar at Rome is a long story, told, though out of order, by Momsbury, and under the year 821 by Matthew of Westminster, where I leave it to be sought by such as are more credulous than I wish my readers to be. Only the note was to this purpose. Lo in a mead of kind under a thorn, of head bereft, lies poor Kenelm, king-born.

Kale Wolf, the brother of Kenilf, after one year's reign, was driven out by one Bernolf and usurper. Note, post-Christ 820, returned to text, who in his third year is uncertain whether invading or invading, was by Eckbert, though with great loss on both sides, overthrown, and put to flight at Ellen Dune or Wilton. Yet Momsbury accounts this battle to have been fought in 806, a wide difference, but frequently found in their computations. Bernulf thence retiring to the East Angles as part of his dominion by the late seizure of Offa was by them met in the field and slain, but they, doubting what the Mersians might do in her revenge hereof forthwith yielded themselves both king and people to the sovereignty of Eckbert.

As for the kings of the East Angles, our annals mention them not since Ethelwald. Him succeeded his brother's sons, as we find in Momsbury. Adolf, a good king, well acquainted with Bede, and Elwold, who left the kingdom to Bjorn, and he to Ethelred, the father of Ethelbrite, whom Opha perviteously put to death. Simeon and Hovedon in the year 749 write that Elfold, King of the East Angles, dying, Humbiana and Albert

shared the kingdom between them. But where to insert this among the former successions is not easy, no much material to determine. After Ethelbright, none is named as king of that kingdom, till they're submitting now to Ekbert. He, from this victory against Bernolf,

sent part of his army under Ethel Wolf his son, with Alston, Bishop of Sherburn, and Wolford, a chief commander into Kent, who finding Baldred there reigning in his 18th year, overcame and drove him over the Thames, whereupon all Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and lastly Essex, with her king Swithrid, became subject to the Dominion of Eckbert. Neither were these all his exploits of this year. The first in order set down in the Saxon annals, being his fight against the Devonshire Welsh, at a place called Gaffelford, now Camelford in Cornwall. Lucoden, the Mercian, after two years preparing to avenge Burnoff his kinsman on the East Angles,

was by them, with his five consuls, as the annals call them, surprised and put to the sword, and with laugh his successor first vanquished, then, upon submission, with all Mercia, made tributary to Ekbert. Meanwhile, the Northumbrian kingdom of itself was fallen to shivers. Their kings, one after another, so often slain by the people, no men daring, though never so ambitious, to take up the scepter, which many had found so hot, the only effectual cure of ambition that I have read. For the space of thirty-three years after the death of Ethelred's son of Molo, as Momsbury writes, there was no king, and many noblemen and prelates had fled the country which misrule among them the danes having understood oft-times from their ships entering far into the land infested those parts with wide depopulation wasting towns churches and monasteries for the danes were as yet heathens the lent before who's coming on the north side of st peter's church in york it was seen from the roof to rain blood the causes

of these calamities and the ruin of that kingdom, Alcuin, a learned monk living in those days, attributes in several epistles, and well may, to the general ignorance and decay of learning which crept in among them after the death of Beda and of Eckbert the Archbishop, their neglect of breeding up youth in the scriptures, the spruce and gay apparel of their priests and nuns, discovering their vain and wanton minds. Examples are also read even in Beda's days of their wanton deeds. Thence altars defiled with perjuries, Cloisters violated with adulteries,

the land polluted with the blood of their princes, civil dissensions among the people, and finally all the same vices which Gildes alleged of old to approve the Britons. In this estate, Eckbert, who had now conquered all the South, finding them in the year 827, for he was marched thither with an army to complete his conquest of the whole island, no wonder if they submitted themselves to the yoke without resistance, injured their king becoming tributary. Thence, turning his forces the year following, note post-Christ 828, returned to text,

he subdued more thoroughly what remained of North Wales. End of the fourth book of the History of Britain by John Milton. recording by Thomas Copeland. Book 5, Part 1 of the History of Britain by John Milton. This Libervox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. The fifth book. The sum of things in this island, or the best part thereof, being reduced now under the power of one man, and him, one of the worthiest, which as far as can be found in good authors,

was by none attained at any time here before, unless in fables. men might with some reason have expected from such a happy union the blessings of peace and plenty greatness and the flourishing of all estates and degrees but far the contrary fell out soon after namely invasion spoil desolation slaughter of many slavery of the rest by the forcible landing of a fierce nation danes commonly called and sometimes dations by others the same with normans as barbarous as the saxons themselves were at first reputed and much more for the saxons were at first invited and came hitherto dwell but these unsent for unprovoked came only to destroy but if the saxons as is above related came most of them from juttland and anglin a part of denmark as danish writers affirm and that danes and normans are the same then in this invasion danes drove out their own posterity, and Normans afterwards drove out none but more ancient Normans. Which invasion, perhaps, had the Heptarchy stood, divided as it was, would have either not been attempted or not uneasily resisted, while each prince and people, excited by their nearest

concernments, would have more industriously defended their own bounds than when depending on the neglect of a deputed governor, sent off to times from the remote. residence of a secure monarch. Though as it fell out in those troubles, the lesser kingdoms revolting from the West Saxon yoke, and not aiding each other but being too much concern for their own safety, it came to no better pass, while severally they sought to repel the danger nigh at hand, rather than jointly to prevent it far off. But when God hath decreed servitude on a sinful nation, fitted by their own vices for no condition but servile, all the states of government are alike unable to avoid it.

God hath purposed to punish our instrumental punishers, though now Christians, by other heathen invaders, according to his divine retaliation. Invasion for invasion, spoil for spoil, destruction for destruction. The Saxons were now full as wicked as the Britons had been at the first arrival of the Saxons in Britain under Hengist and Horsa, being given up to luxury and sloth, either secular or superstitious. For laying aside the exercise of arms and the study of all virtuous knowledge,

some betook them to overworldly or vicious practice, others to religious idleness and solitude, which brought forth nothing but vain and elusive visions, easily perceived to be such by the commanding of things, either not belonging to the gospel or utterly forbidden, ceremonies, relics, monasteries, masses, idols, add to these the ostentation of giving alms, with money got off times by rapine and oppression, or intermixed with violent and lustful deeds, sometimes prodigally bestowed as the expiation of acts of cruelty and bloodshed. What longer suffering could there be when religion itself grew so void of sincerity, and the greatest shows of purity were impured? Eckbert. Eckbert, in full height of glory, having now enjoyed his conquest, seven peaceful years,

his victorious army long since disbanded, and the exercise of arms perhaps laid aside, the more was found unprovided against a sudden storm of Danes from the sea, who, landing in the 32nd year of his reign, note post-Christ 832, returned a text, wasted Sheppey in Kent. Eckbert, the next year, gathering an army, for he had heard of their arrival in 35 ships, gave them battle by the river Carr in Dorsetshire.

The event whereof was that the Danes kept their ground, and encamped where the field was fought, and two Saxon leaders, Duda and Osmond, and two bishops, as some say, were there slain. This was the only check of fortune we read of that Ekbert in all his time received. For the Danes, returning two years after with the Great Navy, and joining forces with the Cornish, who had entered into a league with them, were overthrown and put to flight.

Of these invasions against Eckbert, the Danish history is not silent, whether out of their own records or hours may be just, doubted, for of these times at home I find them in much uncertainty, and beholden rather to outlandish chronicles than any records of their own. The Victor Eckbert, as one who had done enough, seasonably now after prosperous success, the next year, with glory, ended his days, and was buried at Winchester. Note, post-Christ, 835. Returned to text. Ethelwolf. Ethelwolf, the son of Eckbert,

succeeded him in the government and is described by Momsbury as a man of a mild nature, not inclined to war or delighted with much dominion. That therefore contented with the ancient West Saxon bounds, he gave to Ethelston his brother, or son, as some right, the kingdoms of Kent and Essex.

But the Saxon analyst whose authority is elder, said plainly that both these countries and Sussex were equithed to Ethelston by Eckbert, his father. The unwarlike disposition of Ethel Wolf gave encouragement, no doubt, and easier entrance to the Danes, who came again the next year with 33 ships. Note, post-Christ, 837, returned to text.

But Wolford, one of the king's chief captains, drove them back at Southampton with great slaughter, himself dying the same year, of old ages, I suppose, for he seems to have been one of Eckbert's old commanders, who was sent with Ethel Wolf to subdue Kent. Ethel Helm, another of the King's captains, with the Dorsetshire men, had at first like success against the Danes at Portsmouth, but they, being soon after reinforced, stood their ground and put the English to rout. Worse was the success of Earl Herbert at a place called Mears' War, being slain with the most part of his army.

The year following, note, post-Christ 838, returned to text. In Lindsay also, and the country of the East Angles and Kent, much mischief was done by their landing, where the next year, emboldened by success, they came on as far as Canterbury, Rochester, and London itself, with no less cruel hostility, and giving no rest of the peaceable mind of Ethelwolf, they yet returned with the next year, note, post-Christ 840, returned to text, in 35 ships, fought with him as before with his father at the river Carr, and made good their ground. In Northumberland, Indrid, the tributary king, deceased, left the same tenure to his son, Ethelred, who was driven out in his fourth year. Note, post-Christ 844, returned to text.

and succeeded by Reedwolf, who, soon after his coronation, hasting forth to battle against the Danes at Al-Vethelie, fell with the most part of his army, and Ethel-like in fortune to the former Ethelred was re-exalted to his seat, and, to be yet further like him at fate, was slain the fourth year after. Osbert succeeded in his room. But more southerly, the Danes next year after, note, post-Christ 845, returned to text. met with some stop in the full course of their outrageous insolences. For Yenov with the men of Somerset, Alston the Bishop, and Osric, with those of Dorsetshire, setting upon them at the river's mouth, at Pedredon,

slaughtered them in great numbers and obtained a just victory. This repulse quelled them, for aque here, the space of six years, then also renewing their invasion with little better success. note, post-Christ 8.51, Richard a text. For Kiorl and Earl, aided with the forces of Devonshire, assaulted and overthrew them at Wiganbjork with great destruction, as prosperously were they fought with the same year at Sandwich by King Ethelston, and Ilker, his general, their great army defeated,

and nine of their ships taken and the rest driven off. However, to ride out the winter on that shore, Aserset, they then first wintered in Shepi Isle. Hard it is, through the bad expression of these writers, to define this fight, whether it were by sea or land. Hovedon terms it a sea fight. Nevertheless, with fifty ships, Aser and others at three hundred, they entered the mouth of the Thames and made excursions as far as Canterbury and London, and as Ethelwer writes, destroyed both. Of London, Asser signifies only that they piled. alleged it. Berta also, the Mercian, successor to Withlaw, with all his army, they forced to fly,

and him to go beyond the sea. Then, passing over the Thames with their powers into Surrey and the country of the West Saxons, and meeting there with King Ethelwolf and Ethelbald his son at a place called Ackley or Oakley, they received a total defeat with memorable slaughter. this was counted a lucky year to England, note, post-Christ 853, returned to text, and brought to Ethelwolf great reputation. Burhead, therefore, who after Bertolt, held of him the Mercian kingdom, two years after this, imploring his aid against the North Welsh, as then troublesome to his confines, obtained it of him in person,

and thereby reduced them to obedience. This done, Ethelwolf sent his son Alfred, a child of five years of age, well-companied to Rome, whom Leo, the Pope, both consecrated to be king afterwards and adopted to be his son. At home, Ilker, with the forces of Kent and Huda, with those of Surrey, fell on the Danes at their landing in Tannet, and at first put them back. But the slain and drowned were at length so many on either side as left the lot, equal on both, which yet hindered not the solemnity of a marriage at the feast of Easter between Burhead, the Mercia, and Ethel Sweda, King Ethelwolf's daughter.

Obbeit, the Danes the next year, note, post-Christ 854, returned to Texas, wintered again in Sheppey, whereupon Ethelwolf not finding human help sufficient to resist them, as they were growing daily upon him, in hope of divine aid, registered, in a book and dedicated to God the tenth part of his own lands and of his whole kingdom, east of all acquisitions, but converted to the maintenance of masses and psalms weakly to be sung for the prospering of Ethelw from his captains, as appears at large by the patent itself in William of Montsbury. Aserseth he did it for the redemption of his soul and the souls of his ancestors,

after which, as having done some great matter, to show himself at Rome and be applauded of the Pope, he takes a long and cumbersome journey thither with young Alfred again, note post-price 855, returned to Tex, and there stays a year, when his office of King required him rather to have stayed here in the field against pagan enemies who were left wintering in his land. Yet so much manhood he had as to return thence no monk. and in his way home he took to wife judith daughter charles the bald king of france but ere his return ethelbald his eldest son alston his trusty bishop and ennulf earl of somerset conspired against him their complaints were that he had taken with him alfred his youngest son to be their inaugurated king and brought home with them an outlandish wife for which they endeavoured to deprive him of his kingdom the disturbance was expected to bring forth nothing less than war.

But the king, abhorring civil discord, after many conferences tending to peace, condescended to divide the kingdom with his son. Division was made, but the matter so carried that the eastern and worst part was malignly afforded to the father, the western and best given to the son, at which many of the nobles had great indignation,

offering to the king their utmost assistance for the recovery of all. all, whom he peacefully dissuading sat down contented with his portion assigned. In the Kingdom of the East Angles, Edmund, Linneal from the ancient stock of those kings, a youth of fourteen years only but of great hopes, was with consent of all but his own, crowned at Bury. About this time, as Buchanan relates, note post-Christ 857, returned to text, the Picts, who not long before had by the Scots been driven out of their country, part of them coming to

Osbert and Ella, then kings of Northumberland, obtained aid against Donaldus, the Scottish king, to recover their ancient possession. Osbert, who in person undertook the expedition, marching into Scotland, was at first put to a retreat, but returning soon after on the Scots, who were over-secure of their supposed victory, put them to flight with great slaughter, to a prisoner their king, and pursued his victory beyond Stirling Bridge. The Scots, unable to resist longer, and by ambassadors in treating peace, had it granted them on these conditions. The Scots were to quit all they had possessed within the wall of Severus. The limits of Scotland were beneath Sturling Bridge to be the river fourth, and on the other side

Dunbritten Frith. From that time, so-called of the British then seated Cumberland, who had joined with Osberg in this action, and so far extended on that side the British limits. If this be true, as the Scots writers themselves witness, and who would think them fabulous to the disparagement of their own country, how much wanting have been our historians to their country's honour in letting pass unmentioned an exploit so memorable by them remembered and attested, who are want oftener to extenuate than to amplify aught done in Scotland by the English.

donaldus having been on these conditions released soon after dies according to mcannon in eight fifty eight ethel wolf chief king in england had the year before ended his life and was buried as his father had been at winchester he was from his youth much addicted to devotion so that in his father's time he was ordained bishop of winchester and rather unwillingly but for want of other legitimate issue of his father succeeded him in the throne managing therefore his greatest affairs by the activity of two bishops austin of sherburne and swithin of winchester but austin is noted of covetousness and oppression by willing of momsbury the more vehemently no doubt for doing some notable damage to that monastery. The same author writes that Ethel Wolf at Rome paid a tribute to the Pope, continued to his days. However, he were facile to his son and seditious nobles in yielding up part of his kingdom, yet his queen he treated not the less honorably for whomsoever it displeased. The West Saxons had decreed ever since the time of Edeberga, the infamous wife of Berthric, that no queen should sit in state with the king or be dignified with a title.

the middle of queen. But Ethelwold permitted not that Judith, his queen, should lose any point of regal state by that law. At his death, he divided the kingdom between his two sons, Ethelbald and Ethelbert, to the younger, Kent, Essex, Surrey, and Sussex, to the elder, all the rest, to Peter and Paul certain revenues yearly, for what uses? Let others relate, who write also his pedigree from son to father, up to Adam. Ethelbal and Ethelbert. Ethelbal, unnatural and disloyal to his father, fell justly into another, though contrary sin, of too much love for his father's wife. And whom at first he opposed, coming into the land,

her now unlawfully marrying he takes into his bed. But not long enjoying, died at three years' end, note, post Christ 860, returned to text, without doing aught more worthy to be remembered, having reigned two years with his father, impiously usurping, and three after him, as unworthily inheriting. And his hap was all that while to be unmolested with the dames, not of divine favor, doubtless, but to his greater condemnation, living the more securely his incestuous life. Huntingdon on the other side much praises Ethelbald and writes him buried at Sherburn with great sorrow of the people who missed him long after. Matthew of Westminster said that he repented his incest with Judith and dismissed her. But Asser, an eyewitness of those times, mentions no such thing.

Ethelbert alone. Ethelbald by death removed, the whole kingdom became rightfulful to Ethelbert. his next brother, who, though a prince of great virtue and no blame, had his shorter reign allotted him as his faulty brother, nor that so peaceful, having been once or twice invaded by the Danes. But they, having landed in the west with a great army and sacked Winchester, were met by Osric, Earl of Southampton, and Ethelwolf of Berkshire, beaten to their ships and forced to leave their booty. Five years after, note, post-Christ 860, returned to text, about the time of his death, they set foot again in Tannot. The Kentishmen, wearied out with so frequent alarms, came to agreement with them for a certain sum of money.

But ere the peace could be ratified and the money gathered, the Danes, impatient of delay, by a sudden eruption in the night, soon wasted all the east of Kent. Meanwhile, or something before, Ethelbert, deceasing, was buried as his brother at Sherburn. Ethelred. Ethelred, the third son of Ethelwolf, at his first coming to the crown, was entertained with a fresh invasion of Danes. Note, post-Christ 866 returned a text, led by Wingar and Hubba, two brothers, who now had got footing among the east angles. there they wintered and coming to terms of peace with the inhabitants furnished themselves with horses forming by that means many troops with riders of their own these pagans aserseth came from the river fitted thus for a long expedition they ventured the next year to make their way over land and over the humber as far as york and there they found to their hands the inhabitants embroiled in civil dissensions their king osbert they had thrown out and ella leader of another faction chosen in his room who both though late admonished by their common danger towards the year's end with united powers made head against the danes and the danes

and prevailed. But, pursuing them over eagerly into York, then but slenderly walled, the Northumbrians were everywhere slaughtered both within and without. Their kings also both slain. Their city burned, said Monteverry. The rest, as they could, made their peace overrun and vanquished as far as the River Tyne, and Egbert, of English race, appointed king over them. Brompton, no ancient author, for he wrote since Matthew of Westminster, nor of much credit, writes a particular cause of the Danes coming to York, that Bruern, a nobleman, whose wife, King Osbert have gravished, called in Hingwar and Huppa to revenge him. The example is remarkable, if the truth were as evident. thence victorious the Danes next year, note post-Christ 868, returned to text, entered into Mercia towards Nottingham, where they spent the winter. Burhead, then king of that country, unable to resist,

implores the aid of Ethelred and young Alfred, his brother. They, assembling their forces and joining with the Mercians about Nottingham, offered battle. The Danes, not daring to come forth, kept themselves within that town and castle, so that no great fight was hazarded there. At length, the Mercians, weary of long suspense, entered into conditions of peace with their enemies, after which the Danes, returning back to York, made their abode there the space of one year. Note, post-Christ, 869, returned to text, committing, some say many cruel,

thence embarking to Lindsay and all summer destroying that country about September they came with like fury into Kestiffin another part of Lincolnshire where Algar the Earl of Howland now Holland with his forces and two hundred stout soldiers belonging to the Abbey of Croyland three hundred from about Boston Morcard lord of Brun with his numerous family well trained and armed Osgut, governor of Lincoln, with five hundred of that city, all joining together gave battle to the dames, slew of them a great multitude with three of their kings, and pursued the rest to their tents. But the night following, Gothran, Bazig, Oskotil, Halfton, and Hammond, five kings, and as many earls, Frina, Quingar, Hubba, Sidrock, the elder, and younger, coming in from several parts with great forces and spoils, great part of the English began to slink home. Nevertheless, Algar with such as forsook him not, all next day in order of battle, facing the Danes,

and sustaining unmoved the brunt of their assaults, could not withhold his men at last from pursuing their counterfeited flight, whereby opened and disordered they fell into the snare of their enemies, rushing back upon them. Algar and those captains forenamed with him, all resolute men, retreating to a hillside, and slaying of such as followed them manifold of their own number, died at length upon heaps of dead which they had made round about them. The Danes, thence passing on into the country of the East Angles, rifled and burnt the monastery of Ely, overthrew Earl Wolkettle with his whole army, and lodged out the winter at the east. Thetford, where King Edmund, assailing them, was with his whole army put to flight,

himself, taken, bound to a stake, and shot to death with arrows, and his whole country subdued. The next year, note, post-Christ, 871, returned to text, with great supplies, Seth Huntington, bending their march towards the West Saxons, the only people now left in whom might seem yet to remain any strength or courage, likely to oppose them, they came to Reading, fortified there between the two rivers of Thames and Kennet, and about three days after sent out wings of horse under two earls to forage the country. But Ethelwolf, Earl of Berkshire, at Engelfield, a village nigh, encountered them, slew one of their earls, and obtained a great victory. Four days after came the king himself and his brother Alfred with the main battle,

and the Danes issuing forth a bloody fight began with on either side great slaughter in which Earl Ethelwolf lost his life, but the Danes, losing no ground, kept their place of standing to the end. Neither did the English, for this, make less haste to another conflict in Eskisdune, or Ashdown, four days after, where both the English, armies, with their whole force on either side, met. The Danes were embattled in two great bodies, the one led by Basque and Halfton, their two kings, the other by such earls as were appointed. In like manner the English divided their powers. Ethelred, the king, stood against their kings, and though on the lower ground, and coming later

into the battle from his orisons, gave a fierce onset. Where in Baskii, the Danish history names him Ivarus, the son of Regnerus, was slain. Alfred was placed against the earls, and, beginning the battle ere his brother came into the field, with such a resolution charged them that in the shock, most of them were slain. They are named Sidrock, Elder, and Younger, Osborne, Freem, Harrow. At length, in both divisions, the Danes turn their backs. many thousands of them are cut off and the rest pursued till night so much the more it may be wondered to hear next in the annals that the danes fourteen days after such an overthrow fighting again with ethelred and his brother alfred at basing under conducts at the danish history of agnerus and hubbo brothers of the slay navarreus should obtain the victory especially since the new supply of danes mentioned by asser arrived after

this action. But after two months the king and his brother fought with them again at Merton, in two squadrons as before, in which fight hard it is to understand who had the better, so darkly to the Saxon annals deliver their meaning with more than wanted infancy. Yet these I take, or Asser is here silent, to be the chief fountain of our story, the ground and basis upon which the monks, later in time, gloss and comment at their pleasure. Nevertheless, it appears that on the Saxon part, not Heman, the bishop only, but many valiant men lost their lives. This fight was followed by a heavy summer plague. Whereof, as his thought, King Ethelred died in the fifth year of his reign, and was buried at

Winburg, where his epitaph inscribes that he had his death's wound by the Danes, according to the Danish history in the year 872. Of all these terrible landings and devastations by the Danes from the days of Ethelwolf till their two last battles with Ethelred, or of their leaders, whether kings, dukes, or earls, the Danish history of best credit sath nothing. So little wit or conscience, it seems they had to leave any memory of their brutish rather than manly actions,

unless we shall suppose them to have come, as above was cited out of Vassar, from Danubias, rather than from Denmark, more probably some barbarous nation of Prussia or Avonia, not long before seated more northward on the Baltic Sea. Alfred Alfred, the fourth son of Ethelwolf, had scarce performed his brother's obsequies in the solemnity of his own crowning, when, at the month's end, haste, with a small power, he encountered the whole army of Danes at Wilton, and most part of the day foiled them. But unwarily following the chase gave others of them the advantage to rally,

who, returning upon him, now weary, remained masters of the field. This year, as is affirmed in the animals, nine battles had been fought against the Danes on the south side of Thames, besides innumerable excursions made by Alfred and other leaders. One king and nine earls were fallen in fight, so that, weary on both sides at the year's end, a league or troops was concluded. Yet next year, note, post-Christ, 872, returned to text,

the Danes took their march to London, now exposed to their prey. There they wintered, and thither came the Mercians to rector, renew peace with them. The year following they rode back to the parts beyond the Humber, but wintered in Torksy in Lincolnshire, where the Mercians, now for the third time, made peace with them. Notwithstanding which, removing their camp to Rependune in Mercia, now ripped upon Trent and Derbyshire, and there wintering, note, post-Christ, 873, returned to text. They constrained

Burhead the king to fly into foreign parts, making seizure of his kingdom. He, running the direct way to Rome with better reason than his ancestors, note, post-Christ 874, returned to text, died there, and was buried in a church by the English school. His kingdom, the dames farmed out to Hellwolf, one of his household's servants or officers, with condition to be resigned to them when they commanded. From Rependun they dislodged, note, Post-Christ 875, returned to text. Pavden, their king, leading part of his army northward, wintered by the River Tyne, and, subjecting all those quarters, wasted also the country of the Picts and British beyond. But Guthran, Oskitell, and Anwynd, other three of their kings, moving from Rependun,

came with a great army to Grantbury, and remained there, a whole year. But Alfred that summer proposing to try his fortune with a fleet at sea, for he had found that the wandered shipping and the neglect of navigation had exposed the land to these piracies, met with seven Danish rovers and took one, the rest escaping. An acceptable success, from so small a beginning, for the English at that time were but little experienced in sea affairs. The next year's first motion of the Danes, note post-Christ 876, returned to text, was toward Warham Castle, where Alfred, meeting them either by policy or their doubt of his power, Ethelwood Seth, by money, brought them to such terms of peace as that they swore to him upon a hallowed

bracelet, others say upon certain relics, a solemn oath, it seems, which they never vouchsafe before to any other nation, forthwith to depart the land. But falsifying that oath by night, with all the horse they had, Asheretheth, slaying all the horsemen he had, stole to Exeter, and there wintered. In Northumberland, Hafton their king began to settle, to divide the land, to till, and to inhabit. Meanwhile, they in the west, who were marched to Exeter, entered the city, coursing now and then to warren. But their fleet, the next year, note, post-Christ 877, returned to text. Sailing or rowing about the west, met with such a tempest near to Swan's Witch, or Navarwick, as wrecked 120 of their ships,

and left the rest easy to be mastered by those galleys, which Alfred had set there to guard the seas, and straightened exeter of provision. He, the while, beleaguering them in the city, now humble with the loss of their navy, two navy, set Asher, the one at navavik the other at swanlon distressed them so as that they gave him as many hostages as he required and as many oaths to keep their covenant at peace and kept it for the summer coming on they departed into mercia where a part they divided among themselves part left to kelwool for their substituted king the twelftide following note post christ eight seventy eight returned to text all oaths forgotten they came to chippenham in wiltshire dispeopling the county's round dispossessing some and driving others beyond the sea alfred himself with a small company was forced to keep within woods and fennie places and for some time all alone as florenceath sojourned with dunwolf of swinehard who was made afterwards for his devotion and aptness to learning bishop of winchester halfton and the brother of hingar coming with twenty-three ships from north wales where they had made great spoil landed in devonshire nigh to a strong castle named kinwin where by the garrison issuing forth unexpectedly they were slain with twelve hundred of their men

meanwhile the king about easter knocked despairing of his affairs built a fortress at a place called athelney and somersetshire therein valiantly defending himself and his followers frequently sallying forth. The seventh week after, he rode out to a place called Ekbright Stone in the east part of Selwood. Thither resorted to him, with much gratulation, the Somerset and Wiltshire men, with many out of Hampshire, some of whom, a little before, had fled their country. With these marching to Ethendune, now Edmonton, and Wiltshire, he gave battle to the whole Danish power and put them to flight. Then besieging their castle, within 14 days, took it. Momsbury writes that in this time of his recess,

to go a spy into the Danish camp, he took upon him with one servant the habit of a fiddler. By this means gaining access to the king's table, and sometimes to his bedchamber, got knowledge of their secrets, they're careless in camping, and thereby this opportunity of a sea. sailing them on a sudden. The Danes, by this misfortune broken, gave him more hostages,

and renewed their oaths to depart out of his kingdom. Their king, Guitro or Gothran, offered willingly to receive baptism, and accordingly came with thirty of his friends to a place called Aldra, or Alvara, near to Athelney, and were baptized at Wedmore, where Alfred received him out of the font and named him Athelston, after which they abode with him twelve days, and were dismissed with rich presents, whereupon the Danes remove, next year, note post-price seventy-nine, returned to text, to Cisitor, thence peaceably, through the east angles, which Alfred, as some right, had bestowed on Gophron to hold of him. The bounds whereof may be read among the laws of Alfred. Others of them went to Fulham on the Tamp,

and, joining there with the great fleet newly come into the river, thence passed over into France and Flanders, both of which they entered so far, conquering or wasting, has witnessed sufficiently that the French and Flemish were no more able than the English by policy or prowess to keep off that Danish inundation from the land. Alfred, note post-Christ 882, returned a text, thus rid of them, and intending for the future to prevent their landing, Three years after, quiet than meanwhile, with more ships and better provided, puts to sea, and first met with four of theirs, whereof two he took, throwing the men overboard, then met with two others, wherein were two of their princes, and took them also, but not without some loss of his own. After three years, note, post-Christ 885, returned to text,

Another fleet of them appeared on these seas, which was so great that one part of them thought themselves sufficient to enter upon East France, and the other came to Rochester and beleaguered it, when they within stoutly defended themselves, till Alfred, with great forces coming down upon the Danes, drove them to their ships, leaving for haste all their horses behind them. the same year Alfred sent a fleet towards the country of the East Angles, then inhabited by the Danes, which at the mouth of the Stur, meeting with sixteen Danish ships after some fight took them all, and slew all the soldiers on board. But in their way home after this victory, lying careless, they were overtaken by another part of that fleet, and came off with loss. Whereupon perhaps those Danes who were settled among the East Angles, erected with new hopes, violated the peace which they had sworn to Alfred. Note, post-Christ 886 returned to text.

