Dan Snow's History Hit - Moscow's Communist Dorm
Episode Date: April 29, 2020In 1931, an enormous apartment building was completed in Moscow. Challenging the Kremlin for architectural supremacy on the Moskva River, it was the largest residential building in Europe, combin...ing 505 furnished apartments with every modern luxury - a cinema, library, tennis court and shooting range. But the residents of this monstrous tower block were no ordinary Russians. They were the top Communist officials - many of whom were taken from this building and destroyed in Stalin’s purges. Yuri Slezkine, a professor from the University of California, has trawled through the letters, diaries and interviews of these residents. He joins me on the pod to offer a fascinating glimpse into the heart of Soviet terror tactics. For ad free versions of our entire podcast archive and hundreds of hours of history documentaries, interviews and films, including our new in depth documentary about some of the greatest speeches ever made in the House of Commons, please signup to www.HistoryHit.TV We have got a flash sale on at the moment for the next few days: Use code 'pod3' at checkout for your first month free and the following THREE months for just £/$1 per month.
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Hello everyone, welcome to Dan Snow's History Hit.
We're talking Russia. We're talking the Russian Revolution.
Well, actually, we're talking the Russian Revolution's aftermath
and the rule of Lenin and Stalin right up to the Second World War and beyond.
It's through the lens of one particular building. It's called the House of Government.
Yuri Slezkin is the professor of Russian history at the University of California in Berkeley. He has
just written a book about a fascinating building that sits on the banks of the river that runs
through the centre of Moscow, opposite the Kremlin. Basically, it was built as a unique
experiment, trying to house all the senior Soviet officials, policy makers, and a few Soviet heroes,
all under one roof. you'll be surprised to learn
that it was an experiment that didn't last that long it makes for a fascinating lens for which
to view the russian revolution as aftermath for those of you want to listen to back episodes of
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so if you want to donate please go to history.com slash heritage thank you very much for coming on the podcast. You're welcome. Why did you decide
to tell the story of these tumultuous years, the Russian Revolution and beyond, through the
portrait of this house? It's a huge house. It's a very well-known building. And it happened to contain most top members of the Soviet elite,
political, cultural, military, and so on.
It was in some important ways representative.
It was the largest residential building in Europe at the time.
It was built in the early 1930s.
And it had about 505 apartments. It was unique
anywhere in the world in rather containing a whole government, indeed the government of the
largest country in the world, under the same roof. Ministers known in the Soviet Union as people's commissars lived as neighbors right next to each other.
And they eventually, mostly six or so years after moving in, were taken away to be interrogated and executed together.
Or rather separately put from the same building down the same elevator.
So it was a very compelling place.
And of course, one other advantage for a historian is that it had lots of documents that I could find,
you know, private archives, institutional archives,
heirs to the people who lived there, who kept photo albums, and so on. So I knew I
would find enough material to write a book. So start me at the beginning. The Soviet government
decided to build a gigantic accommodation block for its key workers. Yes. Was it an existing
Tsarist palace or anything? Or did they just start afresh? No, they started afresh.
They actually gave it a lot of thought.
They wanted to create a lot of public spaces, and they did.
And so the building had a cafeteria, a grocery store, a walk-in clinic, child care center, beauty salon, post office, telegraph, movie theater, theater, laundry, library, tennis court,
and so on and so forth. The idea was that the residents would spend their entire lives inside
that building. So they thought about it. They thought about what communism actually meant
in terms of space. And they did it. They weren't happy with it, and no one really was.
No one thought it looked good, but it worked for a while,
and it's still a monument.
Why did they want to do it?
Did they want to do it because they were worried about the effect
of the luxurious accommodation on the mines of the higher echelons of the revolution?
Or was it managerial or was it ideological?
