Dan Snow's History Hit - How and Why History: Europe's Witch Craze
Episode Date: August 11, 2020In 1597, King James VI of Scotland published a compendium on witchcraft called Daemonologie that laid down the kind of trial and punishment these practices merited. But ...why was there a witch craze in Europe? How were witch hunts triggered? Who were the victims? And why did witch trials spread to America? Rob Weinberg asks the big questions on this dark but fascinating period to Professor Miri Rubin of Queen Mary University of London.
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Hello everyone, welcome to History Hit. It's another takeover, History Hit takeover today.
It's another episode of the How and Why History. It's our new podcast. Please go and subscribe
to that. In this edition, we're talking to the brilliant Mary Rubin. She's been on the
History Hit podcast and so I wanted to get her back on this because you can never have
enough Mary Rubin in your life. We delve deep into that dark time when the witch craze swept across Europe. So why people got so obsessed
with witches and their persecution. If you like this, search How and Why History wherever you get
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But before you do all that,
let's head back to the Middle Ages.
The fearful abounding at this time in this country of these detestable slaves of the devil,
the witches or enchanters, hath moved me, beloved reader, to dispatch in post this following treaties of mine,
to resolve the doubting both that such assaults of Satan are most certainly practiced
and that the instrument thereof merits most severely to be punished.
In 1597, King James VI of Scotland published a compendium on witchcraft called Demonology.
It was also published in England in 1603 when James acceded to the English throne.
James fully believed in magic and witchcraft
and laid down what sort of trial and punishment these practices merited.
A century earlier, the best-known treatise on witchcraft,
the Malleus Maleficarum, endorsed the extermination of witches,
recommending they be tortured to obtain confessions.
But why was there a witch craze in Europe?
What circumstances triggered witch hunts?
Who were the victims?
How did witch trials spread even to America?
To answer the big questions on this dark but fascinating period,
History Hits Rob Weinberg met Professor Mary Rubin
of Queen Mary University of London.
How and why history?
How did the witch hunt craze that took place in Europe come about?
People use the word witch craze and people use the witch hunt.
And hunting was also used in the 17th century,
so I understand why people use it.
And some books have witch craze, some very, very good books have witch craze in their title.
But on the whole, I think it is better to explain the phenomenon as a set of clusters of trials that it is true become almost infectious that is the trying of one person as
which then the interrogation of that person leads under torture very often leads to the divulging
of names of others and hence it grows and grows but the word craze doesn't help when we're trying to discern how a system of law, of justice, of what was in place
at the time is actually operating as it were, as it ought. So rather than an aberration,
it's better to think about it as what caused this continued and inexorable pursuit of people in the name of witchcraft.
I know it may seem a subtle difference, but I think it helps us.
And it wasn't everywhere, and it wasn't for very long periods.
It was nonetheless absolutely cruel, appalling, and an absolute blot on European history, but which craze gives the
wrong impression in terms of the structured manner in which a whole lot of these proceedings
actually took place. So how did it start? Let's start by thinking about magic. Let's think about magic as
procedures and the ideas related to them that try to harness the powers of nature,
the powers of the world as it is understood by a given community in order to secure health, to rid from illness,
to acquire some sort of advantage in love, in battle. And in every society, and definitely
in European societies, there are people who develop a sort of expertise, although a sort of low level of, let's say, magical activity
can happen in every household. You know, strewing the bed of newlyweds with fragrant herbs,
is that magic? Is that just nice housekeeping? So there is a way in which a low level of this sort
of particular insight into the properties
of natural things and the mobilization of them is available very, very widely in households
and communities throughout Europe.
But within a Christian context, these magical activities often also mobilize materials and
practices that are specifically Christian.
So, for example, people taking blessed water away from the church
and having some at home and using it together with healing practices
or blessing practices or fructifying your fields practices.
That's Christian magic, but of a very low level
and nobody's going to persecute people for this type of activity on its own. One might even say
that the church encouraged it in giving people holy bread to take away or allowing holy water
to be used is something that even acquired a name.
It's not sacraments, it's sacramentals, sacramentalia.
So it's against this background routine activity that we might call magic, the use of snippets of prayers, the invocation of angels and protectors, and indeed saints.
That is a form of Christian magic that's very widely
known. Now throughout the medieval centuries and particularly from around 1100 on there develops a
very robust sense developed by theologians and experts in Christian law about what is right and
what is wrong religion.
So there is the University of Paris, there's a court in Rome, there are people whose job it is,
as it were, to define good practice and less good practice. And one very famous, wonderful historian,
R.I. Moore, wrote a book which he called The Formation of a Persecuting Society.