Who spent the next year in repairing London, besieging, Seth Huntington. Much ruined and unpeopled by the Danes. The Londoners, all but those who had been led away, captive, soon returned to their dwellings, and Etherid, Duke of Mercer, was by the king appointed their governor. But after 13 years respite of peace, note post-Christ 893, returned to text, another Danish fleet of 250 sail from the east part of France arrived at the mouth of a river in East Kent called Lyman,

now to the great wood Andrid, famous for length and breadth. Into that wood they drew up their ships four miles from the river's mouth and built a fortress. After whom, Heson, with another Danish fleet, of 80 ships entering the mouth of Thames built a fort at Middleton, the former army remaining at a place called a pelter. Alfred, perceiving this, took of those Danes who dwelt in Northumberland a new oath of fidelity, and of those in Essex, hostages, lest they should join, as they would want, with their countrymen newly arrived. And by the next year, note, post-Christ 894,

returned to text, having got together his forces, between either army of the Danes, encamped, so as to be ready for either of them, who first should happen to stir for? Troops of horse, also, he said continually abroad, assisted by such as could be spared from strong places, wherever the countries wanted them, to encounter foraging parties of the enemy. The king also divided sometimes his whole army, marching out with one part by turns, the other keeping entrenched. In conclusion, rolling up and down both sides met at Farnham in Surrey. where the Danes by Alfred's horse troops were put to flight, and crossing the Thames to a certain island near Colne in Essex,

or as Camden thinks by Colbrook, were besieged there by Alfred till provisions fail the besiegers. Another part stayed behind with their king who was wounded. Meanwhile, Alfred, preparing to reintroduce the siege of Colney, the Danes of Northumberland breaking faith came by sea to the east angles, and with a hundred ships coasting southward landed in Devonshire and besieged Exeter. Lither Alfred hasted with his powers, except a squadron of Welsh that came to London, with whom the citizens, marching forth to Beamfleet, where Hassan the Dane had built a strong fort,

and left a garrison, while he himself, with the main of his army, was entered far into the country, luckily surprised the fort, master the garrison, make prey of all they find there, their ships also they burnt or brought away with good booty and many prisoners among whom the wife and two sons of hasson were sent to the king who forthwith set them at liberty whereupon hasson gave oath of amity and hostages to the king he in requital whether freely or by agreement a sum of money nevertheless without regard of faith given while alfred was busied about exeter joining with the other danish army he built another castle in essex at shobury thence marching westward by the thames aided with the northumbrianite east anglish danes they came at length to severn pillaging all in their way but ethred ethelm and ethelnoth the king's captains, with united forces pitched nigh to them at Buttington on the Severn Bank in Montgomeryshire, the river running between, and there many weeks attended. The king, meanwhile, blocking up the Danes who besieged Exeter, having eaten part of their horses, the rest, urged

with hunger, broke forth to their fellows, who lay encamped on the east side of the river, and were all there discomforted with some loss of valiant men on the king's party. The rest fled back to Essex and their fortress there. Then, Laugh, one of their leaders, gathered before winter a great army of Northumbrian at East Anglish Danes, who, leaving their money, ships and wives with the East Angles, and marching day and night, sat down before a city in the west called Weirheel, near to Chester, and took it ere they could be overtaken. The English, after two days' siege, hopeless to dislodge them, wasted the country round

to cut off from them all provision and departed. Soon after which, next year, note, post-Christ 895, returned to text, the Danes no longer able to hold Weirheel, destitute of Vittles, entered North Wales. Thence, laden with spoils, part returned to Northumberland, others to the east angles as far as Essex, where they seized on a small island called Meersig. And here again the annals, record them to besieged Exeter, but without coherence of sense or story. Others relate to this purpose, that returning by sea from the siege of Exeter, and in their way landing on the coast of Sussex, they of Chichester sallied out and slew of them many hundreds, taking also some of their ships. The same year they who possessed Mersig intending to winter thereabout, drew up their ships,

some into the Thames, others into the River Lee, and on the bank thereof built a castle 20 miles from London, to assault which the Londoners aided with other forces, marched out the summer following, but was soon put to flight, losing four of the king's captains. Huntington, note, post-Christ 896, returned to text, writes quite the contrary, that these four were Danish captains and they overthrow theirs.

but little credit is to be placed in Huntington, single, for the king thereupon with his forces lay encamped nearer the city that the Danes might not infest them in the time of harvest. In the meantime subtly devising to turn the stream of the River Lee several ways whereby the Danish bottoms were left on dry ground, which they soon perceiving marched overland to Quattgrig on the Severn, built a fortress, and wintered there, while their ships, left in the lee, were either broken or brought away by the Londoners,

but their wives and children they had left in safety with the East Angles. The next year, note, post-Christ 897, returned to text, was pestilent, and besides the common sort, took away many great earls, Kelman in Kent, Britholf in Essex, Wolford in Hampshire, with many others. And to this evil, the Danes in Northumberland, and amongst the east angles ceased not to endamage the west saxons especially by stealth robbing on the south shore in certain long galleys but the king causing to be built others twice as long as usually were built and some of sixty or seventy ores and that were higher swifter and steadier than such as were used before either with danes or frisans and that were of his own invention some of these he sent out against six danish pirates who had done much harm in the isle of white and parts adjoining the bickering was doubtful and intricate part on the water part of the sands not without loss of some eminent men on the english side

the pirates at length were either slain or taken two of their ships were stranded the men brought to winchester where the king then was were executed by his command one of them escaped to the east angles with her men much wounded the same year not fewer than twenty of their ships perished on the south coast with all their men. And Rall, the Dane, or Normand, landing here, as Matthew Westminster writes, though he does not say in what part of the island, after an unsuccessful fight against those forces which first opposed him, sailed into France and conquered the country since that time called Normandy. This is the sum of what passed in three years against the Danes, returning out of France,

set down so perplexedly by the Saxon analyst, ill-gifted with utterance, as with much ado can be understood sometimes what is spoken, whether meant of the Danes or of the Saxons. After which troublesome time, Alfred enjoying three years of peace, by him spent as his manner was not idly, overluptuously, but in all virtuous employments both of mind and body, becoming a prince of his renown, ended his days in the year 900, the 51st of his age, the 30th of his reign, and was buried

regally at Winchester. He was born at a place called Wannadding in Berkshire, his mother being Osberga, the daughter of Oslach, the king's cup-bearer, a goth by nation, and of noble descent. He was a person comelier than all his brethren, a pleasing tongue and graceful behavior, ready wit, and memory. Yet, through the fondness of his parents towards him, had not been taught to read till the twelfth year of his age. But the great desire of learning which was in him soon appeared by his conning of Saxon poems day and night, which, with great attention he heard by others repeated.

He was, besides, excellent at hunting and the then new art of hawking, but more exemplary in devotion, having collected into a book certain prayers and psalms which he carried ever with him in his bosom to use on all occasions. He thirsted after all liberal knowledge, and often complained that in his youth he had had no teachers, and in his middle age so little vacancy from wars and the cares of his kingdom. Yet he sometimes found leisure, not only to learn much himself, but to communicate thereof what he could to his people by translating several books out of Latin into English, as Orosius, Boethius, Beda's History, and others, and he permitted none that were unlearned to

bear office, either in court or commonwealth. At twenty years of age, though not yet reigning, he took to wife Agelsweather, the daughter of Ethelred, a Mercy and Earl. The extremities which befell him in the sixth of his reign, neoth then an abbot told him were justly come upon him for neglecting in his younger days the complaints of such as being injured and oppressed repaired to him as being then the second person in the kingdom for redress which neglect were in such indeed would yet have been excusable in the youth through jollity of mind unwilling perhaps to be detained long with sad and sorrowful narrations but from the time of his undertaking the regal charge no man was more patient in hearing causes, more inquisitive in examining, more exact in doing justice and providing good laws, which are yet extant, or more severe in punishing unjust judges or obstinate offenders, and especially thieves and robbers, to the terror of whom, in crossways, were hung upon a high post certain chains of gold, as it were daring anyone to take them thence. so that justice seemed in his days not to flourish only but to triumph. No man than he was more frugal of two precious things in man's life, his time and his revenue,

no man wiser in the disposal of both. His time, the day and night, he distributed by the burning of certain tapers, into three equal portions. The one was for devotion, the other for public and private affairs, the third for bodily refreshment. How each hour passed, he was put in mind by one who had that office. His whole annual revenue, which his first care was that it should be justly his own, he divided into two equal parts. The first he employed to secular uses, and subdivided those into three. The first to pay his soldiers, household servants, and guard, of which divided into three bans one attended monthly by turn. The second was to pay his architects and workmen, whom he had got together of several nations, for he was also an elegant builder, above the

custom and conceit of Englishmen in those days. The third, he had in readiness to relieve, or honor, strangers, according to their worth, who came from all parts to see him and to live under him. The other equal part of his yearly wealth he dedicated to religious uses, those of four sorts, the first to relieve the poor, the second to the building and maintenance of two monasteries, the third of a school where he had persuaded the sons of many noblemen to study sacred knowledge in liberal arts, some say at Oxford. The fourth was for the relief of foreign churches as far as India to the shrine of St. Thomas, sending thither Sigelm, the bishop of Sherburn, who both returned safe and brought with him many rich gems and spices. Gifts also, and a letter he received

from the patriarch at Jerusalem, sent many to Rome, and from them received rites. Thus far, and much more might be said of his noble mind, which rendered him the mirror of princes. His body was diseased in his youth with a great soreness in siege, and that ceasing of itself, with another inward pain of unknown cause, which, after intervals of ease, returning upon him by frequent fits, continued to molest him to his dying day, yet did not render him unable to sustain those many glorious labors of his life, both in peace and war, which have been above described. End of Part 1 of Book 5 of John Milton's History of Britain, recording by Thomas Copeland. Book 5, Part 2 of the History of Britain by John Milton.

This Libervox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. Edward the Elder Edward, the son of Alfred, succeeded him, in learning, not equal, but in power and extent of dominion, surpassing his father. The beginning of his reign had much disturbance by Ethelwald, an ambitious young man, who was son of the king's uncle or cousin German or brother, for his genealogy is variously delivered. He vainly vouching to have equal right with Edward, of succession to the crown, possessed himself of Wimburn in Dorsetshire, and of another town, diversely named, giving out that there he would

live or die. But being encompassed with the king's forces at Badbury, a place nigh, his heart failed him, and he stole out by night and fled to the Danish army beyond the Humber. The king sent after him, but not overtaking, found his wife in the town, whom he had married out of a nunnery, and he commanded her to be sent back thither. About this time, note post-Christ 902, returned to text. The Kentish men against a multitude of Danish pirates fought prosperously at a place called home, as Huffington records. Ethelwald, aided by the Northumbrians, with shipping, three years after,

the post-Christ 905 returned to text, sailing to the east angles, persuaded the Danes there to fall into the king's territory, who, marching with him as far as crackled, and passing the Thames there, wasted as far beyond as they durst venture, and, laden with spoils, returned home. The king, with his powers making speed after them, between the dike and ooze, supposed to be suffered in cambridure as far as the fens northward laid waste all before him thence intending to return he commanded that all his army should follow him close without delay but the kentishmen though often called upon lagging behind the danish army prevented them and joined battle with the king where duke sigilf and earl sigel with many other of the nobles were slain on the danes part eric their king and ethelwald the author of this war with our own others of high note, and of them greater number, but with great ruin on both sides. Yet the Danes kept in their power the burying of their slain.

Whatever followed upon this conflict, which we read not, the king two years after with the Danes, note, post-Christ 907, returned to text, both of East Angles and Northumberland, concluded peace, which continued three years, by whomsoever broken. For at the end thereof, Note, post-Christ 910, returned to text. King Edward, raising great forces out of West Sax and Mercia, sent them against the Danes beyond the Humper, where, staying five weeks, they made great spoil and slaughter. The king offered them terms of peace,

but they, rejecting all, entered with the next year into Mercia, note post-Christ 9-11, returned to text, rendering no less hostility than they had suffered. but at tetanil in staffordshire setfurt were by the english in a set battle overthrown king edward then in kent had got together of ships about a hundredth sail others gone southward came back and met him the danes now supposing that his main forces were upon the sea took liberty to rove and plunder up and down as hope of prey led them beyond the sever the king guessing what might emboldened them sent before him the lightest of the his army to entertain them, then, following with the rest, set upon them in their return over Canprig in Gostasher, and slew many thousands, among whom Equils, Hafton, and Hingbaugh, their kings, and many other harsh names in Huntington. The place also of this fight is variously written,

by Ethelward and Florent called Wobensfield. The year following, note post-Christ nine-12, returned to text, the Duke of Mercia, to whom Alfred had given London with his daughter in marriage, now dying, King Edward resumed that city, and Oxford,

with the countries adjoining into his own hands, and the year after, built, or much repaired by his soldiers, the town of Hartford, on either side leave, and, having a sufficient number at the work marched about Middle Summer

with the other part of his forces into Essex and encamped at Muldon, while his soldiers built Wilton, where a good part of the country, subject formerly to the Danes, yielded themselves to his protection. Four years after, note, post-Christ 917,

returned to text, Florent allows but one year, the Danes from Leicester and Northampton, falling into Oxfordshire, committed much rapid, and in some towns thereof great slaughter, while another party, wasting Hartfordshire,

met with other fortune, For the country people, inured now to such kind of incursions, joining stoutly together, fell upon the spoilers, and recovered their own goods, with some booty from their enemies. About the same time, Elflid, the king's sister, sent her army of Mercians into Wales, who routed the Welsh, took the castle of Brickdon Mir by Brecknock, and brought away the king's wife of that country, with other prisoners. Not long after, she took Darby from the Danes, and the castle by sharp assault. but the year ensuing note post christ nine eighteen he turned to text brought a new fleet of danes to ledwick and devonshire under two leaders otter and rold who sailing thence westward about the land's end came up to the mouth of the sever their landing wasted the welsh coast and irkenfield part of harfordshire where they took cunelac a british bishop for whose ransom king edward gave forty pound but the men of harford and gloucestershire assembling put them to flight slaying rolled and the brother of otter with many more pursued them to a wood and their reset compelled them to give hostages of present departure the king with his army sat not far off securing from the the south of Severn to Avon, so that, openly they durst not, by night they twice ventured to land,

but found such welcome that few of them came back. The rest, anchored by a small island, where many of them were famished. Then sailing to a place called Deomed, they crossed into Ireland. The king with his army went to Buckingham, stayed there a month, and built two castles or forts on either bank of Ouse, ere is departing, and Turquitell, a Danish leader, with those of Bedford and Northampton, yielded him subjection. Whereupon the next year, note post-Christ 919, returned to text, he came with his army to the town of Bedford, took possession thereof, stayed there a month, and gave order to build another part of the town on the south side of the Ouse. thence the year following, note post-Christ 920, returned to text,

he went again to Malden, repaired and fortified the town. Turquitell, the Dane, having small hope to thrive here, where things with such prudence were managed against his interest, got leave of the king, with as many voluntaries as would follow him, to pass into France. Early the next year, Edward reedified Tovchester, now Torchester, and another city in the annals called Wagingmeir. Meanwhile, the Danes in Leicester and Northamptonshire,

not liking perhaps to be neighboured with strong towns, laid siege to Torchester, but finding that the people within the town repelled the assault one whole day to supplies came, quitted the siege by night, and, being pursued closely by the besieged, between Burnwood and Aylesbury were surprised, and many of them made prisoners,

and much of their baggage lost. Others of the Danes at Huntington, aided from the east angles, finding that castle not commodious, left it and built another at Thamesford, judging that place more opportune from whence to make their excursions, and soon after went forth

with design to assailed Bedford. But the garrison, issuing out, slew a great part of them, and the rest fled. After this, a great army of them gathered out of mercia and the east ankles came and besieged the city called wijinglir a whole day but finding it defended stoutly by them within thence also departed driving away much of their cattle whereupon the english from towns and cities round about joining forces laid siege to the town and castle of thamesford and by assault took both slew their king with tuglia a duke and manon his son and earl with all the rest there found who chose to die rather than yield encouraged by this the men of kent surrey and part of essex enterpriced the siege of colchester nor gave over till they won it sacking the town and putting to the sword all the danes therein except some who escaped over the wall

to the succour of these a great number of danes inhabiting ports and other towns in the country of the east angles united their force but coming too late as in revenge beleaguered Malden. But that town also, being timely relieved, they departed, and were not only frustrated of their design, but so hotly pursued that many thousands of them lost their lives in the flight. Forthwith, King Edward, with his West Saxons, went to pass him upon the river Ouse, there to guard the passage, while others were building a stone wall about Torchester. To him their Earl Therfert, and other Lord Danes, with their army thereabout, as far as Vyeload came and submitted, whereat the king's soldiers joyfully cried out to be dismissed home. Therefore, with another part of them he entered Huntingdon, and repaired it,

where breaches had been made, all the people thereabout returning to obedience. The like was done at Colchester by the next remove of his army, after which both east and west angles and the Danish forces among them yielded to the king, swearing allegiance to him both by sea and land. The army also of the Danes at Grant Brigg, surrendering themselves, took the same oath. The summer following, note post-Christ 922, returned to text. He came with his army to Stamford, built a castle there on the south side of the river, where all the people of these quarters acknowledged him supreme. During his abode there, Elphlet, his sister, a marshal woman, who, after her husband, who, after her

husband's death would no more marry, but gave herself to public affairs, repairing and fortifying many towns, and sometimes making war, died at Tamworth, the chief seat of Mercia, whereof, by gift of Alfred her father, she was lady or queen, whereby that whole nation became obedient to King Edward, as did also North Wales, with Hole, Clodocus, and Jothwell, their kings. thence passing to Nottingham he entered and repaired the town, placed there part English, part Danes, and received fealty from all in Mercia of either nation. The next autumn, note post-Christ 923, returned to text, coming with his army to Cheshire, he built and fortified Thelwell,

and while he stayed there, called another army out of Mercia, which he sent to repair and fortify Manchester. about midsummer following he marched again to Nottingham, built a town over against it on the south side of their river, and with a bridge joined them both. Thence journeyed to a place called Bedekin-Willen in Pictland. There also built and fenced a city on the borders, where the King of Scots did him honour as to his sovereign, together with the whole Scottish nation. The like Reginald did, and the son of Edolph, Nainish princes, with all the Northambrians, both, English and Danes. The king also of a people thereabout called Strait Gledwally, the North Welsh, as Camden thinks, of Strait Clid in Denbyshire, perhaps rather the British of Cumberland, did him homage, and not undeserved. For Buchanan himself confesses that this King Edward,

with a small number of men compared to his enemies, overthrew, in a great battle, the whole united power both the Scots and Danes, slew most of the Scottish nobility, and forced Malcolm, whom Constantine the Scottish king had made general, and designed heir of his crown, to save himself by flight sore wounded. Of the English, he makes Athelston, the son of Edward, chief leader, and so far seems to confound times and actions as to make this battle the same with that fought by Athelston about 24 years after at Bruneford, against Anlaf and Constantine, whereof hereafter. But here Buchanan takes occasion to inveigh against the English writers, abrading them with ignorance who affirm Athelston to have been supreme king of Britain,

and Constantine, the Scottish king, with others to have hailed of him, and denies that in the annals of Marianas Cotus any mention is to be found thereof. which I shall not stand much to contradict, for in Marianus, whether by his surname or from his native country called Scotus, will be found as little mention of any other Scottish affairs till the time of King Dunkard, slain by Macatad or Macbeth, in the year 1040, which gives cause a suspicion that the affairs of Scotland before that time were so obscure as to be unknown to their own countrymen, who lived and wrote his chronicle not long after. But King Edward, thus nobly doing, and thus honored, the year following died at Farrant. Note, post-Christ 925, returned to text.

Having, through all his reign, been a builder and restorer, even in time of war, not a destroyer of his land. He had, by several wives, many children. His eldest daughter, Edgith, he gave in marriage to Charles. King of France, grandchild of Charles the Bald above mentioned. Of the rest, in place convenient. His laws are yet to be seen. He was buried at Winchester in the monastery near Alfred his father, and a few days after him died Ethelwood, his eldest son, the heir of his crown. He had the whole island in subjection, yet so as petty kings reigned under him. In Northumberland, after Eckbert, whom the Danes had set up, and the Northumbrians, yet unruly under their yoke,

at the end of six years had expelled, one Rixig was set up king, and bore the name three years. Then another Eckbert, and Guthrut. The latter, if we believe legends, of a servant had been made king by command of St. Cudbert in a vision, and enjoined by another vision of the same saint, to pay well for his royalty many lands and privileges to his church and must. monastery. But now to the story. Athelston. Athelston, next in age to Ethelwood, his brother, who deceased untimely few days before, though born of a concubine, yet for the great appearance of many virtues in him,

and his brethren, being yet under age, was exalted to the throne at Kingston upon Thames. Note, post Christ 926. Return to text. And by his father's last will, said Momsbury. yet not without some opposition of one Alfred and his accomplices, who not liking he should reign had conspired to seize on him after his father's death and to put out his eyes. But the conspirators were discovered, and Alfred denying the plot was sent to Rome to assert his innocence before the Pope, where, taking his oath on the altar, he fell down immediately, and being carried out by his servants three days after died.

meanwhile beyond the humber the danes though much odd were not idle ingold one of their kings took possession in york citric who some years before had slain neil his brother by force took davenport in cheshire and however he defended these doings grew so considerable that athelston with great solemnity gave him his sister edgeth to wife but he enjoyed her not long dying ere the year's end nor did his sons anlaf and gutford long enjoy the kingdom being driven out the next year by athelston note post-price nine twenty seven returned a text not unjustly sethuntington as being the first raisers of the war simeon calls him gudfred a british king whom athelston this year drove out of his kingdom and perhaps they were both one the name and time not much differing the place only mistaken. Momsbury differs in the name, also, calling him Adolf, a certain rebel. Them also, I wish as much mistaken, who write that Athelston, jealous of his younger brother Edwin's towardly virtues, lest added to his greater birth, they might, sometime or other, call in question his illegitimate precedence, caused him to be drowned in the sea.