Well, it was first of all practical because most members of the Soviet government,
having moved to Moscow after the Civil War, moved into old hotels,
which had been converted into so-called houses of Soviets, where these people
lived in hotel rooms, more or less communally, visiting each other, drinking strong tea,
smoking cheap tobacco, having love affairs, and so on. And it was felt that they needed a more
permanent place to stay that in some ways coincided with the history of the Russian Revolution in general.
So the sort of transitional period was followed by a period of permanence.
The revolution was there to stay.
Those people were mature adults.
They started out as very young revolutionaries.
They had families.
They started having children.
And so they needed a place to stay.
And so some people started thinking about what it could be, what it should look like, what it should consist of, and so on and so forth.
So it was practical, and then given the practical need, it was also ideological and aesthetic. You know, if these people are the leaders of the world revolution,
how should they actually live as neighbors,
live as fathers, as brothers, and so on?
And so they gave it some thought, there were some discussions,
and they ended up building what many people in Moscow today,
and indeed at the time,
considered one of the ugliest buildings in the city.
Inside the building, the conflict that arose, because conflict always does when you put us
humans in one place, was it ideological and political, or was it disagreements over who
was using too much hot water and who had the nicest balconies?
Well, most of the men, the actual party functionaries who received apartments in the building spent very little time there.
So whatever conflicts they were having, and they were having a lot, they were having at work in various people's commissariats in the Kremlin or elsewhere.
They would only come home mostly at about 3 or 4 a.m.
home mostly at about 3 or 4 a.m. They would sleep until noon and then they would be driven by their drivers back to their people's commissariats. So the people who were actually using all those
facilities were the children. So the building really belonged to the children and whatever
conflict took place inside the building, you know, was quarrels among the children and occasionally
among maids, because most of the mothers were at work also, and the people actually staying there
during the day, particularly when the children were in school, were maids. Very few grown-ups
used the many facilities that were built there for sort of collective living.
And when the troubles of the 1930s occurred and the purges started, how was that enacted against the backdrop of this huge building?
Well, you could hear cars pulling up pretty much every night.
In the mid-30s, there were about 2,600 people living
in that building. About 800 of them were arrested, evicted one way or another. About 350
ended up being executed, mostly the men. You're looking at the terror from that building.
executed, mostly the men. Looking at the terror from that building, what you could hear were the cars pulling up, the heavy footsteps of secret police agents on the stairway, the doorbells
ringing, sometimes the screams of the people being taken away or their wives and children crying.
of the people being taken away or their wives and children crying. And what you could see were brown seals on the doors outside, because after the search and after the family was evicted,
secret police agents would seal those apartments or would seal individual rooms within some of
those apartments. But then after a while, new people would move in.
It was people moving in, moving out, or being taken out, new people moving in.
It was constant movement.
And you could hear it, you could see it, you worried about it,
you waited for them to come, and then they would come, and in some cases they wouldn't.
them to come and then they would come and in some cases they wouldn't.
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were the residents active participants as well as passive recipients
were there people trying to get ahead of it were there people denouncing other people in the
building was there an attempt to you know identify your neighbors as people worthy of being purged? Not really that I know of. Since the
residents, at least the male residents, the so-called responsible leaseholders, were top
party and state officials, in some cases secret police officials, they obviously participated in the terror directly, one way or
another, by writing those decrees or by purging their employees and their commissariats, in some
cases by presiding over the whole campaign, because the head of the Gulag, the labor camp
administration, lived in that building. So, obviously obviously these people were involved as both the organizers,
administrators, and victims. And it could be the same people being one and then the other. But
most of the arrests resulted from decrees describing general groups of targets. They weren't based on particular individual
denunciations within that building or indeed at work. It was the job of the secret police to
decide basically whom to arrest after a certain decree was issued. And the higher up you were in the hierarchy,
the greater the danger.
And since that building contained some of the top officials,
the proportion of those arrested and executed
was probably greater than in any other house
in the Soviet Union.
And what would happen to the families?
Were families taken as well, or were the women and children just simply thrown out of the families? Were families taken as well or were
the women and children just simply thrown out of the house? Was provision made for them?