And once you're starting to look at
practices that are right or wrong and copying them out into books that priests can use,
what do you do with these sort of practices? So they occasionally get identified. Certain types
of manipulation of materials and uses of prayers or uses of holy materials, does get decried as being fanciful or being dangerous
because it can lead people to be invoking powers that are not fully godly powers.
So occasionally, for example, Jews who fail the test of orthodoxy, are also accused of having connection with the devil.
Heretics are also deemed to be associated doing some sort of form of
not white but black magic. So there's a beginning of an association of magical
activities that are not benign, that are maleficium, maleficent, doing bad in the world,
and doing bad not through the procedures that God has ordained, but through the invocation of the devil.
Now, in the 15th century, this comes together in a very, very big way.
And it's just recent, very recent, last few decades of research that have truly shown us that something very
special happens in the 15th century, whereby magic becomes diabolized. There's much, much more
suspicion and discussion of the ways in which these women, who are, as it were, blessing,
etc., are actually making pacts with the devil. And a whole lot of traditions,
the traditions of carnival and the world upside down, the traditions of the theology around the
operation of the devil in the world, because the devil exists, Satan exists, this is not something
that does not exist, it does exist in the Christian imagination. All of this gets developed,
and it's often developed by the same sort of scholars, often
members of the Dominican order, the leading intellectuals of Europe, who were also very
often inquisitors charged with prosecuting suspects of heresy.
By the mid-15th century, a number of really, really important texts have been written which
systematize knowledge of witchcraft, not the benign type, but diabolical witchcraft, into
a thing.
Into a thing where they meet the devil, they go off and meet the devil at night, and that
is the idea of the Sabbath, the Sabbath that develops, which is quite a
different thing from the sort of suspicions around women maybe using plants or other preparations
in order to affect certain types of results. And it's from that association that all the energy
of the Catholic Church, which has hitherto been directed
as heretics according to their various theological beliefs, are now directed at witches as a very
particular and really, really nasty form of heresy, which is in direct interlocution with the devil, which rejects the power of God and seeks to be servants. They
worship the devil rather than God himself. So what were the kinds of circumstances that
would tend to trigger a so-called witch hunt? So the first examples of spectacular trials,
trials of more than one person,
trials that end up in capital punishment, that are much touted and written upon, are from the 15th century.
We have a cluster of them in what would be northern France, Belgium of today, in Arras.
And we have another cluster of them in the valleys,
those very beautiful green valleys of Switzerland of
today.
And in both cases it's about people behaving in a way that is suspicious in terms of the
now existing definition of witchcraft, of unusual preaching, of affecting harm in some big way.
So it's about the affecting of harm to animals, to children, to individuals. Now, I should just
say that even before the development of the fully flung idea of the diabolical witch. There was a syndrome in Europe, in the courts of Europe,
that is, rulers who suspected that in their courts,
witchcraft was used to undermine them,
to poison them, to kill their heirs.
And we have quite a few examples, in England as well,
in the 15th century, of such cases.
But everything is ramped up
really in a very, very big way in the 15th century. What also happens in the 15th century,
following the development of this new idea of diabolical witchcraft, which gets codified,
which is in handbooks, most famously the very great handbook of the later part of that century called The Hammer
of Witches, the Malleus Maleficarum, which is written by a Dominican, which systematizes exactly
how to recognize what they do. What's very important there is that there's a great fascination
with the role of women in witchcraft. What we soon get, within a decade or two, we start getting artists producing
images, imagery, great artists, Albrecht Dürer, Hans Baldung Green, who are now imagining what
does a witch look like? I mean, literally, sometimes on the broom, flying through the sky,
sometimes naked and lascivious with wild hair and private parts
exposed, sometimes a wizened ugly old woman. But now there is also a visual component to
witchcraft and its dangers and you know these are major artists whose prints and so on do spread quite widely. So there is a growing familiarity
with and also a knowledge of how to act upon suspicions of witchcraft that then come together.
And when you add to that that 16th and 17th century Europe sees some of the most fraught
debates about religion, wars of religion after all,
and of course accusations for witchcraft happen in Catholic countries as well as
Protestant countries, this is what's so very interesting, and it becomes part of
the operation of the state to protect its people. Then there is the potential
of this happening. Now there
have been scholars who tried to relate the chronology of the trials, for example
the very very famous and horrific trials in Franconia in the 1610-20s to
particularly bad weather, particular plague, particular calamity and so on.
And, you know, sometimes that works quite well.
But above all, what's really interesting is the way it is basically a legal system working through its own logic.
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Were witch hunts ever used to intimidate or victimise political opponents?