Note, post-Christ 933. Return to text. Exposed, some say, with one servant in a rotten bark without sail or ore, where the youth far off land and in rough weather, despairing, threw himself overboard. The servant, or patient, got to land and reported the success. But this, Malmesbury confesses to be sung in old songs, but not read in warrantable authors. And Huntington speaks of a sad accident to Athelston

that he lost his brother Edwin by sea, which seems far the more crucial. incredible story in that Atholston, as it is written by all, tenderly loved and bred up the rest of his brethren, of whom he had no less cause to be jealous than of Edwin. And the year following, note, post-Christ 934, returned a text. He prospered better than, after the commission of so foul a deed could be expected, in marching into Scotland with great puissance, both by sea and land, and chasing his enemies before him by land as far as far as far as far as far as. far as Dunfeodor and Weertimore, and by sea as far as Caithness. The cause of this expedition, Seth Momsbury, was to demand Guthrford, the son of Citric, thither fled, though not denied at length by Constantine, who with Eugenius, King of Cumberland, at a place called Dakor or Dakre, in that

shire, surrendered himself, and each of them his kingdom, to Athelston, who brought back with him for a hostage, the son of Constantine. But Gutfer, to escape him, to escape in the meanwhile out of Scotland, and Constantine, exasperated by this invasion, persuaded Anlough, the other son of Citric, who had then fled into Ireland, others write Anlough King of Ireland and the Isles, a son-in-law, with six hundred and fifteen ships, and the King of Cumberland with other forces, to come to his aid. This, within four years affected, note, post-Christ nine thirty-eight, returned to text. They entered England by the Humper.

and fought with athelston at a place called wendoon, others term it Brunenberg, others Brunford, which engulfed places beyond the Humberland, Camden in Glendale of Northumberland on the Scottish borders. The bloodiest fight, say authors, that ever this island saw, to describe which, the Saxon analyst, who is one to be sober and succinct, whether the same or another writer, now laboring under the weight of his argument and overcharged, runs on a sudden into such extravagant fancies and metaphors as bear him quite beside the scope of being understood. Huntington, though himself peckoned enough in this kind, transcribes him word for word as a pastime to his readers. I shall only sum up whatever I can attain in usual language.

The battle was fought eagerly from morning till night. Some fell of King Edward's old army, tried in many, a battle before, but on the other side great multitudes, and the rest fled to their ships. Five kings and seven of Anlaf's chief captains were slain on the place with Froda, a Norman leader. Constantine escaped home, but lost his son in the fight, if I understand my author. Anlaf fled by sea to Dublin, with a small remainder of his great host. Momsbury relates this war, adding many circumstances after this manner. that anlaf joining with constantine and the whole power of scotland besides those which he brought with him out of ireland came on far southwards till athelston who had retired on set purpose to be the surer of his enemies enclosed from all succour and retreat met him at brunford

anlaf perceiving the valor and resolution of aphelston and mistrusting his own forces though numerous resolved first to spy in what posture his enemies lay and imitating perhaps what he had heard to have been attempted by king alfred in the age before in the habit of a musician got access by his lute and voice to the king's tent there playing both the minstrel and the spy then towards evening being dismissed he was observed by one who had been his soldier and well knew him to have been viewing earnestly the king's tent and what approaches lay about it and then in the twilight to depart the soldier forthwith acquaints the king and being by him blamed for letting go his enemy answered that he had given first his military oath to amlau whom if he had betrayed the king might suspect him of life treasonous mind towards himself, which to disprove he advised him to remove his tent a good distance off. And that being so done, it happened that a bishop, with his retinue coming to that army, pitched his tent in the same place from whence the king had removed his. Anlaf, coming by night as he had designed, to assault the camp, and especially the king's tent,

finding there the bishop instead slew him with all his followers. Athelston took the alarm, and, as it seems, was not found so unprovided, but that the day now appearing, he put his men in order and maintained the fight till evening, wherein Constantine himself was slain with five other kings and twelve earls. The Saxon annals were content with seven, in the rest not disagreeing. In Gulf, abbot of Croyland, from the authority of Turkato, a principal leader in this battle, relates it more at large to this effect, that Athelston, above a mile distant from the place

where execution was done upon the bishop and his supplies, alarmed at the noise, came down by break of day upon Anlaf and his army, overwatched and wearied now with the slaughter they had made, and something out of order yet in two main battles. The king, therefore, in like manner dividing, led the one part consisting mostly of West Saxons against Anlaf and his Danes and Irish, committing the other to his Chancellor Turcotele, with the Mercians and Londoners against Constantine

and his Scots. The shower of arrows and darts overpassed, both battles attacked each other with a close and terrible engagement for a long space neither side-giving ground. till the Chancellor Turcatel, a man of great stature and strength, taking with him a few Londoners of select valor, and Singin, who led the Worcestershire men, a captain of undaunted courage, broke into the thickest, making his way first through the Picts and Orpneers,

then through the Cumbrians and Scots, and came at length where Constantine himself fought, unhorsed him, and used all means to take him alive. But the Scots, valiantly defending, their king, and laying load upon Turcatel, which the goodness of his armour well endured, he had yet been beaten down, had not Singen his faithful second, at the same time slain Constantine, which being once known, Anlaf and the whole army betook themselves to flight, whereof a huge multitude fell by the sword. This Turcoteau, not long after, leaving worldly affairs,

became abbot of Croyland, which, at his own cost, he had repaired from Danish ruins, and left there this memorial of his former actions. Athelston, with his brother Edmund, victorious, thence turning into Wales, with much more ease vanquished Ludwall, the king, and possessed his land. But Momsbury writes that, commiserating human chance, as he displaced, so he restored both him and Constantine to their regal. state, for the surrender of King Constantine hath been above spoken on. However, the Welsh did him homage at the city of Hereford, and covenanted yearly payment of gold, 20 pound, of silver

300, of oxen, 25,000, besides hunting dogs and hops. He also took Exeter from the Cornish Britons, who till that time had equal right there with the English, and bounded them with the River Tamar, as the other British with the way. Thus, dreaded of his enemies and renowned far and near, three years after he died at Gloucester. Note, post-Christ, 941, returned to text, and was buried with many trophies at Momsbury, where he had caused to be laid his two cousin Germans,

Elwyn and Ethelstan, both slain in the battle against Anlov. He was 30 years old at his coming to the crown, mature in wisdom from his childhood, comely of person and behavior, so that Alfred his grandfather, in blessing him, was one to pray that he might live to half the kingdom, and put him, while yet a child, into a soldier's habit. He had his breeding in the court of Alfred, his aunt, of whose virtues more than female we have spoken above, which is sufficient to evince that his mother, though said to be no wedded wife, was yet such a person as to parentage and worth as the royal line disdained not to converse with. Though the song went in Momsbury's days, for it seems he refused not the authority of ballads for want of better memorials,

that his mother was a farmer's daughter but of excellent feature. Who dreamt one night she brought forth a moon that should enlighten the whole land, which the king's nurse, hearing of, took her home and bred up courtly. That the king, coming one day to visit his nurse, saw there this damsel, liked her, and, by earnest suit prevailing, had by her this famous Athelston, a bounteous, just and affable king, as Momsbury sets him forth, not less honored abroad by foreign kings, who sought his friendship by great gifts, or by seeking his affinity.

that Harold of Noricum sent him a ship whose prow was of gold, sails purple, and other golden things. The more to be wondered at has sent from Noricum, whether that name meant Norway or Bavaria, the one place being so far from such superfluity of wealth, the other so far from all sea. The ambassadors were Helgrim and Alfred, who found the king at York. His sisters he gave in marriage to the greatest princes. Egliff to Otho, son of Henry the Emperor. Edgith to a certain duke about the Alps. Ejiv to Ludwig, king of Aquitaine, sprung of Charles the Great.

Ethilda to Huck, king of France, who sent Elduff, son of Baldwin, Earl of Flanders, to obtain her. From all these great suitors, especially from the Emperor and King of France, came rich presents, horses of excellent breed, gorgeous trappings and armor, relics, jewels, odors, vessels of onyx, and other precious things which I leave poetically described in Momsbury, in verses taken, as he confesses, out of an old versifier, some of which verses he recites. The only blemish left upon him was the exposing of his brother Edwin to danger, who had disavowed by oath the treason whereof he was accused, and implored an equal hearing. But these were songs, as before hath been said, which add also that Athelston, when his anger over,

soon repented of the fact, and put to death his cup-bearer, who had induced him to suspect to expose his brother, having been put in mind of that unhappy action by a word falling from the cup-bearer's own mouth, who, slipping one day as he bore the king's cup, and recovering himself on the other leg, said aloud, fatally as to him it proved, One brother helps the other, which words the king laying to heart, and pondering how ill he had done to make away his brother, avenged himself first on the advisor of that fact, and then took on himself a penance of seven years.

And as Matthew of Westminster Seth, built two monarchy, monasteries for the soul of his brother. His are extant among the laws of other Saxon kings to this day. Edmund Edmund, not above eighteen years old, note, post-Christ 942, returned to text, succeeded his brother Athelston, encouraged, not inferior, for in the second year of his reign he freed Mercia of the Danes that remained there, and took from them the cities of Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford, Darby, and Lester, where they were placed by King Edward, but it seems gave not good proof of their fidelity.

Simeon writes that Anlaf, setting forth from New York, and having wasted southward as far as Northampton, was met by Edmund at Leicester, but that ere the battles joined, Heath was made between them by Odo and Wollstone, the two archbishops, with the conversion of Anloff to the Christian religion. For the same year, Edmund received at the fourth, Fontstone, this or another Anlaf, as Seth Huntington, not him spoken of before who died this year, so uncertain they are in the story of these times also, and held Reginald, another king of the North Umbers, while the bishop confirmed him. Their limits were divided north and south by Watling Street, but spiritual kindred little availed to keep peace between them, whoever gave the cause for breaking it,

for we read him two years after, note, post-Christ 944, returned to text, driving Anlaf, whom the Saxon annals now first call the son of Citric, and Suthred, the son of Reginald, out of Northumberland, and taking the whole country into subjection to himself. Edmund, the next year, note post-Christ nine forty-five, returned to text, Harris Cumberland then gave it to Malcolm, King of Scots, who was thereby bound to assist him in his wars, both by sea and land. Matthew of Westminster adds that in this action, Edmund had the aid of Laolin,

Prince of North Wales against Dumail, the Cumbrian king, him depriving of his kingdom and his two sons of their sight. But the year after, note post-Christ 946, returned to text, he himself, by strange accident, came to an untimely death. for feasting with his nobles on St. Austen's Day at Pocork in Gloucestershire, to celebrate the memory of his first converting the Saxons, he spied Leof, a noted thief who he had banished, sitting among his guests, where it transported with too much vehemence of spirit, though in a just cause,

rising from the table, he run upon the thief, and catching his hair, pulled him to the ground. the thief, who doubted from such handling no less than his death to be intended, thought to die not on revenge, and with a short dagger struck the king, who still laid at him and little expected such assassination, mortally into the breast. The matter was done in a moment, airmen sitting at table, could turn round or imagine at first what the stir meant, till, perceiving the king to be deadly wounded, they flew upon the murderer and hewed him to pieces. who, like a wild beast at a bay, seeing himself surrounded, desperately laid about him, wounding some in his fall. The king was buried at Glaston, whereof Dunstan was then abbot. His laws yet remain to be seen among the laws of other Saxon kings. Edrid. Edred, the third brother of Athelston, the sons of Edmund, being yet the children, next reigned, not degenerating from his worthy predecessors.

and was crowned at Kingston. Northumberland, he thoroughly subdued, and the Scots without refusal swore him allegiance. Yet the Northumbrians, ever of doubtful faith, soon after chose to themselves one Eric a dane. Huntington still haunts us with this an laugh, of whom we would gladly have been rid, and will have him before Eric be recalled once more to the throne, and to reign four years, and then to be again put to his shifts. Note, post-Christ 9.50, returned to text. But Edred turning, Eric the king, fell upon his rear.

Edred, turning about, both shook off the enemy and prepared to make a second inroad, which the Northumbrians dreading, rejected Eric, slew Amancus, the son of Anlaf, and with many presents appeasing Edrid, submitted again to his government. and from that time had no kings, but were governed by earls, of whom Ozzolf was the first. About this time, note, post-Christ 953, returned to text. Wollstone, Archbishop of York, accused to have slain certain men of Thetford in revenge of their abbot, whom the townsman had slain, was committed by the king to close custody,

but soon after was enlarged and restored to his place. Momsbury writes that his crime was to have connived at the revolt of his countrymen. But King Edred, two years after, note post-Christ 955, returned to text, sickening in the flower of his youth, died much lamented and was buried at Winchester. Edwy Edwy, the son of Edmund, now come to age, after his uncle Edred's death took on him the government and was crowned at Kingston. his lovely person caused him to be surname the fair.

His actions are diversely reported by Huntington not thought illaudible, but Momsbury, and such as follow him, write far otherwise, that he married or kept as a concubine his near-kinswoman. Some say both her and her daughter, so inordinately given to his pleasure that on the very day of his coronation, he abruptly withdrew himself from the company of his peers, whether in banquet or consultation, to sit wantoning in the chamber with his Algeba, so was her name who had such power over him.

Whereat his barons offended, sent Bishop Dunstan the boldest among them to request his return. He, going to the chamber, not only interrupted his dalliance and rebuked the lady, but taking him by the hand between force and persuasion brought him back to his nobles. the king highly displeased and instigated perhaps by her who was so prevalent with him not long after sent dunstan into banishment note post-christ nine fifty six turned to text caused his monastery to be rifled and became an enemy to all monks and friars whereupon odo archbishop of canterbury pronounced a separation or divorce of the king from algepah but that which most incited william of momsbury against him him was that he gave that monastery to be dwelt in by secular priests, or to use his own phrase, made it a stable of clerks. At length, these affronts done to the church were so resented by the people that the Mercians and Northumbrians revolted from him and set up Edgar, his brother,

leaving to Edwy the West Saxons only, bounded by the River Thames. With grief whereof, as his thought, he soon after ended his days. Note, post-Christ. 955, returned to text, and was buried at Winchester. Meanwhile, note, post-Christ 958, returned to text. Elfin, bishop of that place, after the death of Odo ascending by Simony to the chair of Canterbury, and going to Rome the same year for his Paul, was frozen to death in the Alps. Edgar Edgar, by his brother's death, now king of all England at 16 years of age, note post Christ 959 returned to text called home Dunstan out of flanders where he lived in exile this king had no war all his reign yet always well prepared for war governed the kingdom in great peace honor and prosperity gaining thence the surname of peaceable much extolled for justice clemency and all kingly virtues the more you may be sure by monks for his building so many monasteries

as some right, every year won, for he much favoured the monks against secular priests, who in the time of Edwy had got possession of most of their convents. His care and wisdom was great in guarding the coast round with stout ships to the number of three thousand six hundred, Matthew of Westminster, reckons them four thousand eight hundred, divided into four squadrons to sail to and fro about the four quarters of the land, meeting each other. The first of twelve hundred sailed from east to west, the second of as many from west to east, the third and four between north and south, himself in the summertime with his fleet. Thus he kept out wisely the force of strangers, and prevented foreign war. But by their too frequent

resort hither in time of peace, and his too much favoring them, he let in their vices unaware. thence the people, Seth Momsbury, learned of the outlandish Saxons, rudeness, of the Flemish, daintiness and softness, of the Danes drunkenness, though I doubt these vices are as naturally home-bred here as in any of those countries. Yet in the winter and springtime, he usually rode the circuit as a judge itinerant through all his provinces to see justice well-administered, and the poor not oppressed. Thieves and robbers, he rooted in almost out of the land, and wild beasts of prey altogether, enjoining Ludwall, king of Wales, to pay the yearly tribute of three hundred wolves,

which he did for two years together, till the third year no more were to be found, nor ever after. But his laws may be read yet extant. Whatever was the cause, he was not crowned to the thirtieth of his age, but then with great splendour and magnificence at the city of Bath, in the Feast of Pentecost. cost. This year, note, post-Christ 973, returned to text, died swarling, a monk of Croyland in the hundred and forty-second year of his age, and another soon after him in the hundred and fifteenth, in that fanny and waterish air the more remarkable. King Edgar the next year, note, post-Christ nine seventy-four, returned to text, went to Chester, and summoning to his court there,

all the kings that held of him took homage of them. Their names are Kenned, King of Scots, Malcolm of Cumberland, the Cues of the Isles, five of Wales, Duffel, Hewle, Griffith, Jacob, Judah. These he had in such awe that, going one day into a galley, he caused them to take each man his oar, and row him down the River Dee, in which he himself sat at the stern, which might be done in merriment and easily obeyed, but, if done with a serious brow, discovered rather vain glory and insulting hauntiness than moderation of mind, and that he did it seriously triumphing, appears by his words then uttered, quote, that his successors might then glory to be kings of England when they had such honour done them. And perhaps the divine power was displeased with him for taking too much honour to himself,

since we read that the year following, note, post Christ 975, returned to text, he was taken out of this life by sickness in the height of his glory and the prime of his age. He was buried at Glaston Abbey. The same year, as Matthew of Westminster relates, he gave to Kennet the Scotch King many rich presents and the whole country of Laudian,

or Lothian, to hold of him on condition that he and his successors should repair to the English, English court at high festivals when the king sat crowned. Gave him also many lodging places, by the way, which, till the days of Henry II, were still held by the Kings of Scotland. He was of stature not tall, of body slender, yet so well made that in strength he chose to contend with such as were thought strongest, and disliked nothing more than that they should spare him for respect or fear to hurt him.

kenned king of scots then in the court of edgar sitting one day at table was heard to say jestingly among his servants he wondered how so many provinces could be held in subjection by such a little dapper man his words were brought to the king's ear he sends for kenned as about some private business and in talk drawing him forth to a secret place takes from under his garment two swords which he had brought with him gave one of them to kenned and now said he it shall be tried which ought to be the subject for it is shameful for a king to boast at table and shrink in fight kenned much abashed fell presently at his feet and besought him to pardon what he had simply spoken no way intended to his dishonour or disparagement wherewith the king was satisfied camden in his description of ireland cites a charter of king edgar wherein it appears he had in subjection all the kingdoms of the island as far as Norway, and had subdued the greatest part of Ireland with the city of Dublin. But of this other writers make no mention. In his youth, having heard of Elfrida, daughter of Ordgar, Duke of Devonshire, much commended for her beauty, he sent Earl Athelwald, whose loyalty he trusted most, to see her,

intending if she were found such as answered report, to demand her in marriage. he, at the first view, taken with her presence, disloyally, as it often happens at such employments, began to sue for himself, and with consent of her parents, obtained her. Returning, therefore, with scarce an ordinary commendation of her feature, he easily took off the king's mind, which was soon diverted another way. But the matter coming to light how Athawald had forestalled the king, and Elfrida's beauty being more and more spoken of, the king now heated not only with the relapse of love, but with a deep sense of the abuse, yet dissembling as to serpents, pleasantly told the earl what day he meant to come and visit him and his fair wife.

The earl seemingly assured his welcome, but in the meanwhile acquainting his wife, earnestly advised her to deform herself what she might, either in dress or otherwise, lest the king, whose amorous inclination was not unknown, should chance to be attracted. She, who by this time was not ignorant how Athewald had stepped between her and the king, against his coming, arrays herself richly, using whatever arch could devise that might render her the more amiable, and it took effect. For the king, inflamed with her love the more, for that he had been so long defrauded and robbed of her, resolved not only to recover his intercepted right, but to punish the interloper of his destined spouse,

and appointing with him, as was usual, a day of hunting, drew him aside in a forest, now called Harewood, and smote him through with a dart. Some censure this act as cruel and tyrannical, but considered well it may be judged more favorably, and that there was no man of sensible spirit but in his place without extraordinary perfection would have done the like. For next to an attempt against his life, what worse treason could have been committed against him? It chanced that the earl's base son,

coming by upon the fact, the king sternly asked him how he liked this game. He submissively answering that whatsoever pleased the king must not displease him. The king, returning to his wanted temper, took an affection to the youth, and ever after highly favored him,

making amends to the son for what he had done to the father. Elfrida, forthwith he took to wife, who, to expiate her former husband's death, though therein she had no hand, covered the place of his bloodshed with the monastery of nuns to sing over him. Another fault is laid to his charge, no way excusable,

that he took a virgin, Wilfrida, by force, out of the nunnery, where she was placed by her friends to avoid his pursuit, and kept her as his concubine. But lived not obstinately in the offence, for being sharply reproved by Dunstan, he submitted to seven years' penance, and for that time to postpone the important ceremony of his coronation.

But why he had not had it performed before is left unwritten. Another story there goes of Edgar, fitter for a novel than a history, but as I find it in Momsbury, so I relate it. while he was yet unmarried in his youth he abstained not from women and coming on a day to and over ordered a duke's daughter their dwelling reported rare a beauty to be brought to him the mother not daring flatly to deny yet abhorring that her daughter should be so deflowered at fit time of night sent in her daughter's attire one of her waiting-maids a maid it seems not unhandsome nor unwitty who supplied the place of her young lady the night being passed the maid was going to rise but daylight scarce yet appearing was by the king asked why she made such haste she answered to do the work which her lady had set her at which the king wondering and with much ado staying her to unfold the riddle for he took her to be the duke's daughter she falling at his feet besought him that since at the command of her lady she came to his bed and was enjoyed by him he would be pleased in recompense to set her free from the hard service of her mistress.

The king, a while standing in a study whether he had best be angry or not, at length, turning all to a jest, took the maid away with him, advanced her above her lady, loved her, and accompanied with her only, till he married Elfrida. These only are his faults upon record. And it is rather to be wondered how there were so few, and so soon left. he coming at sixteen to the license of a sceptre, and that his virtues were so many and mature,

he dying before the age wherein wisdom can in others attain to any rightness. However, with him died all the Saxon glory. From henceforth nothing is to be heard of but their decline and ruin under a double conquest and the causes foregoing, which, not to blur or taint the praises of their former actions and liberty, well defended shall stand severally related, and will be more than long enough for another book.

A remark on the foregoing account of the succession of the several Saxon kings of England from King Alfred to King Edgar. There seems to be some difficulty in the foregoing account given us by Milton of the succession of the Saxon kings of England from the great King Alfred to King Edgar with respect to the number of generations between them,

which is here represented to be only three generations, namely one from Alfred to his son, King Edward, his immediate successor, who succeeded him in the year 900 and reigned 25 years and died in the year 925. And a second generation from King Edward to his lawful son, Edmund, who was but two years old at the death of his father,

King Edward, and did not succeed to the crown till the death of his half-brother, King Athelston, who was the son of King Edward by a concubine, and who reigned 16 years, so that Edmund, the son of Edward, and grandson of Alfred, was only 18 years old when he succeeded his half-brother Athelston to the crown, and the third generation from Edmund, the son of Edward, and grandson to King Alfred, to Edgar, the second son of King Edmund, and consequently the great-grandson of King Alfred. Now, it seems probable that King Edmund, the father of Edgar, was not the son but the grandson of King Edward, who was the son and successor of King Alfred, for the following reasons.

King Alfred was born in the year 80850, and he succeeded to the crown of England upon the death of his brother Ethelred, who was the last of his three elder brothers, Ethelbald, Ethelbert, and Ethelred, which happened in the year AD 870. when he was only 20 years of age, and he reigned 30 years and died in the year 8,900. And these historians tell us that he married at the age of 20 years, and from hence it seems probable that his son and successor, King Edward, was born in the year AD 871 or 872, and consequently must have been about 28 years of age in the year AD 900 when his father died. He succeeded his father in the government of him, kingdom and reigned 25 years and died in the year AD 925 when he was probably 28 together with 25 or

53 years old. He was succeeded in the government by Athelston, a bastard son, who was then 30 years old, and who therefore must have been born in the year 895 or when his father Edward was 23 years old. Now, since Edward the son of Alfred had a bastard son, Athelston, when he was about 23 years old, and about five years before his father Alfred's death, it seemed probable that he had also been married nearly about the same time, and had a lawful son nearly of the same age with his bastard son, Athelston, a year or two perhaps either older or younger than Athelston, and who would therefore have been about the same age as Athelston at the time of King Edward's death. That is, about the age of 30 years, instead of being a child only two years old, as King Edmund must have been,

according to the foregoing account, which makes him to have been only 18 years old of the death of Athelston after a reign of 16 years. It seems probable, therefore, that King Edward had had a lawful son of nearly the same age as his bastard's son, Athelston, and that this lawful son had been married when he was about the age of 20 or 21 years, that is, about the 15th year of King Edward's reign, or the year AD 915, and had from that marriage had a son named Edmund, born about the year 18923, or two years before the death of his grandfather, King Edward, and who would therefore have been two years and 16 years or 18 years old at the death of King Athelston after a reign of 16 years, as King Edmund is said to have been at that time. And then, if we suppose the said eldest lawful

son of King Edward to have died before King Edward himself, the several events related in this history of the succession of the Kings of England from King Alfred to King Edgar will become intelligible and consistent with each other. And King Edgar must be able. be considered as the fourth instead of the third descendant from King Alfred. F.M. The end of the fourth book of Milton's History of Britain, recording by Thomas Copeland. Book six of the History of Britain, part one by John Milton. This Librevox's recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. The History of Britain, the sixth book. Edward the Younger.

Side note, AD 975, returned to text. Edward, the eldest son of Edgar, by Egelfleda, his first wife, the daughter of Duke Ordmer, was according to Wright and his father's will, placed in the throne. Elfrida, his second wife, and her faction only repining, who labored to have had her son Ethelred, a child of seven years preferred before him, that she, under that pretense might have ruled all. Meanwhile, comets were seen in heaven, pretending not famine only which followed the next year, but the troubled state of the whole realm not long after to ensue.

The troubles begun in Edwin's days between monks and secular priests were now revived, and drew on either side many of the nobles into parties. For Elphir, Duke of the Mercians with many other peers, corrupted, as is said with gifts, drove the monks out of those monasteries where Edgar had placed them, and in their stead put secular priests with their wives. But Ethelwyn, Duke of the East Angles, with his brother Elfwald, and Earl Britt North, opposed them, and, gathering an army, defended the abys of the East Angles from such intruders. To appease these tumults, a synod was called at Winchester,

and nothing being there concluded, a general council both of nobles and prelates was held at Colne and Wiltshire, where, while the dispute was hot, but chiefly against Dunstan, the roof of the room wherein they sat fell upon their heads, killing some and maiming others, Dunstan only escaping upon a beam that fell gnawed, and the king being absent by reason of his tender age. This accident quieted the controversy, and brought both parties to hold with Dunstan and the monks. Meanwhile, the king, addicted to a religious life and of a mild spirit,

simply permitted all things to the ambitious will of his stepmother and her son Ethelred, to whom she displeased that the name only of king was wanting, practiced thenceforth to remove King Edward out of the way, which in this manner she brought about. Edward on a day wearied with hunting, thirsty, and alone, while his attendants followed the dogs, hearing that Ethelred and his mother lodged at Corv's Gate, Corf Castle, Seth Camden, in the Isle of Purbeck,

innocently went thither. She, with all show of kindness, welcoming him, commanded drink to be brought forth, for it seems he lighted not from his horse, and while he was drinking, caused one of her servants, privately before instructed, to stab him with a poniard.

The poor youth, who little expected such unkindness there, turning speedily the reins, fled, bleeding, till through loss of blood, falling from his horse, and expiring, yet held with one foot in the stirrup, he was dragged along the way, traced by his blood, and buried without honor at Wareham, having reigned about three years. But the place of his burial not long after grew famous for miracles, after which by Duke Elfir, who, as Momsbury Seth, had a hand in his death, note, post-Christreux. Christ 978, returned to text. He was royally interred at Skepton or Shatsbury. The murderous Elfrida,

at length repenting, spent the residue of her days in sorrow and great penance. Ethelred. Ethelred, second son of Edgar by Alfreda, or Edmund, his elder brother died a child. His brother Edward, having been wickedly removed, was now next in right to succeed. note post-Christ 979 returned a text and accordingly was crowned at Kingston reported by some to have been fairer visage comely of person and elegant of behavior but the event will show that with many sluggish and ignoble vices he quickly shamed his outside born and prolonged through many years of life to be a fatal mischief to his people and the ruin of his country whereof he gave early signs from his first infancy, beraying the font and water while the bishop was baptizing him, where at Dunstan much troubled, for he stood by and saw it, to them next him broke into these words, by God and God's mother, this boy will prove a sluggard. Another thing is written of him in his childhood, which argued no bad nature, that,

hearing of his brother Edward's cruel death, he made loud lamentation. But his furious mother offended therewith, and having no rod at hand, beat him so with great waxed candles that he hated the sight of them ever after. Dunstan, though unwilling, set the crown upon his head, but at the same time, foretold openly, as is reported, the great evils that were to come upon him, and the land in avengement of his brother's innocent blood. And about the same time, when midnight, a cloud, sometimes bloody, sometimes fiery, was seen over all England, and within three years, note, post-Christ 982, returned to text. The Danish tempest, which had long ceased, revolved again upon this island.

To the more ample relating whereof, the Danish history, at least their latest and diligentest historian, as neither from the first landing of Danes in the reign of West Saxon, Bithric, so now, again, from first to last, contributes nothing. busyed more than enough to make out the bare names and successions of their uncertain kings and their small actions at home unless out of him i should transcribe what he takes and i better may from our own animals the surer and the sadder witnesses of their doings here not glorious as they vainly boast but most inhumanly barbarous for the danes well understanding that england had now a sloth king to their wish, first landing at Southampton from seven great ships, took the town, spoiled the country, and carried away with them great pillage. Nor was Devonshire and Cornwall uninfested on the shore. Pirates of Norway also harried the coast of Westchester. And, to add a worse

calamity, the city of London was burnt, whether casually or not is not written. It chanced four years after that Ethelred besieged Rochester. Note, post-Christ 986 returned to text. Some way or other offended by the bishop thereof. Dunstan, not approving the cause, sent to warn him that he provoked not St. Andrew, the patron of that city, nor waste his lands, an old craft of the clergy to secure their church lands by entailing them on some saint. The king not hearkening, Dunstan, on this condition that the siege might be raised, sent him

a hundred pounds. The money was accepted, and the siege dissolved. Dunstan, reprehending his avarice, sent him again this word. Because thou hast respected money more than religion, the evils which I foretold shall the sooner come upon me, but not in my days, for so God hath spoken. The next year, note, post-Christ nine 87, returned to text, was calamitous, bringing strange flutters, upon men and murren upon cattle dunstan the year following died a strenuous bishop zealous without dread of person and for art appears the best of many ages if he busied not himself too much in secular affair he was chaplain at first to king athelston and to edmund succeeded him and much employed in court affairs till envied by some who laid many things to his charge he was by edmund forbidden the court but by the earnest mediation, said in Gulf, of Turcetel, the Chancellor, received at length to favor, and made abbot of Glaston, and lastly, by Edgar and the General Vote, Archbishop of Canterbury.

Not long after his death, the Danes arriving in Devonshire were met by Goda, lieutenant of that country, and Strenwald a valiant leader who put back the Danes, but with loss of their own lives. The third year following, note post-Christ nine ninety-one, returned to text. Under the conduct of Justin and Guthrmann, the son of Staten, they landed and spoiled Ipswich, fought with Britnoth, Duke of the East Angles, about Malden, where they slew him. The slaughter else had been equal on both sides. These and the like depredations, on every side the English, not able to resist by Council of Syrac, then Archbishop of Canterbury, and two dukes, ethyrwald and alfred it was thought best for the present to buy that with silver which they could not gain with their iron and ten thousand pounds was paid to the dames for peace which for a while contented them but taught them the ready way how easiest to come by more

the next year but one note post christ nine ninety three which under text they took by storm and rifled bebenberg an ancient city city near Durham. Sailing thence to the mouth of the Humber, they wasted both sides thereof, Yorkshire and Lindsay, burning and destroying all before them. Against these went out three noblemen, Frana, Frithogist, and Godwin, but being all Danes by the father's side, willingly began flight, and forsook their own forces, betrayed to the enemy. No less treachery was at sea. For Alfred, the son of Elford, Duke of Mercia, whom the king, for some offence had banished, but now recalled, sent from London, with a fleet to surprise the Danes, in some place of disadvantage, gave them overnight intelligence thereof, then fled to them himself.

Which his fleet, said Florent, perceiving, pursued, took the ship, but missed of his person. The Londoners, by chance grappling with the East Angles, made them fewer, said my author, by many thousands. Others say that by this notice of Alfred, the Danes not only escaped, but with a greater fleet set upon the English, took many of their ships, and in triumph brought them up the Thames,

intending to besiege London. For Anlaf, king of Norway, and Swain of Denmark, at the head of these, came with 94 galleys. Side note, AD 994, returned to text. the king, for this treason of Alfred, put out his son's eyes.

But the Londoners, both by land and water, so valiantly resisted their besiegers, that they were forced in one day with great loss to give over. But what they could not do on the city they wrecked themselves on the countries round about, wasting with sword and fire all Essex, Kent, and Sussex. Thence, horsing their foot, diffused far wider their outrageous incursions, without mercy either to sex or age. The slothful king, instead of warlike opposition in the field, sends ambassadors to treat about another payment.

The sum promised was now 16,000 pounds, till which paid the Danes wintered at Southampton. Ethelred, inviting Anloff to come and visit him at Andover, where he was royally entertained, some say baptized, or confirmed, adopted son by the king, and dismissed with great presence, promising by oath to depart and molest the kingdom no more, which he performed. But the calamity ended not so, for after some intermission of their rage for

three years, note, post-Christ 997, returned to text, the other navy of Danes sailing about to the west, entered the Severn and wasted one while, South Wales, then Cornwall and Devonshire, till at length. they wintered about Tavistow, for it were an endless work to relate how they wallowed up and down to every particular place, and to repeat as oft what devastations they wrought, what desolations left behind them, easy to be imagined. In sum, the next year, note, post-Christ 998, returned to text, they afflicted Dorsetshire, Hampshire, and the Isle of White. By the English, many resolutions were taken, many armies raised, but either betrayed by the falsehood or discouraged by the weakness of their leaders, they were put to the route or disbanded themselves. Four soldiers most commonly are as their commanders,

without much odds of valor in one nation or another, only as they are more or less wisely disciplined and conductive. The following year, note, post-Christ 999, returned to text, brought them back upon Kent, where they entered the Medway and besieged Rochester. But the Kentish men assembling gave them a sharp encounter, yet that suffice not to hinder them from doing as they had done in other places. Against these depopulations the king levied an army, but the unskilful leaders, not knowing what to do with it when they had it, did but drive out time,

burdening and impoverishing the people, consuming the public treasure, and more emboldening the enemy than if they had, had sat quiet at home. What cause moved the Danes next year, note post-Christ 1,000, to pass into Normandy is not recorded, but that they returned thence more outrageous than before. Meanwhile, the king, to make some diversion, undertakes an expedition both by land and sea to Cumberland, where the Danes were most planted, there, and in the Isle of Man, or as Camden, Seth Anglesey, imitating his enemies in spoiling and unpeopling.

The Danes from Normandy, arriving in the River X, laid siege to Exeter, note post-Christ 1001, returned to text. But the citizens, as those of London, valorously defending themselves, they wreak their anger as before on the villages round about. The country people of Somerset and Devonshire, assembling themselves at Penho, showed their readiness, but wanted ahead.

and besides being then but few in number were easily put to flight the enemy plundering all at will with loaded spoils passed into the isle of white from whence all dorsetshire in hampshire felt again their fury the saxon annals write that before they're coming to exeter the hampshire men had a bickering with them note postchrist one thousand two returned to text wherein ethelworth the king's general was slain adding other things hardly to be understood and in one ancient copy. So end. Ethelred, whom no adversity could awake from his soft and sluggish life, still coming by the worse at fighting, by the advice of his peers, not unlike himself, sends one of his gay courtiers, though looking loftily, to stoop basely,

and propose a third tribute to the Danes. They willingly hearken. But the sum is enhanced now to twenty-four thousand pounds. and paid, the Danes thereupon abstaining from hostility. But the king, to strengthen his house by some potent affinity, marries Emma, whom the Saxons call Elgava, daughter of Richard, Duke of Normandy. With him Ethelred formerly had war, or no good correspondence, as appears by a letter of Pope John the 15th, who made peace between them about eleven years before. Puffed up now with his supposed at access of strength by this affinity, he caused the Danes all over England, though now living

peaceably, in one day perfidiously to be massacred, both men, women, and children, sending private letters to every town and city whereby they might be ready all at the same hour, which till the appointed time being the 9th of July was concealed with great silence and performed with much unanimity, so generally hated were the Danes. Matthew of Westminster writes that this execution upon the Danes was ten years after, that Huna, one of Ethelred's chief captains, complaining of the Danish insolences in the time of peace, their pride, their ravishing of matrons and virgins, incited the king to this massacre, which, in the madness of rage, make no difference of innocent or nocant. Among these, Gnhildas, the sister of Sweat,

was not spared, though much deserving, not pity only, but all protection. She, with her husband, Earl Palingus, coming to live in England and receiving Christianity, had her husband and young son slain before her face, herself then beheaded, foretelling and denouncing that her blood would cost England dear. Some say this was done by the traitor Edric, to whose custody she was committed. But the massacre was some years before Edric's advancement, and if it were done by him afterwards, it seems to contradict the private correspondence which he was thought to hold with the Danes. For Swain, breathing revenge, hasted the next year into England, note, post-price 1003, returned to text. And by the treason, or negligence of Count Hugh, whom Emma had recommended to the

government of Devonshire, sacked the city of Exeter, her wall from east to Westgate broken down. After this, wasting Wiltshire, the people of that country and of Hampshire came together, in great numbers, with resolutions stoutly to oppose him. But Alphric their general, whose son's eyes the king had lately put out, madly thinking to revenge himself on the king by ruining his own country, when he should have ordered his battle, the enemy being at hand, feigned himself taken with a vomiting, whereby his army in great discontent, destitute of a commander turned from the enemy, who straight took Wilton and Salisbury, carrying the pillage thereof to the ships. Thence the next year landing on the coast of Norfolk, note post-Christ 1004,

returned to text, he wasted the country and set Norwich on fire. Ulfkettle, Duke of the East Angles, a man of great valor, not having space to gather his forces, after consultation had thought it best to make peace with the Dane, which he, breaking within three weeks, issued silently out of his ships, came to Thetford, stayed there a night, and in the morning left it flaming. Ulf Kettle, hearing this, commanded some to go and break or burn his ships, but they not daring or neglecting, he, in the meanwhile, with what secrecy and speed was possible, drawing together his forces, went out against the enemy and gave them a fierce onset, retreating to their ships. But much inferior in number, many of the chief East Angles there lost their lives.

Nor did the Danes come off without great slaughter of their own, confessing that they never met in England with so rough a charge. The next year, note, post-Christ 1005, returned to text. Whom war could not, a great famine drove swain out of the land. But the summer following, note, post-Christ 106, returned to text, another great fleet of Danes entered the port of Sandwich, thence poured out over all Kent and Sussex, made prey of what they found. The king levying an army out of Mercia and the West Saxons,

took on him for once the manhood to go out and face them. But they who held it safer to live by rapin than a hazard of battle, shifting lightly from place to place, frustrated the slow motions of a heavy camp, following their wanted course of robbery, then running to their ships. Thus all autumn they wearied out the king's army, which gone home to winter, they carried all their pillage to the Isle of Wight, and there stayed till Christmas.

at which time the king being in Shropshire and but ill-employed, for by the procurement of Edrick he caused, as his thought, Alfhelm and noble dupe treacherously to be slain, and the eyes of his two sons to be put out. They came forth again, overrunning Hampshire and Berkshire, as far as Gretting and Wallingford, thence to Ashton and other places thereabout, neither known nor of tolerable pronunciation,

and returning by another way found many people in arms by the River Kennet. But making their way through, they got safe with vast booty to their ships. The king, note post-Christ 1007, returned to text, and his courtiers, wearied out with their last summer's jaunt after the nimble dames to no purpose, which by proof they found too toilsome for their soft bones, more used to beds and couches, had recourse to their last and only remedy, their coffers, and send now the fourth time to buy a dishonorable piece, every time still dearer, not to be had now under 36,000 pounds,

for the Danes knew how to milk such easy kind, in name of tribute and expenses, which, out of the people over all England, already half-beggard, was extorted and paid. about the same time ethelred advanced edric so named stryon from an obscure condition to be duke of mercia and mary edgitha the king's daughter the cause of his advancement florent of worcester and matthew westminster attribute to his great wealth begotten by fine policies and a plausible tongue he proved a main accessory to the ruin of england as his actions will soon declare ethelred the next year note post-crist one thousand eight returned a text somewhat rousing himself ordained that every three hundred and ten hides a hide is so much land as one plough can sufficiently till should set out a ship or galley and every nine hides find a corslet and headpiece new ships in every port were built bitled fraught with stout mariners and soldiers and a

appointed to meet all at Sandwich. A man might now think that all would go well, when suddenly a new mischief sprung up, dissension among the great ones, which brought all this diligence to as little success as at other times before. Berthric, the brother of Edric, falsely accused Wolnath, a great officer, set over the South Saxons, who, fearing the potency of his enemies, with twenty ships got to sea and practiced piracy on the coast. against whom, reported to be in a place where he might be easily surprised, Berthrick sets forth with 80 ships, all which, driven back by a tempest and wrecked upon the shore, were burnt soon after by Wolof. Disheartened with this misfortune, the king returns to London, the rest of his navy after him,

and all this great preparation comes to nothing. Whereupon Turkle, a Danish earl, came with a navy, to the army, to the army, to the army, Isle of Tannot, note post-Christ 1009, Richard to text, and in August, a far greater, led by Hemming and Elav, joined with him. Thence coasting to Sandwich and landed, they went onward and began to assault Canterbury. But the citizens and East Kentishmen, coming to composition with them for three thousand pounds, they departed thence to the Isle of White, robbing and burning by the way. against these the king levies an army through all the land and in several quarters places them nigh the sea but so unskilfully or unsuccessfully that the danes were not thereby hindered from exercising their wanted robberies it happened that the danes were one day gone up into the country far from their ships the king having noticed thereof thought to intercept them in their return his men were resolute to overcome or die

time and place advantageous, but where courage and fortune were not wanting, their wanted loyalty among them. Edric, with subtle arguments that had a show of deep policy, disputed and persuaded the simplicity of his fellow councillors that it would be best consulted at that time to let the Danes pass without ambush or interception. The Danes, where they expected danger-finding none, passed on with great joy and booty to their ships. After this, sailing about Kent, they lay that winter in the Thames, forcing Kent and Essex to contribution, oftentimes attempting the city of London, but repulsed

as often to their great loss. Spring begun, leaving their ships they passed through children wood to Oxfordshire, no, post-Christ 1010, returned to text, burnt the city, and thence returning with divided forces wasted on both sides the Thames. But hearing that an army from London was marched out against them, they, on the north side passing the river at Staines, joined with them on the south side into one body, and, enriched with great spoils, came back through Surrey to their ships, which all the lent time they repaired. After Easter, sailing to the east angles, they arrived at Ipswich, and came to a place called Ringmere, where they heard that Ulf Kettle with his forces lay, who with a sharp encounter soon entertained them,

but his men at length giving back, through the subtlety of a Danish servant among them who began the flight, lost the field, though the men of Cambridgeshire stood to it valiantly. In this battle, Ethelstam, the king's son-in-law, with many other noblemen were slain, where by the Danes, without more resistance, three months together had the spoiling of those countries and all the fens, burnt, Thetford, and Grantburg, or Cambridge. Thence, to a hilly place not far off, called by Huntington, Bailsham, Pacamden, Gogmog Hills, and the villages thereabout, they turned their fury, slaying all they met, save one man, who, getting up into a steeple, is said to have defended himself against the whole Danish army.

they therefore so leaving him their foot by sea their horse by land through essex returned back laden to their ships left in the thames but many days passed not between when sallying out again of their ships as out of savage dens they plundered over again all oxfordshire and added to their prey buckingham bedford and hartfordshire then like wild beasts glutted returning to their caves a third excursion they made into Northamptonshire, burnt Northampton, grand-sacking the country round, then, as a fresh pasture, betook them to the West Saxons, and in like sort, harassing or Wiltshire, returned, as I said before, like wild beasts, or rather sea-monsters, to their water-staples, accomplishing by Christmas the circuit of their whole year's good deeds, an unjust and inhuman nation, who receiving or not receiving tribute, where none was owing them, made such destruction of mankind and rappen of their livelihood as is a misery to read.

Yet here they ceased not, for the next year, note post-Christ 10th, 11, returned to text, repeating the same cruelties on both sides of the Thames, one way as far as Huntington, the other as far as Wiltshire and Southampton, solicited again by the king for peace, and receiving their demands both a tribute and contribution, they slighted their faith, and in the beginning of September they'd siege to Canterbury. On the 20th day by the treachery of Almere the Archdeacon, they took part of it and burned it,

committing all sorts of massacre as a sport. Some they threw over the wall, others into the fire, hung some by the privy members. Infants, pulled from their mother's breasts, were either tossed on spears or carts drawn over them, matrons and virgins by the hair dragged and ravished. Alphage, the grave archbishop above others hated of the Danes, as in all counsels and actions to his might their own opposer, taken, wounded, imprisoned, in an unawesome ship.

The multitude are tithed, and every tenth only spared. Early the next year before Easter, note, post-Christ 1012, Sikh, return to text, while Ethelred and his peers were assembled at London, to raise now the fifth tribute, amounting to 48,000 pound, the Danes at Canterbury proposed to the Archbishop,

who had been now seven months their prisoner, life and liberty, if he paid them 3,000 pounds, which he refusing, as not able, of himself, and not willing to extort it from his tenants, is permitted till the next Sunday to consider. Then, hauled before the council, of whom Turko was chief, and still refusing, they rise, most of them being drunk, and beat him with the blunt side of their axes, then thrust forth, deliver him to be pelted with stones. Till one thrund, a converted dain, pitying him half-dead,

to put him out of pain with a pious impiety at one stroke of his axe on the head, dispatched him. His body was carried to London and their burial, thence afterwards removed to Canterbury. By this time the tribute paid, and peace, so often violated, sworn again by the Danes, they dispersed their fleet, forty-five of them, and turgled their chief, stayed at London, with the king, swore him allegiance to defend his land against his land, all strangers, on condition only to be fed and clothed by him. But this voluntary friendship of Turco was thought to be deceitful, that, staying under this pretense, he gave intelligence to Swain, when most it would be seasonable to come. In July, therefore, of the next year,

note, post-Christ 1012, returned to text. King Swain, arriving at Sandwich, made no stay there, but sailing first to the Humber, thence into Trent, landed, and encamped at Gainsborough. Whither without delay repaired to him the Northumbrians, with Uthered their earl, those of Lindsay also, then those of Fisberg, and lastly, all on the north of Watling Street, which is a highway from east to west sea, gave oath and hostages to obey him, from whom he commanded horses and provision for his army, taking with him besides vans and companies of their choicest men, and committing to his son Canaan, and committing to his son,

newt the care of his fleet and hostages he marches towards the south mercians commanding his soldiers to exercise all acts of hostility with the terror whereof fully executed he took in few days the city of oxford then winchester thence tending to london in his hasty passage over the thames without seeking bridge or ford lost many of his men nor was his expedition against london prosperous for a as saying all means of force or while to take the city, wherein the king then was, and Turkle with his dames, he was stoutly beaten off, as at other times. Thence, back to Wallingford and Bath, directing his course, after usual havoc made, he sat a while and refreshed his army. There, Ethelm, an earl of Devonshire and other great officers in the west, yielded him subjection.

These things flowing to his wish, he betook him to, his navy, from that time styled and accounted king of England. If a tyrant, Seth Simeon, may be called a king. The Londoners also sent him hostages and made their peace, for they feared his fury. Ethelred, thus reduced to narrow compass, sent Emma his queen with his two sons, had by her, and all his treasure to Richard II, her brother, Duke of Normandy. Himself, with his Danish fleet abode some while at Greenwich, then sailing to the Isle of White, passed after Christmas into Normandy, where he was honorably received at Rouen by the Duke, though known to have borne himself cheerishly and proudly to Emma, his sister, besides his disillute company with other women.

Meanwhile, Swain ceased not to exact almost insupportable tribute to the people, spoiling them when he listed. Besides, the like did Turculet Greenwich. The next year beginning, no, post-Christ 1014, returned to text, Swain sickens and dies. Some say, terrified and smitten by an appearing shape of St. Edmund, armed, whose church at Barry he had threatened to demolish. But the authority hereof relies only upon the legend of St. Edmund. After his death, army and fleet made his son Canute their king, but the nobility and states of England sent messengers to Ethelred declaring that they preferred none before their native sovereign, if he would promise to govern them better than he had done, and with more clemency.

Whereat the king rejoicing sends over his son Edward with ambassadors to court both high and low, and win their love, promising largely to be their mild and devoted lord, to consent to in all things to their will, follow their counsel, and whatever had been done or spoken by any man against him freely to pardon, if they would loyally restore him to be their king. To this the people cheerfully answered, and Amity was both promised and confirmed on both sides. An embassy of lords is sent to bring back the king honorably. He returns in Lent and is joyfully received of the people, and marches with a strong army against Canute, who, having got horses and joined with the men of Lindsay, was preparing to make

spoil in the country's adjoining. But by Etherred unexpectedly coming upon him was soon driven to his ships, and his confederates of Lindsay were left to the anger of their countrymen, by whom they were executed without mercy, both by fire and soul. Canute, in all haste sailing back to Sandwich, took the hostages given to his father from all parts of England, and, with slit noses, ears cropped, and hands chopped off, setting them ashore, departed into Denmark. Yet the people were not disburdened, for the king raised out of them thirty thousand pounds to pay his fleet of Danes at Greenwich. In addition to these evils, the sea in October passed its bounds, overwhelming many towns in England, and of their inhabitants many thousands. The year following, note post-Christ 1015, returned to text, an assembly being at Oxford, Edric Stryon, having invited two noblemen, Sitchfareth and Morkhar, the sons of Irn

of Sivanburg, to his lodging, secretly murdered them. The king, for what causes unknown, seized their estates, and caused Algeth, the wife of Sijfareth, to be kept at Madelsberg, now momsbury whom edmund the prince they are married against his father's mind and then went and possessed their lands making the people they are subject to it matthew of westminster said that these two were of the danes who had seated themselves in northumberland and were slain by edric under colour of treason laid to their charge they who attended them without tumulting at the death of their masters were beaten back and driven into a church and their defenders and their defendants themselves were burnt and steeple. Meanwhile, Canute returning from Denmark with a great navy, two hundred ships richly gilded and adorned, well fraught with arms and all provision, and, which the Encomian Emma mentions not,

two other kings, Lachman of Sweden, Olaf of Norway, arrived at Sandwich, and as the same author then Living Rights sent out spies to discover what resistance on land was to be expected, who returned with certain report that a great army of English was in readiness to oppose them. Terpil, who upon the arrival of these Danish powers kept faith no longer with the English, but joining now with Canute, as it were now to re-engratiate himself after his revolt, whether real or complotted, counseled him, being yet young, not to land, but to leave to him the management of this first battle.

The king assented, and he with the forces which he had brought, and part of those which arrived with Canute, landing to their wish, encountered the English, though double in number, at a place called Scoraston, and was at first beaten back with much loss. But at length, animating his men with rage only and despair, obtained a clear victory, which won him great reward and possessions from Canute. But of this action no other writer makes mention. from Sandwich, therefore, sailing about to the River Frome, and there landing, over all Dorsetshire, Somersetshire, and Wiltshire, he spread wasteful hostility.

The king lay then sick at Caution in this county, though it may seem strange how he could lie sick there in the midst of his enemies. Albeit, Edmund in one part and Edrigo Stryon and another raised forces by themselves, but so soon as both armies were united, the traitor Edric being found to practice against the life of Edmund, he removed with his army from him, whereof the enemy took great advantage. Edric, easily enticing the forty ships of Danes to side with him, revolted to Canute. The West Saxons also gave pledges and furnished him with horses, by which means the year ensuing, note, post-Christ 1016, returned to tenet. text, he with Edric the traitor, passing the Thames at Krecklad, about Twelfth tide, entered into Mercia, and especially Warwickshire, depopulating all places in their way. Against these, Prince Edmund, who, for his hardiness was called Ironside,

gathered an army, but the Mercians refused to fight unless Ethelred with the Londoners came to aid them, and so every man returned home. after the festival Edmund, gathering another army, besought his father to come with the Muntiners, and what force besides he was able. They came, with great strength, gotten together. But being come, and in a hopeful way of good success, it was told the king that, unless he took the better heed, some of his own forces would fall off of betrayal.

The king, daunted with this perhaps cunning whisper of the enemy, disbanding his army returns to London. Edmund betook him into Northumberland, as some thought, to raise fresh forces. But he with an Earl Uthrid on the one side and Canyute with Edric on the other, did little else but lay waste the provinces. Canyute, with a view to conquer them, Edmund, to punish those who stood neuter, for which cause Staffordshire, Shropshire, and Leicestershire, felt heavily his hand. while Canyute, who was ruining the more southern shires,

at length marched into Northumberland, which Edmund hearing dismissed his forces and came to London. Uthrid, the Earl, hasted back to Northumberland, and finding no other remedy submitted himself with all the Northumbrians giving hostages to Cnut. Nevertheless, by his command or connivance, and the hand of one Turabrand, a Danish lord, Uthrid was slain, and Eiric, another day, was made Earl in his stead.