Absolutely, yes. So, political opponents is a grand word, but we commonly find, and this is true also of accusations of heresy,
and I'm emphasizing again and again, that witchcraft develops as a form of heresy,
is understood and is treated as a form of heresy. So it's not uncommon, particularly in German
cities, to find that the accused is someone who was in competition on the town council or perhaps in commercial
competition and as it were a struggle or a feud then is translated into an accusation also of
maleficent magic or the use of witchcraft or the association with witchcraft. But most of the cases, definitely
in England, usually arise from much lower the social scale in neighborhood situations. Hence,
one of the most important books about witch persecution, witch trials, is Robin Briggs's
wonderful book, Witches and Neighbors, because it is about how the neighbourhood environment,
the sort of competition, the squabbles,
the suspicion that somebody has cast an evil eye,
if you believe that an evil eye is a thing, upon you.
And Keith Thomas, the very greatest, almost influential of British historians of
witchcraft, developed an interesting theory, which has then been ramified and modified,
but still has a really interesting core to it in his great book, Religion and the Decline of Magic
of 1971, where he says that an accusation of magic can actually be an expression of guilt.
Somebody you've fallen out with, a poor person you have maybe wronged
or been less than charitable towards, and then something happens,
and you suspect that it is then.
And then, of course, you look for the signs, and you find the signs,
because when you look, you find.
And the very famous case in
Lancashire in 1612, the Pendle witch trial, is sort of that type, begins really with an accusation,
a peddler who refused to sell pins to a young woman and then he goes his way and he immediately
stumbles and has a stroke, but he survives just
well enough to say she probably cast the spell upon him. And she says no, but his son brings
evidence and ultimately 12 people end up in the Assizes, 10 of whom are hung. And that's quite
unusual for England. And that's really interesting, that whole period of the very late Elizabethan,
immediately after Elizabeth, particularly under James I, he was very preoccupied with religion in general.
He believed that it existed. He believed that it was also used politically.
He definitely believed that those who were machinating against him in Scotland did use magic in order to capsize a ship he was on or other type of harm.
And he legislated, in his first year he legislated the act against sorcery that actually defines it
as a capital crime. So he was interested both intellectually, personally, and that created
an atmosphere where quite a lot of the justices of the peace and people involved in
trying occasionally when there were witchcraft cases were sort of emboldened or felt obliged
to take this further. That seems very much to be the case with the justices of the peace,
both in York and in Lancaster, who tried the Pendle witches. So this was something they had
to take very seriously, even if in another context they might have not. So again, so we see this issue of the witch trial clusters. It's not something that's everywhere in
Europe. It's not at the same time all over Europe. It's a potentiality embedded in law,
because there are now laws both in the Holy Roman Empire and in England. Throughout,
there are laws against sorcery. There's a machinery. It occupies the imagination,
not least through the visual representations. It's out there. So we find these extraordinary
clusters. And there's also, in the case of the German, particularly the Franconian cases in the
early 17th century, it's also the way the law operates, Roman law, which was repromulgated by Emperor Charles V, with many, many, many clauses about
trying witchcraft and all the difficulties around it, about evidence, about torture and so on.
And the system of torture produces confessions and produces denunciations of other people. That's
partly why it cannot stop. Now, in England, torture did not operate
in that manner. And it's very interesting in the 1640s in Essex, well, in East Anglia,
not just Essex, but mostly in Essex, when the guy, the self-appointed witch finder general,
Matthew Hopkins, develops a reputation. He's a Puritan, a local from Suffolk, son of a clergyman.
And he becomes known as the go-to guy when you have, because, you know, a township doesn't know what to do.
Panningtree, Albra, what do you do with these accusations?
He becomes the expert and he tries these trials and he gets paid for them as well and he writes tracts about them.
So he spreads the news as well.
So people know about this being a thing beyond
the localities. So then somewhere else, when the conditions are right, people have that
knowledge because they've read the pamphlet, these widespread pamphlets, very cheap pamphlets
about the operation of the trial. So in England, all this is happening in the middle of the
Civil War. The discoverer never
travelled far for it, but in March 1644, he had some seven or eight of that horrible sect of
witches living in the town where he lived, a town in Essex called Manningtree, with divers other
adjacent witches of other towns, who every six weeks in the night, being always on the Friday night, had their
meeting close by his house, and had their several solemn sacrifices there offered to
the devil. One of which this discoverer heard speaking to her imps one night, and bid them
go to another witch, who was thereupon apprehended and searched by women who had for many years
known the devil's marks, and found to have three teats
about her which honest women have not so upon command from the justice they were to keep her
from sleep two or three nights expecting in that time to see her familiars which the fourth night
she called in by their several names the first she called wasolt, who came in like a white kitling. Jarmara, who came in
like a fat spaniel without any legs at all. She said she kept him fat, for she clapped her hand
on her belly and said he sucked good blood from her body. Vinegar Tom, who was like a long-legged
greyhound, with a head like an ox, with a long tail and broad eyes who when this discoverer spoke
to and bade him go to the place provided for him and his angels immediately transformed himself
into the shape of a child of four years old without a head and gave half a dozen turns
about the house and vanished at the door think in in a civil war, people suspecting each other,
communities riven, families riven,
how the language of accusation and witchcraft can be deployed.