This Uthrid, son of Wattyaov, as Simeon writes in his treatise of the siege of Durham, in his youth, obtained a great victory against Malcolm, son of Kent, King of Scots, who, with the whole power of his kingdom, was fallen into Northumberland and laid siege to Durham. Wattow, the old Earl, unable to resist, had secured himself in, Bebenberg a strong town. But Uthrit, gathering an army, raised the siege, slew most of the Scots, their king narrowly escaping, and with the heads of their slain fixed upon poles, beset round the walls of Durham. The year of this exploit Simeon clears not, for in nine sixty-nine, and in the reign of Ethelred, as he affirms, it could not be. Canute, by another way returning

southward, joyful of his success, before Easter came back with all the army to his fleet. About the end of April ensuing, Ethelred, after a long, troublesome and ill-governed reign, ended his days at London and was buried in the Church of St. Paul. End of Book 6, Part 1 of The History of Britain by John Milton. Recording by Thomas Copeland. The History of Britain, Book 6 Part 2 by John Milton. This Librebox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. Edmund Ironside

After the decease of Ethelbrid, they of the nobility, who were then at London, together with the citizens, chose Edmund, his son, not by Emma, but a former wife, the daughter of Earl Thorad, in his father's room. But the archbishops, abbots, and many of the nobles, assembling together, elected, Cnut, and, coming to Southampton, where he then remained, renounced before him all the race of Ethelred, and swore to him fidelity. He also swore to them, in matters both religious and secular, to be their faithful Lord. But Edmund, with all speed going to the West Saxons, was joyfully received of them as their king, and of many other provinces by their example. meanwhile, Cnut, about mid-May, came with his whole fleet up the river to London, then causing a great dike to be made on Surrey side, turned the stream, and drew his ships thither

west of the bridge, then, begurting the city with a broad and deep trench, assailed it on every side, but repulsed as before by the valorous defendants, and in despair of success at that time, leaving part of his army for the defense of his ships, with the rest, sped him to the West Saxons, ere Edmund could have time to assemble all his powers, who yet, with such as were at hand, invoking divine aid, encountered the Danes at Penn by Gillingham in Dorsetshire, and put him to flight. After midsummer, increased with new forces, he met with him again at a place called Sheriston, now Sharston,

but Edric, Almar, and Algar with the Hampshire and Wiltshire men, then siding with the Danes, he only maintained the fight, obstinately fought on both sides, till night and weariness part of them. Daylight returning renewed the conflict, wherein the Danes appearing inferior, Edric, to dishearten the English, cuts off the head of one Osmer, in countenance and hair somewhat resembling the king, and holding it up, cries aloud to the English that Edric, edmund being slain and this his head it was time for them to fly which fallacy edmund perceiving and openly showing himself to his soldiers by a spear thrown at edric but missing him yet slew one next him and threw him another behind they recovered heart and lay sore upon the danes till night parted them as before for ere the third morn canute sensible of his loss marched away by stealth to his ships at london renewing there his leaguer

some would have this battle at sheriston the same with that at scoriston before mentioned but the circumstance of time permits not that having been before the landing of conute this a good while after as by the process of things appears from sheriston or shawston edmund returned to the west saxons whose valour edric fearing lest it might prevail against the danes sought pardon of his revolt and obtaining it swore of loyalty to the king who now the third time coming with an army from the west saxons to london raised the siege chasing connute and his dane to their ships then after two days passing the thames at brenford and so coming on their back kept them so turned and obtained the victory, then returns again to his West Saxons, and connute to his siege, but still in vain. Rising, therefore, thence, he entered with his ships a river then called Aran, and from the banks thereof wasted Mercia. Thence their horse by land, their foot by ship, came to Medway. Edmund in the meanwhile, with multiplied forces out of many Shires, crossing again at Brentford, came into Kent, seeking Canyute. Encountered him at

Otford, and so defeated, that of his horse they who escaped fled to the Isle of Shepi, and a full victory he had gained had not Edric still the traitor by some while or other detained his pursuit, and Edmund, who never wanted courage, here wanted prudence to be so misled, ever after forsaken of his wanted fortune. Canute crossing with his army into Essex, thence wasted Mercia worse than before, and with heavy prey returned to his ships. Then, Edmund, with a collected army pursuing,

overtook at a place called Asundune, or Assishol, now Ashdown in Essex. The battle on either side was fought with great vehemence, but Perfidious Edric, perceiving the victory to incline towards Edmund, with that part of the army which was under him fled as he had promised connute and left the king overmatched with numbers by which desertion the english were overthrown duke alphric du godwin and ulf kettle the valiant duke of east angles with a great part of the nobility slain so as the english of a long time had not received a greater blow yet after a while edmund not absurdly called iron side preparing again to try his fortune in another field was hindered by edric and others of his faction advising him to make peace and divide the kingdom with connute

to which edmund overruled a treaty appointed and pledges mutually given both kings met together at a place called diorhurst in gloucestershire edmund on the west side of the severn canute on the east with their armies then both in person wafted into an island at that time called Olenej, now only, in the midst of the river, swearing amity and brotherhood, they parted the kingdom between them. Then interchanging arms and the habit they wore, assessing also what pay should be allotted to the navy, they departed each his way. Concerning this interview and the cause thereof, others write otherwise. Momsbury, that Edmund, grieving at the loss of so much blood spilt for the ambition only of two men striving who should reign, of his own accord sent to Canute, offering him single combat to prevent in their own cause the effusion of more blood than their own, that Canute, though of courage enough, yet not unwisely doubting to adventure his body

of small timber against a man of iron sides, refused the combat, offering to divide the kingdom. this offer pleasing both armies edmund was not difficult to consent and the decision was that he as his hereditary kingdom should rule the west saxons and all the south connute the mercians and the north huntington followed by matthew westminster relates that the peers on every side wearied out with continual warfare and refraining to affirm openly that they two who expected to reign singly had most recent to fight singly, the kings were content. The island was their lists, the combat nightly, till Knut, finding himself too weak, began to parley, which ended, as he said before. After which the Londoners bought their peace of the Danes and permitted them to winter in the city, but King Edmund, about the feast of St. Andrew, unexpectedly deceased at London, and was buried near to Edgar his grandfather at Glaston. The cause of his so sudden death is uncertain.

Common fame, Seth Momsbury, lays the guilt thereof upon Edric, who to please Canute allured with promise of reward two of the king's privy chamber, though at first abhorring the fact to assassinate him at the stool by thrusting a sharp iron into his hindered parts. Huntington and Matthew Westminster related done at Oxford by the son of Edrick, and something Barry in the manner not worth recital. Edmund dead, Canute, meaning to reign sole king of England, calls to him all the dukes, barons, and bishops of the land,

cunningly demanding of them who were witnesses what agreement was made between him and Edmund, dividing the kingdom, whether the sons and brothers of Edmund, were to govern the West Saxons after him, Canute living. They who understood his meaning and feared to undergo his anger timorously answered that Edmund, they knew, had left no part thereof to his sons or brethren living or dying, but that he intended Canute should be their guardian

till they came of age of reigning. Simeon affirms that for fear or hope of reward, they attested what was not true. Notwithstanding which he put men, many of them to death not long after. Canute, or Knut. Canute, having thus sounded the nobility, and by them understood,

received their oath of fealty, they the pledge of his bare hand, and oath from the Danish nobles, whereupon the house of Edmund was renounced and Canute crowned. They then enacted that Edwy, brother of Edmund, a prince of great hope, should we banish the realm. But Conute,

not thinking himself secure while Edwy lived, consulted with Edric how to make him away, who told him of one Ethelward, a decayed nobleman, likeliest to do the work. Ethelward sent for, and tempted by the king in private with largest rewards, but appalling in his mind the deed, promised to do it when he saw his opportunity, and so still deferred it. But Edwy, afterwards received into favor as a snare, was, by him or some other of his false friends, Canute contriving it the same year slain. Edric also counseled him to dispatch Edward and Edmund,

the sons of Ironside, but the king, doubting that the fact would seem too foul done in England, sent them to the king of Sweden with like intent. But he, disdaining the office, sent them for better safety to Solomon, king of Hungary. Where Edmund at length died, but Edward married Agatha, daughter to Henry the German Emperor. A digression in the laws of Edward the confessor under the title of Lex Norocorum said that this Edward, for fear of Cunute, fled of his own accord to Malasclot,

king of the Ruchens, who received him honorably, and of that country gave him a wife. Canyute, settled in his throne, divided the government of his kingdom into four parts. The West Saxons to himself, the East-Axon, angles to Earl Turpheil, the Mercians to Edric, the Northumbrians to Erich, then made peace with all princes round about him, and his former wife being dead, in July married Emma, the widow of King Ethelred. The Christmas following was an ill feast to Edric, of whose treason the king, having now made use as much as served his turn, and fearing himself to be the next betrayed, caused him to be slain at London. in the palace, and then to be thrown over the city wall, and there to lie unburied. The head of Edric, fixed on a pole, he commanded to be set on the highest tower of London, thereby performing in a different sense than Edric had supposed it to bear,

the promise he had made him as a reward for his great service by causing King Edmund to be murdered, quote, that he would exalt him above all the peers of England, unquote. Huntington, Momsbury, and Matthew of Westminster write that suspecting the king's intention to degrade him from his mercy and dukedom and upbraiding him with his merits, the king enraged caused him to be strangled in the room and out at a window thrown into the Thames. Another writes that Eric at the king's command struck off his head. Other great men, though without fault as Duke Norman, the son of Lofwin, Ethelwald, son of Duke Agamar, he put to death at the same time, jealous of their power or familiarity with Edric,

and notwithstanding peace, still kept up his army. To maintain which, the next year, note post-Christ 1018, returned to text, He squeezed out of the English, though now his subjects, not his enemies, 72, some say 82,000 pounds, besides 15,000 out of London. Meanwhile, great war arose at Carr between Uthred, son of Watguff, Earl of Northumberland, and Malcolm, son of Kennedy, king of Scots, with whom held Eugenius, king of Lothian. But here, Simeon, the relator, seems to have committed some mistake, having slain Uthrid by Canute two years before, and set Eirik in his place.

Iric, therefore, it must needs be not Uthrit who managed this war against the Scots. About which time at a convention of Danes of Oxford, it was agreed on both parties to keep the laws of Edgar, Matthew Westminstererseth of Edward the Elder. The next year, note, post-Christ 1019, returned to text, Canute sailed into Denmark and their abode all winter. Huntingdon and Matthew Westminster say he went thither to repress the Swedes, and that the night before a battle was fought with them, Godwin, stealing out of the camp with his English, assaulted the Swedes,

and had got the victory, ere Canute in the morning knew of any fight, for which bold enterprise, though against discipline, he had the English in more esteem ever after. In the spring, at his return to England, note, post Christ 1020, returned to text, he held in the time of Easter, a great assembly at Chichester, and the same year was with Turkill, the Dane, at the dedication of a church by them built in Asundune,

in the place of that great victory which won in the crown. But suspecting his greatness, the year following, banished him the realm, and found occasion to do the like by Eric, the Northumbrian Earl, upon the same jealousy. nor yet content with his conquest of england note post christ ten twenty one returned to text though now above ten years enjoyed he passed with fifty ships into norway dispossessed olaf their king and subdued the land note post christ ten twenty eight returned to text first with great sums of money sent the year before to gain him a party then coming with an army to compel the rest thence returning king of england denmark and Norway, yet not secure in his mind. Under color of an embassy, note, post-Christ 1029, returned to text, he sent into banishment, hakeun, a powerful dane, who had married the daughter of his

sister, Gunnildis, having conceived some suspicion of his practices against him. But such course was taken that he never came back, either perishing at sea or slain by contrivance the next year in Orkney, note post-Christ 1030, returned to text. Canute, therefore, having thus established himself by bloodshed and oppression, to wash away as he thought the guilt thereof, sailing again into Denmark, note post-Christ 1031, returned to text, went thence to Rome, and offered there to St. Peter great gifts of gold and silver and other precious things, besides the usual tribute of Romscott, giving great alms by the way, both thither and back again, freeing many places of custom and toll with great expense where strangers were wont to pay,

having vowed great amendment of life at the sepulker of Peter and Paul, and to his whole people, in a large letter written from Rome, yet extant. At his return, therefore, he built and dedicated a church to St. Edmund at Barry, who his ancestors had slain, throughout the secular priests who had intruded there and placed monks in their stead. Note, post-Christ 1032, returned to text. Then, going into Scotland, subdued and received homage of Malcolm and two other kings there, Melbith and Germain. Three years after, note, post-Christ 1035, returned to text. Having made Swain, his supposed son by Algevah of Northampton, Duke Alphiard,

Ham's daughter, for others say the son of a priest, whom Algira, Sikh, Baron, had yet got ready at the time of her famed labor, King of Norway, and Hardiknut, his son by Emma, King of Denmark, and designated Harold, his son by Algeva of Northampton, king of England, died at Shaftesbury and was buried at Winchester in the old monastery. This king, as it appears, ended better than he began. For though he seems to have had no hand in the death of Ironside, but detested the fact, and bringing the murderers, who came to him in hope of great reward forth among his courtiers, as it were to receive thanks, after they had openly related the manner of their killing him, delivered them to deserve it punishment.

Yet, he spared Edric, whom he knew, to be the prime author of that detestable fact, Till, willing to be rid of him, who was grown importunate to him upon the confidence of his merits, and had upbraided him by boasting that he had first relinquished, and then extinguished Edmund,

for his sake! Angry to be so upbraided, therefore, said he, with a changed countenance, traitor to God and me, thou shalt die. Thine own mouth accuses thee, to a slain thy nought. master, my confederate brother, and the Lord's anointed. Whereupon, although present and private

execution, was enraged done upon Edric, yet he himself, in cold blood, scrupled not to make away the brother and children of Edmund, who had better right to be the Lord's anointed here than himself. When he had obtained in England what he desired, no wonder if he sought the love of his conquered subjects for the love of his own quiet, the maintainers of his wealth and state for his own profit. For the like reason he has thought to have married Emma, and that Richard Duke of Normandy, her brother, might the less care what became of Alfred and Edward, her sons by King Ethelred, he commanded to be observed the ancient Saxon laws, which were called afterwards the laws of Edward the Confessor, not that he had made them, but because he had made them, but because he

strictly observed them. His letter from Rome professes, if he had done aught amiss in his youth through negligence or want of due temper, a full resolution with the help of God to make amends by governing justly and piously for the future. Charges and adjures all his officers and bycouts that neither for fear of him or favor of any person, or to enrich the king, they suffer injustice to be done in the land, commands his treasurers to pay all his debts ere his return home, which he made by first passing through Denmark in order to compose some matters there, and what his letter professed he performed all his life after. But it is a fond conceit in many great ones, and pernicious in the end, to cease from no violence till they have attained the utmost of their

ambitions and desires, and then to think that God will be appeased by their seeking to bribe him with a share, however large, of their ill-gotten spoils, and then lastly to grow zealous to do right when they have no longer need to do wrong. Howbeit, Kenute was famous through Europe, and much honored by Conrad the Emperor, who was then at Rome, with rich gifts and many grants of what there demanded for the freeing of passages from toll and custom. I must not omit one remarkable action done by him, as Huntington reports it, with great scene of circumstance and emphatical expression, to show the small power of kings in respect of God, which, unless to court parasites, needed no such laborious demonstration.

He caused his royal seat to be set on the shore, while the tide was coming in. him, and with all the state that royalty could put into his countenance, said thus to the sea, Thou see belongest to me, and the land whereon I sit is mine, nor hath any one unpunished resisted my commands. I charge thee come no farther upon my land, neither presumed to wet the feet of thy sovereign lord. But the sea, as before, came rolling on, and without reverence both wedded and dashed him. whereat the king quickly rising wished all about him to behold and consider the weak and frivolous power of a king and that none indeed deserve the name of king but he whose eternal laws both heaven earth and sea obey a truth so evident of itself as i said before that unless to shame his court flatter's who would not else be convinced kenute needed not to have gone wet-shot home the historian further informs us that after pronouncing these words to his quarters, he never more would wear a crown,

esteeming earthly royalty contemptible and vain. Harold. Harold, for his swiftness surnamed Harefoot, the son of Canute by Algeva of Northampton, though some speak doubtfully as if she bore a knot but had him of a shoemaker's wife, as swain before of a priest, others of a maid-servant, to conceal a barrenness. In a great assembly at Oxford was by Duke Leofrick and the Mercians, with the Londoners, according to his father's testament, elected king. But without the regal habiliments, which Eernut, the archbishop, who had them in his custody, refused to deliver up to any persons but the sons of Emma, for which Peril ever after hated the clergy, and as the clergy are once then stood for all religion.

Godwin, Earl of Kent, and the West Saxons with him, stood for Hardiknute. Momsbury said that the contest was between the Danes and the English, that the Danes and Londoners, grown now in a manner Danish, were all for Hardiknute. But he being then in Denmark, Harrow prevailed. Yet so as that the kingdom should be divided between them, the West and South part reserved by Emma for Harteknoot, till his return. turn. But Harold, once advanced into the throne, banished Emma, his mother-in-law, seized on his father's treasure at Winchester, and there remained. Emma, not holding it safe to abide in Normandy, while Duke

William the bastard was yet under age, retired to Baldwin, Earl of Flanders. In the meanwhile, Alfred and Edward, sons of Ethelred, accompanied with a small number of Norman soldiers in a few ships, coming to visit their mother Emma, not yet departed the land, and perhaps to see how far the people were inclined to restore them to their right, Alfred was sent for by the king then of London. But in his way was met at Guildford by Earl Godwin, who with all seeming friendship entertained him, but yet treacherously caused him in the night to be surprised and made prisoner,

and most of his company to be put to various sorts of cruel death, decimated twice over. Then brought to London, he was by the king, sent bound to Ely, and had his eyes put out by the way, and being delivered to the monks there died soon after in their custody. Momsbury gives little credit to the story of Alfred, as not chronicled in his time, but rumoured only, which Emma, however, hearing, sent away her son Edward,

who, by good half had not accompanied his brother, with all speed into Normandy. But the author of Encomium Emai, who seems plainly, though nameless to have been some monk, yet lived and perhaps wrote within the same year when these things were done, by his relation, differing from all others, much aggravates the cruelty of Harold, that he not content to have practiced in secret, for openly he durst not, against the life of Emma, sought many treacherous ways to get her sons within his power, and resolved at length to forge a letter in the name of their mother, inviting them to England,

the copy of which letter he produces written to this purpose in these words. Emma, in name only queen, to her sons Edward and Alfred, imparts motherly salutation. While we severally bewail the death of our Lord the King, most dear sons, and while daily you are deprived more and more of the King, kingdom of your inheritance, I admire what counsel ye take, knowing that your intermittent delay is a daily strengthening to the reign of your usurper, who incessantly goes about from town to city, gaining the chief nobles to his party, either by gifts, prayers, or threats. But they had much rather that one of you should reign over them than to be held under the power of him who

now overrules them. I entreat, therefore, that one of you should reign overrules them. I entreat, therefore, that one of you come to me speedily and privately, to receive from me wholesome counsel, and to know how the business which I intend shall be accomplished. By this messenger presence, send back what you determine. Farewell, as dear both as my own heart. These letters were sent to the princes then in Normandy by express messengers, with presents also as from their mother, which they joyfully receiving, return word by the same messengers that one of the same messengers that one them will be with her shortly, naming both the time and place. Alfred, therefore, the younger, for so it was thought best, at the appointed time,

with a few ships and small numbers about him, appearing on the coast, no sooner came ashore but fell into the snare of Earl Gottwin, sent on purpose to betray him, as above was related. Emma, greatly sorrowing for the loss of her son, thus cruelly made away, fled immediately with some of the nobles, her faith-fetched, adherence into Flanders, had her dwelling assigned at Bruges by the Earl, where, having remained about two years, note post-Christ 1039, returned to text, she was visited out of Denmark by Hardikin's her son, and he not long had remained with her there when Harold and England, having done

nothing the while worth memory, save the taxing of every port at eight marks of silver to sixteen ships died at London. Some say at Oxford, and was buried at Winchester. Note, post-Christ 1040, returned to text. After which, most of the nobility, both Danes and English, now agreeing, send ambassadors to Hardiknoot still at Bruges with his mother, entreating him to come and receive as his right the sceptre, who, before midsummer, came with 60 ships and many soldiers out of Denmark. Hardiknut Hardingnut received with acclamation and seated in the throne,

first called to mind the injuries done to him or his mother Emma in the time of Harold, sent Alfred, Archbishop of York, Godwin and others, with Trout, his executioner, to London, commanding them to dig up the body of King Harold and throw it into a ditch, but by a second order into the Thames. whence taken up by a fisherman and conveyed to a churchyard in london belonging to the danes it was interred again with honour this done he levied a sore tax that eight marks to every rower and twelve to every officer in his fleet should be paid throughout england by which time they who were so forward to call him over had enough of him for he as they thought had too much of theirs after this he called to a count godwin earl of kent and leving bishop of worcester about the death of elfrid his half-brother which alfred the archbishop laid to their charge the king deprived levying of his bishopric and gave it to his accuser but the year following pacified with a round sum restored to leving Godwin made his piece by a sumptuous present, a galley with a gilded stern bravely rigged,

and eighty soldiers in her, every one with bracelets of gold on each arm, weighing sixteen ounces, helmet, corslet, and hilts of his sword, gilded. A Danish curtax, listed with gold or silver, hung on his left shoulder, a shield of the boss and nails gilded in his left hand, in his right a lance. besides this he took his oath before the king that neither of his own counsel or will but by the command of harold he had done what he did to the putting out of elfrid's eyes the like oath took most of the nobility for themselves or in his behalf the next year note post christ ten forty one returned to text hardy knoot sending his house carls so they called his officers to gather the tribute imposed two of them rigorous in their office were slain at Worcester by the people, whereat the king enraged St. Leofric, Eukomersia, and Seward of Northumberland, with great forces, and commission

to slay the citizens, rifle and burn the city, and waste the whole province. Afrighted with such news, all the people fled. The countrymen, whether they could, the citizens to a small island in Severn called Beveridge, which they fortified and defended stoutly, till peace was granted them. and freely to return home. But their city they found sacked and burnt, wherewith the king was appeased. This was commendable in him, however cruel to others, that towards his half-brotherin, though rivals of his crown, he showed himself always tenderly affectioned, as now towards Edward, who without fear came to him out of Normandy, and with unfeigned kindness received,

remained safely and honorably in his court. But Hardikato the year following, note post-Christ 1042, returned to text. At a feast when Osgod, a great Danish lord, gave his daughter in marriage at Lambeth to Prudon, another potent Dane, in the midst of his mirth, sound and healthful to sight while he was drinking,

fell down speechless, and so dying was buried at Winchester beside his father. He was, it seems, a great lover of good cheer, sitting at table four times a day, with a great variety of dishes and superfluity to all comers. Whereas Seth Huntington, in our time, princes in their houses made but one meal a day. He gave his sister, Gunildis, a virgin of rare beauty in marriage to Henry, the Alman Emperor, and to send her forth pompously, all the nobility contributed their jewels and richest ornaments. but it may seem a wonder that our historians if they deserve that name should in a matter so remarkable and so near their own time differ huntington relates against the credit of all other records that hardiknutt thus dead the english rejoicing at this unexpected riddance of the danish yoke sent over to alfred the elder son of emma by king ethelred of whom we heard but now the

that he died a prisoner at Ely, sent thither by Harold six years before, that he came now out of Normandy with a great number of men to receive the crown, that Earl Godwin, aiming to have his daughter made Queen of England by marrying her to Edward, a simple youth, for he thought Elfrid to be of a higher spirit than to accept her, persuaded the nobles that Elford had brought over too many Normans, and had promised them land here, and that the that it was not safe to suffer a warlike and subtle nation to take root in the land, and that these were to be so handled as that none of them might dare for the future to flock hither upon pretence of relation to the king.

Thereupon, by common consent of the nobles, both Alfred and his company were dealt with, as was above related, that they then sent for Edward out of Normandy, with hostages to be left there of their faithful intentions to make him king, their desires not to bring over with him many Normans. That Edward, at their call, came then first out of Normandy, whereas all others agreed that he came voluntarily over to visit Hardiknute, as is before said, and was remaining then in court at the time of his death. For Hardinacnut being dead, Seth Momsbury, Edward, doubting greatly his own safety, determined to rely wholly on the advice in favour of Earl Godwin, desiring therefore by messengers to have private speech with him,

the Earl a while deliberated. At last dissenting, Prince Edward came, and would have fallen at his feet, but that not being permitted, told him the danger wherein he thought himself at present, and in great perplexity besought his help, to convey him some whither out of the land. Godwin, soon apprehending the fair occasion that now, as it were, prompted him how to advance himself and his family, cheerfully exhorted him to remember himself to be the son of King Ethelred, the grandson of King Edgar, the right heir to the crown and of full age, and therefore not to think of flying but of reigning, which might easily be brought about if he would follow his counsel. Then, setting forth the power and authority which he had in England, he promised that it should be all employed to set him on the throne, if he, on his part, would promise and swear to be forever his friend, to preserve the honour of his house, and to marry his daughter.

Edward, as his necessity then was, consented easily, and swore to whatever Godwin required. An assembly of the states thereupon met at Gillingham, where Edward pleaded his right, and by the powerful influence of Godwin was accepted. Others, as Brompton with no probability, write, that Godwin at this time had fled into Denmark for what he had done to Alfred, but returned thence to England, and submitted himself to Edward, then came, but was by him charged openly with the murder of his brother Alfred, and not without much ado by the intercession of Leophrig and other peers was received at length into favor. End of Book 6 Part 2 of the History of Britain by John Milton. Recording by Thomas Copeland. Book 6 Part 3 of the History of Britain by John Milton.

This Libre Vox's recording is in the public domain. Recording by Thomas Copeland. Edward the Confessor. Glad with the English to be delivered. delivered so unexpectedly from their Danish masters, and little did they think how near another conquest was hanging over them. Edward, the Easter following, note, post-Christ 1043, returned to text, was crowned at Winchester, and the same year, accompanied with the Earl's Godwin, Leoffrick, and Seward, came again thither on a sudden, and by their counsel, seized on the

treasure of his mother, Emma. The cause alleged is that she would was hard to him in the time of his banishment. And indeed she is said not much to have loved Ethelred, her former husband, and thereafter the children she had by him. She was moreover noted to be very covetous, hard to the poor, and profuse to monasteries. About this time also, King Edward, according to promise, took to wife Edith, or Edgeth, Earl Godwin's daughter, commended much for beauty, modesty, and beyond what is requisite in woman, learning. In Gulf, who was then a youth lodging in the court with his father, saw her

oft, and when coming from the school was sometimes met by her, and posed, not in grammar only, but in logic also. Edward, the next year but won, note, post-Christ 1045, returned to text, made ready a strong navy at sandwich against Magnus, king of Norway, who threatened an invasion, had not Swain, king of Denmark, diverted him from it by a war at home to defend his own land. Note post-Christ 1046, returned to text. Not out of goodwill to Edward,

as may be supposed, who at the same time expressed none to the Danes, banishing Conildas, the niece of Knut, with her two sons, and Osgod, by surname Klapa, out of the realm. Swain, overpowered by Magnus, Note, post-Christ 1047, returned to text. Sent the next year to entreat aid of King Edward.

Godwin gave counsel to send him 50 ships fraught with soldiers, but the offer can the general voice gain saying, none were sent. The next year, note, post-Christ 1048, returned to text. Harold Harvinger, king of Norway, sending ambassadors, made peace with King Edward. but an earthquake at Worcester and Darby and pestilence and famine in many places much lessened the enjoyment thereof. The next year, note, post-Christ 1049, returned to text. Henry, the Emperor, displeased with Baldwin, Earl of Flanders, had straightened him with a great army by land, and sent him to King Edward desired him with his ships to hinder what he might his escape by sea.

the king therefore with a great navy coming to sandwich there stayed till the emperor came to an agreement with Earl Baldwin. Meanwhile Swain, son of Earl Godwin, who, not being permitted to marry Ejewa, the abbess of Chester, who had been by him deflowered, had left the land, came out of Denmark with eight ships, feigning a desire to return into the king's favor. And Bjorn, his cousin German, who commanded part of the king's Navy promised to intercede that his earldom might be restored to him. Godwin, therefore, and Bjorn with a few ships, the rest of the fleet being con home, coming to Pevency, but Godwin soon departing thence in pursuit of 29 Danish ships who had got much booty on the coast of Essex and perished by Tempest in their return, Swain with his ships comes to Bjorn and Pevency, guilefully requests him

to sail with him to sandwich and reconcile him to the king, as he had promised. Bjorn, mistrusting no evil where he intended good, went with him in his ship attended by three only of his servants. But Swain, set upon Barbara's cruelty, not reconciliation with the king, took Bjorn, now in his power, and bound him. Then, coming to Dartmouth, slew him, and buried him in a deep ditch. after which the men of Hastings took six of his ships and brought them to the king off the port of sandwich. With the other two he escaped into Flanders, there remaining till Aldred, Bishop of Worcester,

by earnest mediation wrought his peace with the king. About this time, King Edward sent to Pope Leo, desiring absolution from a vow which he had made in his younger years to take a journey to Rome if God vouchsafed him to reign in England. The Pope dispensed with his vow, but not without the expense of his journey given to the poor, and a monastery built or reedified to St. Peter, who, in a vision to a monk, as it is said, chose Westminster for the situation of it, which King Edward thereupon rebuilding, endowed it with large privileges and revenues. The same year, Seth Florent of Worcester, certain Irish pirates, with 36 ships, entered the mouth of the seven, and with the aid of Griffin, Prince of South Wales, did some hurt in those parts.

Then passing the River Y, burnt Dunedom, and slew all the inhabitants they found, against whom Aldred Bishop of Worcester, with a few men out of Gloucestershire and Herefordshire, went out in haste. But Griffin, to whom the Welsh and Irish had privily sent messengers, came down upon the English with his whole power by night, and early in the morning, suddenly assaulting them, slew many, and put the rest to flight. The next year but won, note, post-price 1051, returned to text, King Edward remitted the Danish tax, which had continued 38 years heavy upon the land, since Ethelred first paid it to the Danes.

And what remained thereof in his treasury, he sent back to the owners. But through imprudence laid the foundation of a far worse mischief to the English, while studying gratitude to those Normans who to him in exile had been helpful, he called them over to public offices here, whom better he might have repaid out of his private purse, by this means exasperating the two nations one against the other, and making way by degrees for the Norman conquest. Robert, a monk of that country, who had been serviceable to him there in the time of need,

he made bishop first of London, then of Canterbury, and William, his chaplain, he made Bishop of Dorchester. Then began the English to lay aside their own ancient customs, and in many things to imitate French manners. The great peers, to speak French in their houses, and use the same language in writing their bills and letters, as a great piece of gentility, and as if they were ashamed of their own, which seems to have been a presage of their subjection, shortly after to that people whose fashions and language they affected so slavishly to adopt. But that which gave beginning to many troubles ensuing happened this year and upon this occasion. Eustace, Earl of Boulogne, father of the famous Godfrey who won Jerusalem from the Saracens, and husband to Goda, the king's sister, having been to visit King Edward and returning by Canterbury

to take ship at Dover, one of his harbingers, insolently seeking, to lodge by force in a house there, provoked the master thereof to such a degree that by chance or heat of anger he killed him. The count, with his whole train, going to the house where his servant had been killed, slew both the slayer and eighteen more who defended him. But the townsman running to arms

requited him with the slaughter of twenty more of his servants and wounded most of the rest. He himself, with one or two, hardly escaping, ran back with clamor to the king, whom seconded by other Norman courtiers, he stirred up to great anger against the citizens of Canterbury. Earl Godwin, in haste, is sent forth, the cause related and much aggravated by the king against that city, and the Earl is commanded to raise forces and treat the citizens thereof as enemies. Godwin, sorry to see strangers more favored of the king than his native people,

answered that it were better to summon first the chief men of the town into the king's court, to charge them with sedition, where both parties might be heard, that if they should be found to have not been in fault, they might be acquitted. If otherwise they might, by fine or loss of life, satisfy the king, whose peace they had broken and the count whom they had injured. But till this were done, he refused to prosecute with hostile punishment those men of his own country unheard whom his office was rather to defend. The king, displeased with his refusal, and not knowing how to compel him, appointed an assembly of all the peers to be held at Gloucester, where the matter might be fully tried.

The assembly was full and frequent, according to summons. But Godwin, mistrusting his own cause or the violence of his adversaries, with his two sons Swain and Harold, and a great friend, great power gathered out of his own and his sons earldens, which contained most of the south-east and west parts of England, came no farther than Beaverston, giving out that their forces were to go against the Welsh, who intended an eruption into Herfordshire, and Swain under that pretense lay with part of his army thereabout. The Welsh, understanding this device, and with all diligence clearing themselves before the king, left Godwin, thus detected of false accusation, in great hatred to all the assembly.

Yalfric, therefore, and Seward, dukes of great power, the former in Mercia, the other in all parts beyond the Humber, both ever faithful to the king, send privily with speed to raise the forces of their provinces. Which Godwin, not knowing,

sent boldly to King Edward, demanding Count Eustace and his followers together with those Bolognians, who, as Simeim Rites, held a castle in the jurisdiction of Canterbury. The king, as then having but little force at hand entertained him awhile with treaties and delays till his summoned army drew nigh and then rejected his demands godwin thus matched commanded his sons not to begin a fight against the king but if begun with not to give ground the king's forces were the flower of those countries whence they came and eager to fall on but leofferick and the wiser sort detesting civil war brought the matter to this accord that hostages being given on either side the cause should be again debated at london

thither the king and lords coming to their army sent to godwin and his sons who with their powers were come as far as southwark commanding their appearance unarmed with only twelve attendants and that the king and the king and the lords were come as far as southwark commanding their appearance unarmed with only twelve attendants and that the the rest of their soldiers they should deliver over to the king. They, to appear without pledges before an adverse faction, denied. But to dismiss their soldiers refused not, nor a not else to obey the king as far as might stand with honor and the just regard of their safety. This answer not pleasing the king, an edict was presently issued forth that Godwin and his sons within five days should depart the land. He who perceived now his numbers to diminish, readily obeyed, and with his wife and three sons, Tosti, Swain, and Gertah, with as much treasure as their ship could carry, embarking at Thorny,

sailed into Flanders to Earl Baldwin, whose daughter Judith Tosty had married, for Wulnut, his fourth son, was then a hostage to the king in Normandy. His other two, Harold and Lofwen, taking ship at Bristow, in a vessel that lay ready there belonging to Swain, passed into Ireland. King Edward, pursuing his displeasure, divorced his wife Edith, Earl Godwin's daughter,

and sent her, despoiled of all her ornaments, to wear well, with one waiting-maid, to be kept in custody by his sister, the abbess, there. His reason of so doing was as harsh as his act, quote, that she only, while her nearest relations were in banishment, might not, though innocent, enjoy ease at home."

After this, William Duke of Normandy, with a great number of followers coming into England, was by King Edward honourably entertained, and led about the cities and castles as it were to show him what ere long was to be his own, though at that time, said in both, no mention thereof passed between them. Then, after some time of his abode here, presented richly and dismissed, he returned home. The next year, Queen Emma died. Note, post-price 1051, returned a text,

and was buried at Winchester. The Chronicle attributed to John Brompton, a Yorkshire abbot, but more probably the work of some nameless author that lived under Edward III or later, reports that the year before, by Robert the Archbishop, she was accused both of consenting to the death of her son, Alfred, and of preparing poison for Edward also. Lastly, of too much familiarity with Alwyn, Bishop of Winchester, and that in order to prove

her innocence, praying overnight to St. Scythian, she offered to walk blindfold between certain plowshares made red-hot, according to the trial by ordeal, without harm, and afterwards did perform this dangerous penance, and that the king thereupon received her to honor, and from her and the bishop penance for his credulity, that the archbishop, ashamed of his accusation, fled out of England, which besides the silence of more ancient authors, for the bishop fled not till a year after, brings the whole story into suspicion. In this, more probable, if it can be proved that, in memory of this deliverance from the nine burning plowshares, Queen Emma gave to the Abbey of Saints with you nine manners, and Bishop Alwin another nine.

about this time griffin prince of south wales wasted herfordshire to oppose whom the people of that country with many normans garrisoned in the castle of herford went out in arms but were put to the worse many slain and much booty driven away by the welsh soon after which harold and lewin sons of godwin coming into the savern with many ships in the confines of somerset and dorsetshire spoiled many villages and resisted by those of somerset and devonshire slew in a fight more than thirty of their principal men many of the common sort and returned with much booty to their fleet king edward on the other side made ready above sixty ships at sandwich well stored with men and provisions under the conduct of Odo and Raddle, two of his Norman kindred, enjoining them to find out Godwin, whom he heard to be at sea. To quicken them, he himself lay on shipboard, oftentimes watched, and sailed up and down in search of those pirates. But Godwin, whether in a mist or by other accident, passing by them,

arrived in another part of Kent, and dispersing several messengers abroad, by fair words allured the chief men of Kent, Surrey, and Essex to his party, which news coming to the King's fleet at Sandwich they hasted to find him out, but missing of him again came up without effect to London. Godwin advertised of this forthwith sailed to the Isle of White, where at length his two sons Harold and Leuwen, finding him, with their United Navy, lay on the coast, forbearing other hostility than to furnish themselves with fresh victuals from land as they needed.

Thence, as one fleet, they set forward to sandwich, using all fair means, by the way, to increase their numbers both of mariners and soldiers. The king, who was then at London, startled at these tidings, gave speedy order to raise forces in all parts that had not revolted from him, but now too late,

for Godwin, within a few days after, with his ships or galleys, came up the River Thames to southern, and till the tide returned had conference with the londoners whom by fair speeches for he was held a good speaker in those times he brought to his bent the tide returning and none upon the bridge hindering he rode up in his galleys along the south bank where his land army now come to him in a ray of battle now stood on the shore then turning toward the north side of the river where the king's galleys lay in some readiness and land forces also not for far off, he made show as offering to fight, but they understood one another, and the soldiers on either side soon declared their resolution not to fight English against English. Thence coming to treaty, the king and the earl were reconciled, and both armies were dissolved,

and Godwin and his sons were restored to their former dignities, except Swain, who being touched with conscience for the slaughter of Bjorn, his kinsman, was gone barefoot to Jerusalem, and returning home died by sickness or saracens in lycia and king edward took to him again his wife edith godwin's daughter and restored her to her former dignity then with the normans who had done many unjust things under the king's authority and given him ill counsel against his people banished the realm some of them who were not blamable being permitted to stay robert archbishop of canterbury william bishop of london ulf bishop of lincoln all normans hardly escaping with their followers got to see the archbishop went with this complaint to rome but returning died in normandy at the same monastery from whence he came osborne and hugh surrendered their castles and by permission of yoffrey passed through his counties with their normans to macbeth king of scotland the year following note ten fifty three returned to text reese brother to griffin prince of south wales who by inroads had done much damage to the english taken at bullenden was put to death by the king's order and his head brought to him at gloucester the same year at winchester on the second holiday of Easter, Earl Godwin, sitting with the king at table,

sunk down suddenly in his seat as dead. His three sons, Harold, Tosty, and Girtha forthwith carried him into the king's chamber, hoping he might revive, but the malady had so seized him that the fifth day after he expired. The Normans, who hated Godwin, give out, Seth Momsbury, that mention happening to be made of Alfred and the king thereat looking sourly upon Godwin, he, to vindicate himself, uttered these words. Thou, O king, at every mention made of thy brother Alfred, lookest frowningly upon me,

but let God not suffer me to swallow this morsel, if I be guilty of aught done against his life, or thy advantage. That after these words, choked with the morsel taken, he sunk down and recovered not. His first wife was the sister of Canute, a woman of much infamy for the trade she drove of buying up English youths and maids to sell in Denmark, whereof she made great gain. But ere long was struck with thunder and died.

The year ensuing, note post-Christ 1054, returned to text, Seward, Earl of Northumberland, with a great number of horse and foot, attended also by a strong fleet at the king's appointment, made an expedition into Scotland, vanquished the tyrant Macbeth, slaying many thousands of Scots with those Normans that went thither, and placed Malcolm,

son of the Cumbrian king on the throne in his stead, yet not without loss of his own son, and many other soldiers, both English and Danes. When he was told of his son's death, he asked whether he received his death's wound before or behind. When it was answered that the wound was before, i am glad to hear that said he and should not else have thought him though my son worthy of burial in the meanwhile king edward being without issue to succeed him sent aldrich bishop of winchester with great presence to the emperor entreating him to prevail with the king of hungary that edward the remaining son of his brother edmund ironside might be sent into england

seward but one year surviving his great victory died at york note post christ ten fifty five returned a text reported by huntington a man of giant-like stature and by his own demeanour at the point of death manifested to have been of a rough and mere soldierly mind for much disdaining to die in bed by a disease and not in the field fighting with his enemies he caused himself completely armed and weaponed with battle-axe and shield to be set in a chair whether to fight with death if he could be so vain or to meet him when far other weapons and preparations were needful in a martial bravery but true fortitude glory is not in the feats of war as they are such but as they serve served to end war soonest by a victorious peace. His earldom, the king bestowed on Tosti, the son of Earl Godwin, and soon after, in a convention held at London, banished without visible cause, Huntington set for treason, Algar, the son of Diofri, who, passing into Ireland,

soon returned with 18 ships to Griffin, Prince of South Wales, requesting his aid against King Edward. he, assembling his powers, entered with him into Herefordshire, whom Radolf, a timorous captain, son to the king's sister, not by Eustace but by a former husband, met two miles distant from Hurford, and having horsed the English, who knew better to fight on foot, without stroke, he, with his French and Normans beginning to fly, taught the English by his example to do so likewise. Griffin and Algar, following the chase, slew many, wounded more, entered Herford, slew seven cannons who were defending the minister, burnt first the monastery and relics, and then the

city, killing some, leading captive others of the citizens, returned with great spoils. Whereof, King Edward, having noticed, he gathered a great army at Gloucester under the conduct of Harold, now Earl of Kent, who, strenuously pursuing Griffin, entered Wales and encamped beyond Straddale. But the enemy flying before him farther into the country, leaving there the greater part of his army, with such as had charged to fight, the occasion were offered, with the rest he returned, and fortified Herford with the wall and gates. Meanwhile, Griffin and Algar, dreading the diligence of Harold, after many messages to and fro, concluded a peace with him. Algar, discharging his fleet with pay at Westchester, came to the king,

and was restored to his orldom. But Griffin, with breach of faith, the next year, note 1056, returned to text, set upon Lelfgar, the bishop of Hurford and his clerks, then at a place called Glasprig, with Aylnoth by Count of the Shire, and slew them. But Neofferic, Harold, and King Edward, by force, as is like this, though it be not said how, reduced him to peace. The next year, note, post-Christ 1057, returned to text. Edward, son of Edmund Ironside, for whom his uncle, King Edward, had sent to the emperor, came out of Hungary, designed successor to the crown. But within a few days after his coming, died at London, leaving behind him Edgar Athling his son, Margaret and Christiana, his daughters. About the same time also died Earl Leofric in a good old age,

a man of no less virtue than power in his time, religious, prudent, and faithful to his country, happily wedded to Godiva, a woman of great praise. His son Algar found less favor with King Edward, being again banished the year after his father's death. Note post-Christ 1058, returned a text. But he again, by the aid of Griffin, and a fleet from Norway, Mowker the king soon recovered his earldom.

The next year, note post-Christ 1059, returned to text. Malcolm, King of Scots, coming to visit King Edward, was brought on his way by Tosti, the Northumbrian Earl, to whom he swore brotherhood. Yet, the next year but one, note post-Christ 1061, returned to text, while Tusty was gone to Rome with Aldred, Archbishop of York, for his Paul, this sworn brother, taking advantage of his absence, roughly Harris Northumberland. The year passing to an end without other matter of moment, save the frequent inroads and robberies of Griffin, who no bonds of faith could restrain, King Edward sent against him after Christmas Harold, now Duke of the West Saxons,

with no great body of horse, no post-Christ 1062, returned to text, from Gloucester, where he then kept his court. Whose coming, heard of, Griffin not daring to abide, nor in any part of his land holding himself secure escaped hardly by sea ere harold coming to rude land burnt his palace and ships there and returned to gloucester the same day but by the middle of may note post price ten sixty three returned to text setting out with a fleet from bristow he sailed about the most part of wales and being met by his brother tostey with many troops of horse as the king had appointed began to waste the country. But the Welsh, giving pledges, yielded themselves and promised to become tributary

and banished Griffin their prince, who lurking somewhere was the next year taken and slain by Griffin, Prince of North Wales. Note, post-Christ 1064, returned to text. His head, with the head and tackle of his ship, sent to Harold,

and by him to the king, who, of his gentleness, made Bletchunt, and Grithwaan, or Rivalin, his two brothers, princes in his stead. They, to Harold, in behalf of the king, swore fealty and tribute. Yet the next year, note, post-Christ 1065, returned to text, Harold, having built a fair house at a place called Portisit in Monmouthshire, and stored it with provision that the king might lodge there in time of hunting,

Karadok, the son of Griffin, slain the year before, came with a number of men, slew all he found there, and took away the provision. Soon after which, the Northumbrians in a tumult at York, beset the palace of Tosti their earl, slew, more than two hundred of his soldiers and servants, pillaged his treasure, and forced him to fly for his life. The cause of this insurrection they alleged to be, for that the Queen Edith had commanded, in her brother Tosti's behalf, Gostpatrick, a nobleman of that country, to be treacherously slain in the king's court, and that Tosti himself the year before, with light treachery, had caused to be slain in his chamber, Gamal and Alf, two other than nobleman, besides his intolerable exactions or depressions. Then, in a manner, the whole country coming up to complain of their grievances,

met with Harold at Northampton, whom the king at Tosti's request had sent to pacify their Northumbrians. but they laying open the cruelty of his government and their own birthright of freedom not to endure the tyranny of any governor whatsoever with absolute refusal to admit him again and harold hearing reason all the accomplices of tostey were expelled the earldom he himself was banished the realm and went into flanders and morcar the son of algar made earl in his stead huntington tells another cause of tostey's banishment that one day at Windsor, while Harold reached the cup to King Edward, Tosty, envying to see his younger brother in greater favor than himself, could not forbear to run furiously upon him, catching hold of his hair. The scuffle was soon parted by other attendants rushing between, and Tusty forbidden the court. He, with continued fury riding to Hereford, where Harold had many servants, preparing an entertainment for the king, came to the house and set upon them with his followers,

then lopping off hands, arms, legs of some, heads of others, threw them into butts of wine, meath or ale, which were laid in for the king's drinking, and at his going away charged them to send him this word, that of other fresh meats he might bring with him to his form what he pleased, but of souse he should find plenty provided ready for him. That for this barbarous act the king pronounced him banished, that the Northumbrians, advantage at the king's displeasure and sentence against him rose also to be revenged of his cruelties done to themselves but this no way agrees for why then should harold or the king so much labour with the northumbrians to readmit him if he were a banished man for his crimes done before about this time it happened that harold putting to sea one day for his pleasure in a fisher-boat from his manner at bosom and sussex being caught in a temper too far off land, was carried into Normandy, and by the Earl of Pontieu, on whose coast

he was driven, was, at his own request, brought to Duke William, who, entertaining him with great courtesy, so far won him as to induce him to promise the Duke by oath of his own accord, not only to deliver up to him the castle of Dover, then in his tenure, but the whole kingdom also after King Edward's death, to his utmost endeavor, thereupon, between him. detrothing the Duke's daughter, then too young for marriage, and departing richly presented. Others say that King Edward himself, after the death of Edward's nephew, sent Harold thither on purpose to acquaint Duke William with his intention to be queath him his kingdom. But Monsbury accounts the former story to be the truer.

Ingolf writes that King Edward, now grown old and perceiving Edgar his nephew, to be both in body and might unfit to govern, especially against the pride and insolence of Godwin's sons, who would never obey him, and Duke William, on the other hand, to be a man of high merit, and considering likewise that he was his kinsman by the side of his mother, Queen Emma, had sent Robert Archbishop of Canterbury to acquaint the Duke with his purpose, not long before Harold came thither. The former part may be true that King Edward, upon such considerations, had since some person or other to Duke William,

but it could not be Archbishop Robert, because he had fled the land and had been dead many years before. Edmer and Simeon write that Harold went of his own accord into Normandy by the king's permission, or connivance, to get free his brother Woolnod and his nephew Hakun, the son of Swain,

whom the king had taken as hostages of Godwin and had sent into Normandy, and that thereupon, King Edward had forewarned Harold that his journey thither would be to the detriment of all England and to his own reproach. And they further write that Duke William then acquainted Harold, how Edward, air his coming to the crown, had promised, if ever he attained it, to leave Duke William's successor after him. Last of these old historians, Matthew Paris writes that Harold, to get free of Duke William, affirmed his coming thither not to have been by accident or force of tempest, but on set purpose

in that private manner to enter with him into secret confederacy. So variously are these things reported. After this, King Edward grew sickly. Note post-Christ 1066, returned to text. Yet as he was able he kept his Christmas at London, and was present at the dedication of St. Peter's Church in westminster which he had rebuilt but on the eve of epiphany or twelfthide he died much lamented and in the church was intuned that he was harmless and simple is conjectured by his words in anger to a peasant who had crossed his game for with hunting and hawking he was much delighted by god and god's mother said he i shall do you as shud a turn if i can observing that law maxim better than of his successors, that the King of England can do no wrong. The softness of his nature gave growth to factions of those about him, Normans especially and English. The latter complaining that Robert the Archbishop was a soer of dissension between the King and his people,

a traducer of the English. The other side that Godwin and his sons bore themselves arrogantly and proudly towards the King, usurping to themselves an equal share in the government. oft times making sport with his simplicity, and that through their power in the land they made no scruple to kill men to whose inheritance they took a liking, and so to take possession. The truth is that Godwin and his sons did many things boisterously and violently, much against the king's mind, which, not being able to resist, he had, as some say, taken such a dislike to his wife, Edith, Godwin's daughter, as in bed never to have touched her. Whether for this cause, or mistaken chastity, not commendable, to inquire further is not material. His laws were held good and just,

and not long after were desired by the English of their Norman kings, and they are yet extant. He is said to have been at table not excessive, at festivals, nothing puffed up with the costly robes he wore, which his queen with curious art had woven for him in gold. He was full of almsd deeds, and exhorted the monks to like charity. He is said to be the first English king that cured the disease thence called the King's Evil. yet Momsbury blames them who attribute that cure to his royalty and not to his sanctity. He is said also to have cured certain blind men with the water wherein he had washed his hands. A little before his death, lying speechless two days, the third day after a deep sleep he was heard to pray

that if it were a true vision, not an illusion, which he had seen, God would give him strength to utter it, otherwise not then he related how he had seen two devout monks whom he knew in normandy to have lived and died well who appearing told him that they were sent messengers from god to foretell that because the great ones of england dukes lords bishops and abbots were not ministers of god but of the devil god had delivered the land to their enemies and when he desired that he might reveal this vision to the end they might repent, it was answered, they neither will repent, nor will God pardon them. At this relation, others trembling, Stigand, the seminia for Archbishop, whom Edward much to blame had suffered many years to sit primate in the church, is said to have laughed, as at the feverish dream of a doting old man. But the event proved it to be true. Harold, son of Erogodwin. Harold, whether he had by King Edward a little before his death been ordained successor to the crown, as Simeon of Durham and others affirm,

or by the prevalence of his faction he had excluded Edgar, who was surnamed Atheling on account of his noble descent from King Edmund Ironside, of whom he was the grandson, as Momsbury and Huntington agree, immediately after the conclusion of the funeral of King Edward, and on the same day, was elected and crowned king, and was no sooner placed on the throne, but he began to frame himself, by all manner of compliances, to gain the affections of the people. He endeavored to make good laws, repealed bad ones, became a great patron to the church and churchman, courteous and affable to all that were reputed good, a hater of evil-doers, and charged all his officers to punish thieves, robbers, and all disturbers of the peace, while he himself, by sea and land, labored in the defense of his country. So good an actor is ambition.

In the meanwhile, a blazing star, seven mornings together about the end of April, was seen to stream terribly, not only over England, but other parts of the world, for telling here, as was thought, the great changes that were approaching plainly as prognosticated by elmer a monk of momsbury who could not foresee when time was the breaking of his own legs for soaring too high he in his youth strangely aspiring had made and fitted wings to his hands and feet with these on the top of a tower spread out to gather air he flew more than a furlong but the wind being too high he came fluttering down to the main of all his limbs. Yet so conceited was he of his art that he attributed the cause of his fall to the want of a tale as birds have, which he forgot to make to his hindered parts. This story, though seeming otherwise too light to appear in the midst of a sad narration, yet for the strangeness thereof I thought worthy enough to be placed here, as I found it placed in my author.