So there's a lot of business to somebody who's willing to be very self-righteous
and a know-all like him to make that operate.
And that's the real context.
And some witches were even suspected of being spies for the other side, the royalists
or the Puritans. Rather than saying
a European thing that happens everywhere, the features are very different.
It can be Catholic or Protestant, it can be in the hundreds
or even thousands like in Franconia or in the tens.
It can be areas where nobody, you don't get it at all,
like Spain. Most of central and southern Spain, it just doesn't exist. Very, very little in Italy.
Areas where there are men accused as well as women, like for example in the Netherlands,
in Scandinavia, in the Baltic. So all of this is to make very, very complicated, as it ought to be across the whole continent,
a phenomenon that in the public imagination is very much witch hunt, and we totally understand what it's about.
And then witch trials spread to America, most famously Salem.
So again, we have to think of these communities in New England, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, as being really these are English people.
English people have settled, who have only very, very recently, like I think about a year before the trials, had actually become part of the British dominions, as it were, governed by a British governor, part of the British Empire, we might say.
a British governor, part of the British Empire, we might say.
And all of this introduces a whole lot of changes to lives of the community at Salem,
which was a rural community outside Salem town, which is a harbour.
I mean, it's a port.
So there are a lot of things happening.
And since the 1970s, historians have been probing.
The archives are very, very, very rich of the trials.
And it begins with a group of teenage women.
What were they doing?
Some form of divination,
some form of guessing who their husband might be.
Married women get involved.
A householder gets involved, observing these women.
What's going on?
Who's leading whom
astray and the accusations proliferate into sort of tens of people, young and old.
So very young women, nubile women and very old women.
I think Rebecca Nurse was 71 when she was executed.
You can see her barn, it's still there outside Salem.
But again, by that point
in the late 17th century, what's really interesting, there is already the critique of the trial
as the trial is going on. Most famously, Cotton Mather, who is a most extraordinary writer,
clergyman, theologian, and his own mother was tried for witchcraft.
And he just is appalled by the instability of evidence,
the changing of evidence.
There's this poor indigenous woman, Tituba, who gets investigated.
And they run circles around her and confuse her as they investigate her.
And ultimately she confesses.
If we're looking for what are the pressures, what are the tensions
that cause this type of a community to turn against itself.
So some historians have claimed that actually the incorporation
into the British sphere and the many commercial opportunities
involved in the East India Company and so on that developed with it
meant that the part of
Salem community that were more involved in manufacture and trade and therefore
were more connected to the new prosperity of Salem town were accused
often by those who were the more let's call them the left behind those who were
living more traditional lives and did not feel incorporated.
So there's a quite neat geographical structure in terms of who accuses whom.
But then a most wonderful historian came and also emphasised the way in which anxiety and trauma affected these communities.
These are communities that are constantly fighting for their survival with indigenous people, where there are raids, where
there's constant warfare also within the north with French America, New
France, that these are unstable and scary lives and therefore the idea that people
are plotting and maybe making pacts with the devil to the detriment of the
community would be very scary indeed to its leaders.
And of course, above all, the issue of women and gender just operating fully and magnificently
really.
There are a few men who are accused, but it's mostly women of every age and every position.
But even as a trial is happening, the critique of it is already being written and pamphlets
are circulating in critique.
And indeed once the governor gets involved and once the commission looks into it, then
it dies down.
The accusations are not strong enough to uphold all the denunciations that were made.
So here is an interesting point which is like European magic going global, that is to say,
what happens with people's traditional beliefs about magic when they go and they settle in the
very precarious, the very scary, the very guilt-inducing, the very traumatizing situation of conquest and colonization.
And we can see that in other parts of the world as well.
There's been very interesting work about witchcraft trials in Manila, in the Spanish Philippines.
And the people who are most vulnerable are always the indigenous people.
Even if they've become Christian, the indigenous people
who have that local knowledge,
those traditions that Europeans don't quite understand.
And now I think historians are really recognising
this global dimension in the study of witchcraft,
so we're in for some very exciting new research.
Miri Rubin, thank you for joining us.
My pleasure.
How and why history? you