But, to digress no farther, Tosty, the king's brother, coming to from Flanders, full of envy at his younger brother's advancement of the crown, resolved what he might to trouble his brain. Forcing, therefore, the inhabitants of the Isle of White to contribution, he sailed thence to Sandwich, committing piracies on the coast between. Harold, then residing at London, with a great number of ships drawn together and of horse-trups by land, prepares in person for Sandwich, whereof Tosti having noticed, directs his course with sixty ships towards Lindsay, taking with him all the seamen he found, willing or unwilling, where he burnt many villages and slew many of the inhabitants.

But Edwin, the Mercian Duke and Morkar his brother, the Northumbrian Earl, with their forces on either side, soon drove him out of the country, who thence betook him to Malcolm, the Scottish king, and with him abode the whole summer. about the same time Duke William sending ambassadors to admonish Harold of his promise and oath to assist him in his plea to the kingdom, he made answer that by the death of his daughter, withdrew to him on that condition, he was absolved of his oath, or, if she was not dead, he could not take her now, being an outlandish woman, without consent of the realm, that it was presumptuously done and not to be persisted in, if without consent or knowledge of the,

the states he had sworn away the right of the kingdom, that what he swore was to gain his liberty, being in a manner then his prisoner, that it was unreasonable in the duke to require or expect of him the foregoing of a kingdom conferred upon him with the universal favor and acclamation of the people. To this flat denial he added contempt, sending the messengers back, said Matthew Paris, on maimed horses. The duke thus contempt, thus contempt, put off, addresses himself to the Pope, setting forth the justice of his cause, which Harold, whether through haughtiness of mind or distrust, or that the ways to Rome were stopped, sought not to do. Duke William, besides the promise and oath of Harold, alleged that King Edward,

by the advice of Seward, Godwin himself, and Stigand, the Archbishop, had given him the right of succession and had sent him the son and nephew of Godwin as pledges of the gift. The Pope sent to Duke William, after this demonstration of his right, a consecrated banner, whereupon he, having, with great care and choice, got an army of tall and stout soldiers, under captains of great skill and mature age, came in August to the port of St. Valerie. Meanwhile, Harold from London comes to Sandwich, there expecting his name. which also coming he sails to the Isle of White, and having heard of Duke William's preparations and readiness to invade him, kept good watch on the coast and foot forces everywhere in fit

places to guard the shore. But ere the middle of September, provision failing when it was most needed, both fleet and army returned home. When on a sudden, Harold Harviger, king of Norway, with a navy of more than five hundred great ships others lessen them by two hundred others augment them to a thousand appears at the mouth of the time to whom earl toasty with his ships came as was agreed between them whence both uniting set sail with all speed and entered the ripper humber then turning into the ooze as far as recall they landed and took york by assault at these tidings harold with all his power hastes thitherward. But air is coming, Edwin and Morcar at Fulford by York, on the north side of the Ouse, about the feast of St. Matthew, had given them battle. Successfully at first, but were overborne at length with numbers, and being forced to turn their backs, more of them perished in the river than in the fight. The Norwegians, taking with them five hundred hostages

out of York, and leaving there, 150 of their own, retired to their ship. ships. But the fifth day after, King Harold, with a great and well-appointed army, coming to York, and at Stamford Bridge, or Battle Bridge on the Darwin, assailing the Norwegians, after much bloodshed on both sides cut off the greatest part of them with Harviger their king, and Tostia's own brother. But Olav, the king's son and Paul, Earl of Orkney, who had been left with many soldiers to guard the ships, surrendering themselves with hostages and oath given, quote, never to return as enemies, unquote, he suffered them freely to depart with twenty ships and the small remnant of their army.

One man of the Norwegians is not to be forgotten, who with incredible valor keeping the bridge a long hour against the whole English army with his single resistance, delayed their victory. And scorning offered life till in the end, no man daring to grapple with him, either dreaded as too, strong or contemned as one desperate, he was at length, shot dead with an arrow, and by his fall opened the passage of pursuit to a complete victory. Wherewith Harold lifted up in mind, and, forgetting now his former shows of popularity, defrauded his soldiers of their due

and well-deserved share of the spoils. While these things passed in Northumberland, Duke William lay still at St. Valerie. His ships were ready, but the winds were ready. But the wind served not for many days, which put the soldiery into much discouragement and murmur, taking this for an unlucky sign of their success. At last, the wind becoming favorable, the Duke, first under sail, awaited the rest at anchor, till all coming forth the whole fleet of nine hundred ships with a prosperous gale arrived at Hastings. At his going out of the boat, by a slip, falling on his hands, to correct the omen a soldier standing by, said aloud that their duke had taken possession of England. Landed, he restrained his army

from waste and spoil, saying that they ought to spare what was their own. But these things are related of Alexander and Caesar, and I doubt are thence borrowed by the monks to adorn their story. The Duke, for fifteen days after landing, kept his men quiet within the camp, having taken the castle of Hastings, or built a fortress there. Harold, secure the while, and proud of his new victory, thought all his enemies now under his feet. But sitting jolly at dinner, news is brought him that Duke William of Normandy

with a great multitude of horse and foot, slingers and archers, besides other choice auxiliaries which he had hired in France, was arrived at Pevensey. Harold, who had expected him all the summer, but not so late in the year as now it was, for it was October, with his forces much diminished after two sore conflicts, and the departing of many others from him discontented, in great haste marches to London. Thence, not tarrying for supplies, which

were on their way towards him, hurries to Sussex, for he was always in haste since the day of his coronation. And ere the third part of his army could be well put in order, finds the Duke about nine miles from Hastings, and now drawing nigh sent spies before him to survey the strength and number of his enemies. Then, discovered to be such, the Duke, causing to be led about, and afterwards to be well filled with meat and drink, sent back. They, and not overwise, brought word that the Duke's army were most of them priests, for they saw their faces all over-shaven. The English then using to let grow on their upper lip large mustachios, as did anciently the Britons. The king, laughing, answered that they were not priests, but valiant and hearty soldiers.

Therefore, said Gerthe his brother, a youth of noble courage and of understanding of his age, Forbear thou thyself to fight, who art obnoxious to Duke William by your oath, and let us, unsworn, undergo the hazard of battle, who may justly fight in the division, defense of our country. Thou, reserved to fitter time, mayst either reunite us flying, or revenge us, dead. The king, not hearkening to this, lest it might seem to argue fear in him or a bad cause, with like resolution rejected also the offers of Duke William, sent to him by a monk before the battle, with this only answer hastily delivered. Let God judge between us. The offers were these, that Harold would either lay down the sceptre or hold it of him, or would try his title with him by single combat in sight of both armies, or would refer it to the Pope.

These offers being rejected, both sides prepared to fight the next morning, the English, from singing and drinking all night, the Normans from confession of their sins and communion of the host. The English were in a straight, disadvantageous place, so that many, discouraged with their ill-ordering, scarce-having room where to stand, slipped away before the onset. The rest, in close order with their battle-axes and shields,

made an impenetrable squattern. Side note. The 14th of October 1066, returned to text. The king himself, with his brothers on foot, stood by the royal standard, wherein the figure of a man fighting was inwoven with gold and precious stones. The Norman foot, most bowman, made to foremost front, on either side, wings of horse somewhat behind.

When the duke was arming, his corslet being given him on the wrong side, he said pleasantly, The strength of my dukedom will be turned now into a kingdom. Then the whole army singing the song of Roland, the remembrance of whose ex-examination, the remembrance of whose exploits might hearten them, imploring, lastly, divine help, the battle began, and was fought sorely on either side. But the main body of English foot, by no means would be broken, till the duke, causing his men to feign flight, drew them out with desire of pursuit into open disorder, then turned suddenly upon them, when so routed by themselves, which wrought their overthrow. Yet so they died not unmanfully, but, but,

turning oft upon their enemies, by the advantage of an upper ground, beat them down in heaps and filled up a great ditch with their carcasses. Thus hung the victory wavering on either side from the third hour of day to evening, when Harold, having maintained the fight with unspeakable courage and personal valor, being shot into the head with an arrow, fell at length, and left his soldiers without heart, longer to withstand the unwearied enemy. With Harold fell also his two brothers, the Offwin and Gertha, and with them the greatest part of the English nobility.

His body lying dead, a knight or soldier who wounded it on the thigh was by the Duke immediately turned out of the military service. Of Normans and French were slain no small number. The Duke himself also that day, not a little hazarded his person, having had three choice horses killed under him. The victory being obtained, and his dead carefully buried, the English dead also being buried by permission,

he sent the body of Harold to his mother without ransom, though she had offered a very great sum to redeem it, which having received she buried it at Walton, in a church built there by Harold. In the meanwhile, Edwin and Morcar, who had withdrawn themselves from Harold, hearing of his death came to London, sending Aldgith the Queen their sister with all speed to Westchester. Aldred, Archbishop of York, and many of the nobles with the Londoners,

would have set up Edgar Atheling, the right heir, and prepared themselves to fight for him, but Morcar and Edwin, not liking the choice, who each of them expected to have been chosen before him, withdrew their forces and returned home. duke william contrary to his former resolution if floren't of worcester and they will follow him say true wasting burning and slaying all in his way or rather as seth momsbury not in hostile but in regal manner came up to london and was met at barcombe by edgar with the nobles bishops citizens and at length edwin and morcar who all submitted to him gave hostages and swore fidelity to him. And he to them promised peace and defense, yet permitted his men the while to burn and make prey. Coming to London with all his army, he was on Christmas Day solemnly crowned in the great church at Westminster by Aldred, Archbishop of York, having first given his oath at the

altar in presence of all the people, to defend the church, well-govern the people, maintain right law, prohibit rap and unjust judgment. Thus, the English, while they agreed not about the choice of their native king, were constrained to take the yoke of an outlandish conqueror. With what mind and by what course of life they had fitted themselves for this servitude, William of Momsbury spares not to lay open. Not a few years before the Normans came, the clergy, though in Edward the Confessors' days, had lost all

all good literature and religion, being scarce able to read and understand their Latin service, and any one of them who knew his grammar was considered as a miracle by the others. The monks went clad in fine stuffs, and made no difference what they ate, which, though in itself no fault, yet to their consciences, was irreligious. The great men, given to gluttony and dissolute life, made a prey of the common people, abusing their daughters whom they had in service, then turning them off to the stews. The meaner sort, tippling together night and day, spent all they had in drunkenness, attended with other vices which effeminate men's minds.

Once it came to pass that carried on with fury and rashness more than any true fortitude or skill of war, they gave to William their conqueror so easy a conquest. not but that some few of all sorts were much better among them, but such was the generality, and as the long-suffering of God permits bad men to enjoy prosperous days with the good, so his severity oftentimes exempts not good men from their share in evil times with the bad. If these were the causes of such misery and thraldom to those our ancestors, with what better close can we conclude this history,

than by here in fit season admonishing this present age. Side note, AD 1670, returned to text. In the midst of her security, to fear from like vices without amendment, the return of like calamities. The end of the sixth book. The End of the History of Britain by John Milton, recording by Thomas Copeland. The Life of Milton by Edward Phillips.

This is a liver vaux. recording, all Librevox recordings are in the public domain. For more information, or to volunteer, visit Librevox.org. The Life of Milton, 1694. Of all the several parts of history, that which sets forth the lives, and commemorates the most remarkable action, sayings, or writings of famous and illustrious persons, whether in war or peace, whether many together or anyone in particular, as it is not the least useful in itself, so it is in highest-vogent esteem among the studious and reading part of mankind. The most eminent in this way of history were among the ancients,

Plutarch, and Diogenes Laertius of the Greeks. The first wrote the lives for the most part of the most renowned heroes and warriors of the Greeks and Romans, the other the lives of the ancient Greek philosophers. And Cornelius Nepos, or as some will have it, Emilius Probus, of the Latins, who wrote the lives of the most of the most of the most people, most illustrious Greek and Roman generals. Among the moderns, Machiavel, a noble Florentine, who elegantly wrote the life of Castrucho Castorcana, Lord of Lucca, and of our nation Sir Fult Gravel,

who wrote the life of his most intimate friends of Philip Sidney, Mr. Thomas Stanley, of Combello Green, who made a most elaborate improvement to the foresaid Laertius by adding to what he found in him, what by diligent search and inquiry he collected from other authors of best authority. And Isaac Walton, who wrote the lives of Sir Henry Wharton, Dr. Dunn, and for his divine poems, the admired Mr. George Herbert. Lastly, not to mention several other biographers of considerable note, the great Gascendus of France, the worthy celebrator of two no less worthy subjects of his impartial pen, viz, the noble philosopher Epicurus, and the most politely learned virtuoso of his age, his countryman, Monsieur Piersk.

and pity it is the person whose memory we have here undertaken to perpetuate by recounting the most memorable transactions of his life though his works sufficiently recommend him to the world finds not a well-informed pen able to set him forth equal with the best of those here mentioned for doubtless had his fame been as much spread through europe in thuanus's time as now it is and hath been for several years he had justly merited from that great historian a eulogy not inferior to the highest by him given to all the learned and ingenious that lived within the compass of his history for we may safely unjustly affirm that take him in all respects for acumen of wit quickness of apprehension sagacity of judgment depth of argument and elegancy of style as well in latin as english as well in verse as prose he is scarce to be paralleled by any the best of writers our nation hath in any age brought forth he was born in london in a house in bread street the least whereof as i take it but for certain it was a house in bread street became in-time part of his estate. In the year of our Lord, 1606, note, 1603, return to text. His father, John Milton, an honest, worthy, and substantial citizen of London by profession, a scrivener, to which he voluntarily betook himself by the advice and assistance of an intimate

friend of his, eminent in that calling, upon his being cast out by his father, a bigoted Roman Catholic, for embracing when young the Protestant, faith and abjuring the popish tenets. For he is said to have been descended of an ancient family of the Milton's, of Milton near Abingdon in Oxfordshire, where they had been a long time seated, as appears by the monument, still to be seen in Milton Church, till one of the family, having taken the wrong side in the contest between the houses of York and Lancaster, was sequestered of all his estate but what he held by his wife. However, certain it is that this vocation he followed for many years at his said house in Bread Street, with success suitable to his industry and prudent

conduct of his affairs. Yet he did not so far quit his own generous and ingenious inclinations as to make himself wholly a slave to the world, for he sometimes found vacant hours to the study which he made his recreation of the noble science of music, in which he advanced to that perfection that, as I have been told, and as I take it by our author himself, he composed an ennomenet of forty parts, for which he was rewarded with a gold medal and chained by a Polish prince, to whom he presented it. However, this is a truth not to be denied, that for several songs of his composition, after the way of these times, three or four of which are still to be seen in Old Wilby's set of heirs, besides some compositions of his in Ravenscroft's Psalms,

he gained the reputation of a considerable master in this most charming of all the liberal sciences. Yet all this while he managed his grand affair of this world with such prudence and diligence, that by the assistance of divine providence, favoring his honest endeavors, he gained a competent estate, whereby he was enabled to make a handsome provision, both for the education and maintenance of his children. For three he had, and no more, all by one wife,

Sarah of the family of the castons, derived originally from Wales, a woman of incomparable virtue and goodness. John, the eldest, the subject of our present work, christopher and an only daughter anne christopher being principally designed for the study of the common law of england was entered young a student of the inner temple of which house he lived to be an ancient venture and keeping close to that study and profession all his lifetime except in the time of the civil wars of england when being a great favourer and assertor of the king's cause and obnoxious to the parliament's side by acting to his utmost power against them so long as he kept his station at reading and after that town was taken by the parliament forces being forced to quit his house there he steered his course according to the motion of the king's army but when the war was ended with victory and success to the parliament party, by the valor of General Fairfax and the craft and conduct of Promwell, and his

composition made by the help of his brother's interest, with the then prevailing power, he betook himself again to his former study and profession, following chamber practice every term. He had came to no advancement in the world in a long time, except some small employ in the town of Ipswich, where, and near it he lived all the latter time of his life, for he was a person of a modest, quiet temper, referring justice and virtue before all-worldly pleasure or grander. But in the beginning of the reign of King James II, for his known integrity and ability in the law, he was by some persons of quality recommended to the king, and at a call of sergeants received the coiff, and the same day was sworn one of the barons of the Exchequer, and soon

after made one of the judges of the common pleas. About his years and indisposition, not well brooking the fatigue of public employment he continued not long in either of these stations but having his quietus est retired to a country life his study and devotion anne the only daughter of the said john milton the elder had a considerable dowry given her by her father in marriage with edward phillips the son of edward phillips of shrewsbury who coming up young to town was bred up in the crown office in chancery and at length came to be second of the office under old Mr. Bembo. By him she had, besides other children that died infants, two sons yet surviving, of whom more hereafter, and by a second husband, Mr. Thomas Agar, who, on the death of his intimate friend Mr. Phillips,

worthily succeeded in the place, which except some time of exclusion before, and during the Iderregnum he held for many years, and left it to Mr. Thomas Milton, the son of the aforementioned Sir Christopher, who at this day executed, that with great reputation and ability, two daughters, Mary, who died very young, and Anne yet surviving. But to hasten back to our matter in hand, John, our author, who was destined to be the

ornament and glory of his country, was sent together with his brother to Paul's school, where of Dr. Gill, the elder, was then chief master, where he was entered into the first rudiments of learning, and advanced therein with that admirable success, not more by the discipline of the school and good instructions of his masters for that he had another master possibly at his father's house appears by the fourth elegy of his latin poems written in his eighteenth year to thomas young pastor of the english company of merchants at hambura wherein he owns and styles him his master then by his own happy genius prompt wit and apprehension and insuperable industry for he generally sate up half the night as well as well as his own happy genius prompt wit and apprehension and insuperable industry for he generally sate up half the night as well well involuntary improvements of his own choice as the exact perfecting of his school exercises. So that at the age of 15, note, he had completed his 16th year, returned to text. He was full right for academic learning, and accordingly was sent to the University of Cambridge,

where, in Christ's College, under the tuition of a very eminent learned man, whose name I cannot call to mind, he studied seven years and took his degree of Master of Arts, for the extraordinary wit and reading he had shown in his performances to attain his degree. Some whereof, spoken at a vacation exercise in his 19th year of age, are to be yet seen in his miscellaneous poems. He was loved and admired by the whole university, particularly by the fellows and most ingenious persons of his house. Among the rest, there was a young gentleman, one Mr. King,

with whom, for his great learning and parts, he had contracted a particular friendship and intimacy, whose death, for he was drowned on the Irish seas in his passage from Chester to Ireland, he bewails in that most excellent monody in his forementioned poems entitled Licitis. Never was the loss of a friend so elegantly lamented, and among the rest of his juvenile poems,

some he wrote at the age of 15, which contained a poetic genius scarce to be paralleled, by any English writer. Soon after he had taken his master's degree, he thought fit to leave the university, not upon any disgust or discontent for want of preferment, as some ill-willers have reported, nor upon any cause whatsoever forced to fly, as his detractors maliciously feign, but from which aspersion he sufficiently clears himself in his second answer to Alexander Morris. Note, first answer, return to text.

of a book called Clamoreghii Sanguinus Atchil, the chief of his calumniators. In which he plainly makes it out that after his leaving the university, to the no small trouble of his fellow collegiates, who in general regretted his absence, he, for the space of five years, lived for the most part with his father and mother at their house at Horton, near Colbrook in Berkshire. Whether his father, having gotten a state to his content, and left off all business was retired from the cares and fatiques of the world. After the said term of five years, his mother then dying, he was willing to add to his acquired learning the observation of foreign customs,

manners and institutions, and thereupon took a resolution to travel, more especially designing for Italy. Note, there is great confusion in all the biographers of Milton, respecting the period of his travels, and this confusion originates with Milton himself. He left Cambridge on taking his degree of Master of Arts in 1632. He assigns five years as the interval in which he lived at home with his father and mother, and his mother died in 1637 Simmons, upon which he set out on his travels.

Thus far, the story is consistent. But Milton goes on to inform us that his travels occupied a space of 15 months, and that he returned to England about the time of King Charles' second expedition against the Scots. Eodem fermet tempera, co. Carlos, comestisotis, ruptopacape, Belum altrucate, Episcopal, Redinda Gravatt, in cofussis Primoogus, non sponte, parliamentumultu post-convacled. This can refer to no other period than the route at Newburn, August 1640. and Milton can less be suspected of an erroneous statement in these last two dates than the former. The result is that a period of two years from the spring 1637 to the spring 1639 is passed over in his narrative unnoticed.

It was probably spent like the former years at Horton, returned to text. And accordingly, with his father's consent and assistance, he put himself into an equipage suitable for such a a design. And so, intending to go by the way of France, he set out for Paris, accompanied only with one man, who attended him through all his travels, for his prudence was his guide, and his learning, his introduction, and presentation to persons the most eminent quality. However, he had also a most civil and obliging letter of direction and advice from Sir Henry Borton, then Provost of Eaton, and formerly resident ambassador from King James I, to the State of Venice, which letter is to be seen in the first edition of his miscellaneous poems.

At Paris, being recommended by the said Sir Henry and other persons of quality, he went first to wait upon my lord Scudamor, then ambassador in France from King Charles I. my lord received him with wonderful civility and understanding he had a desire to make a visit to the great hugo groposius he sent several of his attendants to wait upon him and to present him in his name to that renowned doctor and statesman who was at that time ambassador from christina queen of sweden to the french king Grosius took the visit kindly and gave him entertainment suitable to his worth, and the high commendations he had heard of him. After a few days, not intending to make the usual tour of France, he took his leave of my lord, who, at his departure from Paris, gave him letters to the English merchants, residing in any part through which he was to travel, in which they were requested to show him all the kindness, and do him all the good offices that lay in their power. from Paris he hastened on his journey to Nicaea where he took shipping and in a short space arrived at Genoa from whence he went to Leghorn thence to Pisa and so to Florence in this city he met with many charming objects which invited him to stay a longer time than he intended the pleasant situation of the place

the nobleness of the structures the exact humanity and civility of the inhabitants the more polite and refined sort of language there than elsewhere during the time of his his stay there, which was about two months, he visited all the private academies of the city, which are places established for the improvement of wit and learning, and maintained a correspondence and perpetual friendship among gentlemen fitly qualified for such an institution, and such sort of academies there are in all or most of the most noted cities in Italy. Visiting these places, he was soon taken notice of by the most learned and ingenious of the nobility, and the grand wits of Florence, who caressed him with all the honors and civil

imaginable, particularly Jacobo Gatti, Garol Dati, Antonio Francini, Friscovaldo, Coutelino, Coutelino, Bon Matei, and Clementillo, where of Gadi, note, it should be Franchini, returned to text, hath a large, elegant Italian cantonet in his praise, and Dati, a Latin epistle, both printed before his Latin poems, together with the Latin dystic of the Marquis of Villa, and another of Savagyi and a Latin tetristic of Giovanni Salcily of Rome. From Florence, he took his journey to Siena, from thence to Rome, where he was detained much about the same time he had been in Florence, as well by his desire of seeing all the rarities and antiquities of that most glorious and renowned city,

as by the conversation of Lucas Holstinus and other learned and ingenious men, who highly valued his acquaintance and treated him with all possible. respect. From Rome he traveled to Naples, where he was introduced by a certain hermit, who accompanied him in his journey from Rome thither, into the knowledge of Giovanni Baptista Manso, Marquess of Vilna, a Neopolitan by birth, a person of high nobility, virtue, and honor, to whom the famous Italian poet Tocotta Tassau wrote his treatise de Amakitia, and, moreover, mentions him with great honor in that illustrious poem of his entitled Jerusalem liberata. This noble Marquis received him with extraordinary respect and civility, and went with

him himself to give him a sight of all that was of note and remark in the city, particularly the Viceroy's palace, and was often in person to visit him at his lodging. Moreover, this noble Marquis honoured him so far as to make a Latin disdick in his praise, as hath been already mentioned, which, being no less pity than short, though already in print, it will not be unworth the while here to repeat. Ut men's, forma, decor, facies, most, si pietas seek, non anglos,

Werem heclethensiphosipaeusipaeusipaeus Sifaris. Note on the phrase Sipiatas seek. This word relates to his being a Protestant, not a Roman Catholic. E.P. Return to text.

In return of this honor, and in gratitude for the many favors and civilities received of him, he presented him at his departure with a large Latin eclog entitled Mansus, afterwards published among his Latin poems. The Marquess, at his taking leave of him, gave him this compliment,

that he would have done him many more offices of kindness and civility, but was therefore rendered incapable in regard he had been over-liberal in his speech against the religion of the country. He had entertained some thoughts of passing over into Sicily and Greece, but was diverted by the news he received from England that affairs there were tending towards a civil war, thinking it a thing unworthy in him to be taking his pleasure in foreign parts

while his countrymen at home were fighting for their liberty, but first resolved to see Rome once more. And though the merchants gave him a caution that the Jesuits were hatching designs against him in case he should return thither, by reason of the freedom he took in all his discourses of religion, nevertheless he ventured to prosecute his resolution and to Rome the second time he went, determining with himself not industriously to begin to fall into any discourse about religion, but being asked not to deny or endeavor to conceal his own sentiments.

Two months he stayed at Rome, and in all that time never flinched, but was ready to defend the Orthodox faith against all opposers. And so well he succeeded therein that with Providence guarding him, he went safe from Rome back to Florence, where his return to his friends of that city was welcomed with as much joy and affection, as had it been to his friends and relations in his own country, he could not have come to a more joyful and welcome guest. Here, having stayed as long as at his first coming, accepting an excursion of a few days to Lucca, crossing the Apennine, and passing through Bononia and Ferrara, he arrived at Venice, where when he had spent a month's time in viewing of that

stately city and shipped up a parcel of curious and rare books which he had picked up in his travels, particularly a chest or two of choice music books of the best masters flourishing about that time in Italy, namely Luca Marenzo, Monteverdi, Horatio Vecchi, Chifa, the Prince of Vinosa, and several others. He took his course through Verona, Milan, and the Pueyne Alps, and so by the Lake Lima to Geneva, where he stayed for some time and had daily converse with the most learned Giovanni de Adati, theology professor in that city. And so returning through France, by the same way he had passed it going to Italy, he, by a pregrination of one complete year and about three months,

arrived safe in England about the time of the kings making his second expedition against the Scots. Soon after his return, and visits paid to his father and other friends, he took him a lodging in St. Bride's churchyard, at the house of one Russell, a tailor, where he first undertook the education and instruction of his sister's two sons, the younger whereof had been wholly committed to his charge of care. And here, by the way, I judge it not impertinent, to mention the many authors, both of the Latin and Greek, which, through his excellent judgment and way of teaching, far above the pedantry of common public schools, where such authors are scarce ever heard of,

were run over within no greater compass of time than from 10 to 15 or 16 years of age. Of the Latin, the four grand authors, Léryvustica, Cato, Varo, Columella, and Palladius, Cornelius Kelsus, an ancient physician of the Romans, a great part of Pliny's natural history, Vitruvius is architecture, Frantinas, his stratagens, together with the two egregious poets, Lucretius and Manilius. of the Greek, Hesiod, a poet equal with Homer, Erratus, His Phenomena and Deosomere, Dionysius offer, De Situ Orbis, Opians, Inegetics, and Haleutics,

Critus Calabere, his poem of the Trojan War continued from Homer, Apollonius Rhodius, his argonautics, and in prose, Plutarch's Placeta Philosophorum, and Pery Python Auroraus, Sikh. Yemenis' astronomy, Xenophon's Kiri Institutio and Anabasis, Elian's tactics, and Polinus is warlike strategums. Thus by teaching, he, in some measure, increased his own knowledge, having the reading of all these authors, as it were, by proxy, and all this might possibly have conduced to the preserving of his eyesight, had he not, moreover, been perpetually busied

in his own laborious undertakings of the book or pen. Nor did the time thus studiously employed in conquering the Greek and Latin tongues hinder the attaining to the chief oriental languages, this the Hebrew, Caldi, and Syriac, so far as to go through the Pentateuch, or five books of Moses in Hebrew, to make a good entrance into the Targum or Caldee paraphrase, and to understand several chapters of St. Matthew in the Syriac Testament, besides an introduction into several arts and sciences, by reading Uistidius, his arithmetic, riffs, geometry, Pettiscus, his trigonometry,

Johannes de Sacrobosco de Svira, and into the Italian and French tongues by reading, in Italian, Javan vallani's history of the transactions between several petty states of Italy, and in French, a great part of Pierre Daviti, the famous geographer of France in his time. The Sunday's work was, for the most part, the reading each day a chapter of the Greek Testament, and hearing his learned exposition upon the same, and how this savored of atheism in him, I leave to the courteous backbiter to judge.

The next work after this was the writing from his own dictation, some part from time to time, of a tractate which he thought fit to collect from the ablest of divines who had written of that subject, Amesius, Ullibius, etc. It is a perfect system of divinity, of which more hereafter. Now, the person so far man ducked into the highest paths of literature, both divine and human,

had they received his documents with the same acuteness of wit and apprehension, the same industry, alacrity, and thirst-after knowledge as the instructor was endured with, what prodigies of wit and learning might they have proved? The scholars might in some degree,

have come near to the equaling of the master, or, at least, have in some sort made good what he seems to predict in the close of an elegy he made in the 17th year of his age upon the death of one of his sister's children, a daughter who died in her infancy. Then thou, the mother of so sweet a child, her false imagined loss, cease to lament,

and wisely learn to curb thy sorrows wild. This if thou do, he will an offspring give that till the world's last end shall make thy name to live. Well, to return to the thread of our discourse. He made no long stay in his lodgings at St. Bright's Churchyard, necessity of having a place to dispose his books in, and other goods fit for the furnishing of a good, handsome house, hastening him to take one,

and accordingly a pretty garden house he took in Aldersgate Street, at the end of an entry, and therefore the fitter for his turn by reason of the privacy. Besides, that there are few streets in London more free-fetched, noise than that. Here first it was that his academic erudition was put in practice, then vigorously proceeded, he himself giving an example to those under him, for it was not long after his taking this house ere his elder nephew was put to board with him also, of hard study and spare diet. Only this advantage he had, that once in three weeks or a month he would

drop into the society of some normal sparks of his acquaintance, the chief were of where where Mr. Alfred and Mr. Miller, two gentlemen of Grace in, the bows of those times, but nothing near so bad as those nowadays. With these gentlemen, he would so far make bold with his body as now and then to keep a gaudy day. In this house, he continued several years. In the one or two first grab, he set out several treatises, viz that of Reformation, that against political episcopacy, the reason of church government, the defense of some magnus,

at least the greater part of them, but as I take it all. And some time after, one sheet of education, which he dedicated to Mr. Samuel Hartlid, he that wrote so much of husbandry. This sheet is printed at the end of the second edition of his poems. And lastly, Ariopagitica. During the time also of his continuance in this house, there fell out several occasions of the increasing of his family.

His father, who, till the taking of Reading by the Earl of Essex's forces, had lived with his other son at his house there, was, upon that son's dissettlement, necessitated to betake himself to this, his eldest son, with whom he lived for some years, even to his dying day. In the next place he had an addition of some scholars, to which may be added, his entering into matrimony. But he had his wife's company so small a time, that he may well be said to have become a single man again soon after. About Whitsonide it was, or a little after, that he took a journey into the country, country, nobody about him, certainly knowing the reason, or that it was any more than a journey of recreation.

After a month's stay, home he returns a married man that went out a bachelor. His wife, being married, the eldest daughter of Mr. Richard Powell, then a justice of peace, a forest hill near shot over, in Oxfordshire. Some few of her nearest relations accompanying the bride to her new habitation, which, by reason the father nor anybody else were yet come, was able to receive them. where the feasting held for some days in celebration of the nuptials and for entertainment of the bride's friends. At length they took their leave, and returning to Forest Hill left the sister behind. Probably not much to a satisfaction, as appeared by the sequel. By that time she had for a month or thereabout led a philosophical life,

after having been used to a great house and much company and joviality, her friends, possibly incited by her own desire, made Ernest's youth by letter. her to have her company during the remaining part of the summer, which was granted, on condition of her return at the time appointed, which was Micklemus, thereabout. In the meantime, came his father, and some of the aforementioned disciples. And now the studies went on with so much the more vigor as there were more hands and heads employed. The old gentleman, living wholly retired to his rest and devotion without the least trouble imaginable. our author now as it were a single man again made it his chief diversion now and then in an evening to visit the lady margaret lee daughter to the blank lee earl of marlborough who had been lord high treasurer of england and president of the privy council to ging james the first

this lady being a woman of great wit and ingenuity had a particular honour for him and took much delight in his company as did likewise her husband captain hobson a very accomplished gentleman and what esteem Milton at the same time had for her appears by a sonnet he made in praise of her, which is to be seen among his other sonnets in his extant poems. Michael must be in come, and no news of his wife's return, he sent for her by letter, and receiving no answer sent several other letters, which were also unanswered,

so that at last he dispatched down a foot messenger with a letter desiring a return. But the messenger came back not only without an answer, at least a satisfactory one, but to the best of my remembrance, reported that he was dismissed with some sort of contempt. This proceeding in all probability was grounded upon no other cause but this, namely, that the family being generally addicted to the cavalier party, as they called it, and some of them possibly engaged in the king's service, who by this time had his headquarters at Oxford, and was in some prospect of success. They began to repent them of having matched the

eldest daughter of the family to a person so contrary to them in opinion, and thought it would be a blot in their escutcheon, whenever that court should come to flourish again. However, it so incensed our author that he thought it would be dishonorable ever to receive her again after such a repulse, so that he forthwith prepared to fortify himself with arguments for such a resolution, and accordingly wrote two treatises, by which he undertook to maintain that it was against reason and the enjoyment of it not grimable by scripture for any married couple disagreeable in humor and temper or having an aversion to each other to be forced to live yoked together all their days. The first tract was his doctrine and discipline of divorce, of which there was granted a second

edition with some additions. The other in prosecution of the first was styled tetrachorda. then the better to confirm his own opinion by the attestation of others he set out a piece called the judgment of martin buzzer a protestant minister being a translation out of that reverend divine of some part of his works exactly agreeing with him in sentiment lastly he wrote in answer to a pragmatical clerk who would need to give himself the honour of writing against so great a man is cholestarian or rod of correction for a saucy impertinent not very long long after the setting forth of these treatises, having application made to him by several gentlemen of his acquaintance, for the education of their sons, as understanding happily the progress he had been fixed by his first undertakings of that nature, he laid out for a larger house, and soon found it out. but in the interim before he removed there fell out a passage which though it altered not the whole course he was going to steer yet it put a stop or rather an end to a grand affair which was more than probably thought to be then in agitation it was indeed a design of marrying one of dr davis's daughters a very handsome and witty gentlewoman but averse as it is said to this motion however the intelligence hereof and the then declining state of the kings cause, and consequently of the circumstances of Justice Powell's family, caused them to set all engines on work to restore the late married woman to the station wherein they a little before

had planted her. At last, this device was pitched upon. There dwelt in the lane of St. Martin's Le Grand, which was heart by, a relation of our authors, one Blackborough, whom it was known he often visited, and upon this occasion the visits were the more narrowly observed, and possibly there might be a combination between both parties. The friends on both sides concentrating in the same action, though on different behalf. One time above the rest, he making his usual visit, the wife was ready in another room, and on a sudden he was surprised to see one whom he thought never to have seen more, making submission and begging pardon on her knees before him. He might probably at first make some show of aversion and rejection, but partly

his own generous nature, more inclinable to reconciliation than to perseverance in anger and revenge, and partly the strong intercession of friends on both sides, soon brought him to an act of oblivion, and a firm league of peace for the future. And it was at length concluded that she should remain at a friend's house till such time as he was settled at his new house at Barbican, and all things for her reception in order. The place agreed on, for her present abode, was the widow Weber's house, in St. Clement's Churchard, whose second daughter had been married to the other brother, note Christopher Milton, returned a text, many years before. The first fruits of her return to her husband was a brave girl, born within a year after, though whether by ill-constitution or want of care

she grew more and more decrepit. But it was not only by children that she increased the number of the family, for in no very long time after her coming, she had a great resort of her kindred with her in the house, viz, her father and mother, and several of her brothers and sisters, which were, in all, pretty numerous, who upon his father sickening and dying soon after, went away.

And now the house looked again like a house of the muses only, though the accession of scholars was not great. Possibly his proceeding thus far in the education of youth may have been the occasion of some of his adversaries calling him pedagogue and schoolmaster, whereas it is well known he never set up for a public school to teach all the young fry of a parish, but only was willing to impart his learning and knowledge to relations and the sons of some gentleman that were his intimate friends.

Note. There is something beautiful in the generosity with which Edward Phillips here sets himself to vindicate his uncle against the aspersions of his adversaries, as it is certain that the writer was a schoolmaster, and, by the representation of Anthony Wood, probably set up for a public school to teach all the young fry of a parish. The sentiment is, my kinsman, the great man whose merits I am commemorating, was far from being the insignificant person that I, his historian, am. I am in my proper place when I make the education of youth my daily employment and my profession. But he was a man of a different standard and belonging to another class of intelligences. nor is it just that terms and ideas sufficiently descriptive of my destination should be applied to one who is scarce to be paralleled by any the best of writers our nation hath in any age brought forth.

Return to text. Besides, that neither his converse nor his writings nor his manner of teaching ever savored in the least anything of pedantry, and probably he might have some prospect of putting in practice, his academic institutions, according to the model laid down in his sheet of education, the progress of which design was afterwards diverted by a series of alteration in the affairs of state. For I am much mistaken if there were not about this time a design in agitation of making him adjutant general in Sir William Waller's army.

But the new modeling of the army soon following proved an obstruction to that design, and Sir William, his commission being laid down, began, as the common saying is, turn cat in pan. It was not long after the march of Fairfax and Cromwell through the city of London with the whole army, to quell the insurrections which Brown at Massey now become malcontents also, were endeavouring to raise in the city against the army's proceedings, ere he left his great house in Barbican, and he took himself to a smaller in High Hobert, among those that opened backward in Lincoln's Inn Fields. Here he lived a private and quiet life,

still prosecuting his studies and curious search into knowledge, the grand affair perpetually of his life, till such time as the war being now at an end, with complete victory to the Parliament's side, as the Parliament then stood, purged of all its dissenting members, and the King, after some treaties with the Army Ray Infecta, brought to his trial,

the form of government being now changed into a free state, he was hereupon obliged to write a treatise called the tenure of kings and magistrates. Side note, March, AD 1648-49, returned to text. After which, his thoughts were bent upon retiring again to his own private studies, and falling upon such subjects as his proper genius prompted him to write of, among which was the history of our own nation from the beginning till the Norman conquest, wherein he had made some progress. side note, AD 1649, returned to text. When, for this his last treatise, reviving the fame of other things he had formerly published,

being more and more taken notice of, for his excellency of style and depth of judgment, he was courted into the service of this new Commonwealth, and at last prevailed with, for he never hunted after preferment nor affected the Tintamar and hurry of public business, to take upon him the office of Latin secretary to the country. of State, for all their letters to foreign princes and states, for they stuck to this noble and generous resolution, not to write to any or receive answers from them, but in a language most proper to maintain a correspondence among the learned of all nations in this part of the world. Scorning to carry on their affairs in the wheedling, lisping jargon of the cringing French,

especially as they had a minister of state able to cope with the ablest any prince or state could employ for the Latin tongue. And so well he had a minister of state to be able to be able to be able to be able. And so well he acquitted himself in the station that he gained from abroad both reputation to himself and credit to the state that employed him. And it was well the business of his office came not very fast upon him, for he was scarce well warm in his secretorship before other work flowed in upon him, which took him up for some considerable time. In the first place, there came out a book said to have been written by the king and finished a little before his death entitled Icon Basilicon, that is, the royal image. A book highly cried up for its smooth style and pathetical composure.

Wherefore, to obviate the impression it was like to make among the many, he was obliged to write an answer, which he entitled Aconoplastes, or Imagebreaker. And upon the heels of that, outcomes in public the great kill-cow of Christendom with his Defensio Regis Contropopopulum Anglican. Note, this title everyone will see to be a misstated. no man ever professed to write against a people for their governors. The proper title is Defensio Regia Procarolo Primo, on Carlum Secundum, who turned a text. A man so famous and cried up for his pliny and exorcitations

and other pieces of reputed learning, that there could nowhere have been found a champion that durst lift up the pen against so formidable an adversary, had not our little English David had the courage to undertake this great French, Goliah, to whom he gave such a hit in the forehead that he presently staggered and soon after fell, for immediately upon the coming out of the answer, entitled Defensio Populi Anglicani, Contralundium Anonymous, etc., who till then, side note, AD 1651, returned to text, had been chief minister and superintendent in the court of the glernet Christina, Queen of Sweden,

dwindled in esteem to that degree that he at last vouchsafed to speak to the, meanest servant. In short, he was dismissed with so cold and slighting in adieu that, after a faint dying reply, he was glad to have recourse to death, the remedy of all evils, and ender of all controversies. Side note, AD 1652. Return to text. And now, I presume our author had some breathing space, but it was not long. For though Salmatius was departed, he left some stings behind. New started up. Barkers, though no great biters. Who the first assertor of Salmatius his cause was, is not certainly known, but variously conjectured at, some supposing it to be one Janus, a lawyer of Grays Inn, some to be Dr. Bramont, who was made by King Charles II after his restoration,

Archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. But whoever the author was, the book was thought fit to be taken into correction, and our author, not thinking it worth his own undertaking, to disturbing the progress of whatever more chosen work he had then in hand, committed this task to the younger of his two nephews, but with such exact imitations before it went to the press that it might have very well passed for his, but that he was willing the person that took the pains to prepare it for his examination and punishment should have the name and credit of being the offer, so that it came forth under this title. Lianus Philippi, Angli, Defensio pro-Poplo Anglicano, Contra, etc.

Side note, AD 1652. Footnote, this title is given from memory and inaccurately. Return to text. During the writing and publishing of this book, he lodged at one Thomson's next door to the Bullhead Tavern at Charing Cross, opening into the Spring Garden, which seems to have been only a lodging taken till his design department in Scotland. yard was prepared for him. For hither he soon removed from the Forset Place, and here his third child,

a son, was born, which, through the ill-usage or bad constitution of an ill-chosen nurse, died an infant. From this apartment, whether he thought it not healthy or otherwise convenient for his use, or whatever else was the reason, he soon after took a pretty garden house in petty France and Westminster, next door to the Lord Scudomores, and opening into St. James's Park. Here he remained no less than eight years, namely from the year 1652 till within a few weeks of King Charles II's restoration. In this house, his first wife, dying in childbed, he married a second, who after a year's time died in childbed also. This his second marriage was about two or three years after his being wholly deprived of sight, which was just going about the time of his answering Salmatius, whereupon his adversaries gladly take occasion.

of imputing his blindness as a judgment upon him for his answering the king's book, etc. Footnote, Reggie E. Sanguinic Clamore, 1652, returned to text. Whereas it is most certainly known that his sight, but with his continual study, his being subject to the headache, and his perpetual tampering of physic to preserve it, had been decaying for above a dozen years before, and the sight of one, for a long time, clearly lost. Here he wrote by his Emanuensis, his two,

answers to Alexander Moore, who, upon the last answer, quitted the field. So that being now quiet from state adversaries and public contests, he had leisure again for his own studies and private designs. Side note, AD 1655, returned a text, which were his foresaid history of England, and a new the Thesaurus lingua latini, according to the manner of Stephanus. A work he had been long since collecting from his own reading, and still went on with it at times, even very near to his dying day.

But the papers after his death were so discomposed and deficient that it could not be made fit for the press. However, what there was of it was made use of for another dictionary. But the height of his noble fancy and invention began now to be seriously and mainly employed in a subject worthy of such a muse, is a heroic poem entitled Paradise Lost. the noblest, in the general esteem of learned and judicious persons, of any yet written by any either ancient or modern.

This subject was first designed to be produced to the world in the form of a tragedy, and in the fourth book of the poem there are six verses, which several years before the poem was begun, were shown to me and some others as designed for the very beginning of the said tragedy. The verses are these. O thou that with surpassing glory crowned Looks from thy sole dominion Like the god of this new world At whose sight all the stars hide the diminished heads

To thee I call But with no friendly voice And at thy name O son To tell thee how I hate thy beams That bring to my remembrance from what state I fell How glorious once above thy sphere two pride and worse ambition threw me down, warring in heaven against heaven's glorious king. There is another very remarkable passage in the composure of this poem, which I have a particular occasion to remember,

for whereas I had the perusal of it from the very beginning, for some years, as I went from time to time, to visit him in a parcel of ten, twenty or thirty verses at a time, which, being written by whatever hand came next, might possibly want correction as to orthography and pointing. Having, as the summer came on, not been showed any for a considerable while, and desiring the reason thereof, was answered that his vein never happily flowed but from the autumnal equinoctial to the vernal, and that whatever he attempted otherwise was never to his satisfaction, though he courted his fancy never so much,

so that in all the year he was about this poem, he may be said to have spent but half his time therein. It was but a little before the king's restoration that he wrote and published his book in defence of a commonwealth. So undaunted he was in declaring his true sentiments to the world, and not long before his power of the civil magistrate in ecclesiastical affairs, and his treatise against hirelings just upon the king's coming over, having a little before been sequestered from his office of Latin Secretary, and the salary there unto belonging. He was forced to leave his house also in petty France, where all the time of his abode there, which was eight years, as above mentioned,

he was frequently visited by persons of quality, particularly by my lady Rainlaw, whose son for some time he had instructed, and by all learned foreigners of note, who could not part out of this city without giving a visit to a person so eminent. And lastly, my particular friends that had a high esteem for him. It is Mr. Andrew Marvell, young Lawrence, the son of him that was president of Oliver's counsel, to whom there is a sonnet among the rest in his printed poems. Mr. Marchmont Needham, the writer of Politicus, but above all Mr. Syriac Skinner, whom he honored with two sonnets, one long since public among his poems, the other but newly printed. His next removal was by the advice of those that wished him well, and had a concern for his

preservation, into a place of retirement and abscondance, till such time as the current of affairs for the future should instruct him what farther course to take. It was a friend's house in Bartholomew close, where he lived till the act of oblivion came forth, which it pleased God proved as favourable to him as could be hoped or expected, through the intercession of some that stood his friends, both in Council and Parliament, particularly in the House of Commons. Mr. Andrew Marwell, a member for Howell, acted vigorously in his behalf, and made a considerable party for him, so that, together with John Goodwin of Coleman Street, he was only so far accepted as not to bear any office in the Commonwealth. Soon after appearing again in public, side note

1662, returned to text. He took a house in Hoburn, near Red Lion Fields, where he stayed not long, before his pardon, having passed the seal, he removed to Jewan Street. There he lived when he married his third wife, recommended to him by his old friend Dr. Padgett in Coleman Street. But he stayed not long after his new marriage, ere he removed to a house in the artillery walk leading to Bunhill Fields. and this was his last stage in this world, but it was of many years continuance, more perhaps than he had had in any other place besides. Here he finished his noble poem

and published it in the year 1666. The first edition was printed in Porto by one Simons, a printer in Aldersgate Street, and a second in a large octavo by Starkey near Temple Bar, amended, enlarged, and differently disposed, as to the number of books, by his own hand, that is by his own appointment, and a third has been set forth many years since his death in a large folio, with cuts added by Jacob Thompson. Here it was also that he finished and published his history of our nation till the conquest, all complete so far as he went. Side note, he published his History of England in the year 1670, returned to text.

Some passages only being accepted, which being thought too sharp against the clergy could not pass the hand of the licenser, were in the hands of the late Earl of Anglesey while he lived, where at present is uncertain. It cannot certainly be concluded when he wrote his excellent tragedy entitled Sampson Agonistis, but sure enough it is that it came forth, after his publication of Paradise Lost, together with his other poem called Paradise Regained, which doubtless was begun and, finished and printed after the other was published, and that in a wonderful short space of time, considering the sublimeness of it. However, it is generally censured to be much inferior to the other, though he could not hear with patience any such thing when related to him. Possibly the subject

may not afford such variety of invention, but it is thought by the most judicious to be little or nothing inferior to the other, for style and decorum. The said Earl of Anglesey, whom he presented with a copy of the unlicensed papers of his history, came often here to visit him, as very much coveting his society and converts, as likewise others of the nobility, and many persons of eminent quality, nor were the visits of foreigners ever more frequent than in this place, almost to his dying day. His treatise of true religion, heresy, schism, and toleration, etc., was doubtless the last thing of his writing that was published before his death. He had, as a I remember prepared for the press an answer to some little scribbling quack in London who had written a scurrilous libel against him,

but whether by the dissuasion of friends, as thinking him a fellow not worth his notice, or for what other cause I know not, this answer was never published. He died in the year 1673, towards the latter end of the summer. Footnote, November 8, 1674. Return to text. and had a very decent interment, according to his quality, in the Church of St. Giles Cripplegate, being attended from his house to the church by several gentlemen then in town, his principal well-wishers and admirers.

He had three daughters who survived him many years, and a son, all by his first wife, of whom sufficient mention hath been made, and, his eldest, as above said, and Mary, his second, who were both born at his house, in Barbican, and Deborah, the youngest, who is yet living, born at his house in Petty France, between whom and his second daughter the son named John was born as above mentioned at his apartment in Scotland Yard. By his second wife, Catherine, the daughter of Captain Woodcock of Hackney, he had only one daughter, of which the mother the first year after her marriage died in childbed,

and the child also within a month after. By his third wife, Elizabeth, the daughter of one Mr. Minchell of Cheshire and Kinswoman to Dr. Patchett, who survived him, and is said to be yet living, he never had any child. And those he had by the first, he made serviceable to him in that very particular in which he most wanted their service, and supplied his want of eyesight by their eyes and tongue. For, though he had daily about him one or other to read to him, some persons of man's estate, who, of their own accord, greedily catched at the opportunity of being as readers, that they might as well reap the benefit of what they read to him as obliged him with the benefit of their reading, others of younger years sent by their parents to the same end,

yet excusing only the eldest daughter by reason of her bodily infirmity and difficult utterance of speech, which to say the truth I doubt was the principal cause of excusing her, the other two were condemned to the performance of reading and exactly pronouncing of all the languages of whatever book he should at one time or other thing fit to peruse. viz, the Hebrew, and I think the Syriac, the Greek, the Latin, Italian, Spanish, and French. All which sorts of books, to be confined to read without understanding one word, must needs to be a trial of patience almost beyond endurance. Yet it was endured by both for a long time. Yet the irksomeness of this employment could not always be concealed, but broke out more and more into expressions of uneasiness,

so that at length they were all, even the eldest also, sent out to learn some curious and ingenious sorts of manufacture that are proper for women to learn, particularly embroideries in gold or silver. It had been happy indeed if the daughters of such a person had been made in some measure inheritxes of their father's learning, but since fate otherwise decreed, the greatest honour that can be ascribed to this now living, and so would have been to the others had they lived, is to be the daughter of a man of his extraordinary character. He is said to have died worth fifteen hundred pounds in money, a considerable estate all things considered, besides household goods, for he sustained such losses as might well have broke any person less frugal and temperate than himself, no less than two thousand pounds,

which he had put for security and improvement into the excise office, but neglecting to recall it in time could never after get it out, with all the power and interest he had in the great ones of those times, besides another great sum by mismanagement and for want of good advice. Thus I have reduced in deformant order whatever I have been able to rally up, either from the recollection of my own memory of things transacted while I was within, or the information of others, equally conversant afterwards, or from his own mouth by frequent visits to the last. I shall conclude this history with two material passages, which, though they relate not immediately to our author or his own particular

concerns, yet in regard that they happened during his public employment of Latin Secretary to the Council of State of the Commonwealth of England, and consequently felt most especially under his cognizance, it will not be amiss here to us have joined them. The first was this. Before the war broke forth between the states of England and the Dutch, the Hollanders sent over three ambassadors in order to an accommodation. But, they returning re-infecta, the Dutch sent away a planopotentiary to offer peace upon much milder terms, or at least to gain more time. But this plenipotentiary could not make such haste, but that the Parliament had procured a copy of their instructions in Holland, which were delivered by our author to his kinsman, who was then with him,

to translate for the Council to view, before the said plenipotentiary had taken shipping for England. and an answer to all he had in charge lay ready for him before he made his public entry into London. In the next place, there came a person with a very sumptuous train, pretending himself an agent from the Prince of Condé, who was then in arms against Cardinal Mazury. The Parliament, mistrusting him, set their instruments so busily at work that in four or five days they have procured intelligence from Paris that he was a spy from King Charles. whereupon, the very next morning our author's kinsman was sent to him, with an order of counsel commanding him to depart the kingdom within three days or expect the punishment of a spy.

By these two remarkable passages, we may clearly discover the industry and good intelligence of those times. End of the Life of Milton, written by his nephew, Mr. Edward Phillips.