Some women were arrested as targets in their own right, but most were sent mostly for eight years
to special camps for family members of traitors to the motherland, they were called, where they would spend eight years plus
another 10 or so in exile before coming back old, sick, broken, disoriented, unwanted, really,
and unloved to their children's new apartments. Small children could be adopted by their grandparents, other relatives,
or sometimes nannies. All of them had nannies, virtually every family had maids. So they were
adopted by family members, or if there were none willing to do so, they were sent to orphanages.
willing to do so, they were sent to orphanages. So quite a few children were sent to orphanages throughout the Soviet Union. Can you rehearse the reasons why Stalin declared war on senior
officials, and more frankly on many officials and state and non-state actors in the 1930s?
What was the cause of the severity and the extent of
these purges? Well, the immediate cause was the assassination of a central committee member named
Kirov, who was the head of the Leningrad party organization. So that was the immediate cause. But generally, it was done in the expectation
of a great war. The party and Stalin in particular were expecting a war. And after the Kirov
assassination, they panicked. And so there was what is sometimes referred to as a moral panic,
or if you will, a witch hunt that started slowly and then kept accelerating, snowballing. It was
basically the Bolsheviks as a party. I describe them as a sect, as a millenarian apocalyptic
sect, which is to say a faith-based community in conflict with the world.
They were, to begin with, a besieged fortress.
They thought of themselves as being besieged by enemies.
They described their country as a besieged fortress.
And then in the mid-1930s, you didn't really have to be a Bolshevik to see the Soviet Union as a besieged fortress
with, you know, Germany rising in the west, Japan in the east. And so what happened was a kind of
moral panic and the desperate desire to purify the ranks, to get rid of potential traitors or real
traitors or whatnot. It didn't really matter
whether those people accused of committing various heinous crimes had committed them.
What mattered is whether they were trustworthy. And of course, a lot of them were not. A lot of
them, actually, a lot of the victims didn't think of themselves as entirely innocent because they
had sinned against the party in their
hearts or in their thoughts. We're all sinners. Can I ask, was Kirov's assassination a sort of
one-off crazy moment or was it part of a deeper conspiracy? No, it was a crazy moment. It was
believed for a while that it was an assassination ordered by Stalin. But from what we know today, it wasn't.
It was done by a lone disgruntled individual.
And that added to this sense of being surrounded by enemies.
Again, that is very common in such apocalyptic communities
that keep purifying their ranks.
It certainly is.
Now, what happened to this gigantic apartment block
through the war and then through Stalin's later period in office
and his successors?
It's still there.
It is no longer called the House of Government,
which was one of its official names in the 1930s.
It is now known throughout Russia and certainly to most Muscovites,
as the House on the Embankment,
because of a novel written in the 1970s by Yuri Trifonov about it,
by a writer who actually grew up there in the 1930s.
It's still there. It's as ugly as ever.
It's huge. It's gray. It's centrally located diagonally across the river, Moscow River from the Kremlin and directly across the river from
Russia's largest church, the Cathedral of Christ the Savior. So that building has remained, but what changed is that it is no longer the house
of government in name, and it's really most government members moved elsewhere after the
terror. So it lost its status, its position, its symbolic importance after the terror, and certainly
after the war. During the war, all the residents were
evacuated and then those who returned were not the same top officials. They were officials for
the most part, but not the same kind, not the same status. Then after the fall of the Soviet Union,
since it's again, as I say, not the prettiest building in the world, but you do get
great views from the windows. Since it's across the river from the Kremlin, you can see the Kremlin.
You have commanding views of Moscow from the top floor. So it became popular among the nouveau riche,
among some foreign executives who moved to Russia in the 1990s. So it got a new lease on life. But what changed again is the view
from that building. So it's not only the residents who changed, but also what those residents could
see, because the largest church in Russia, the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, was blown up by Stalin to give way to the ultimate
public building of all time, the Palace of Soviets. Symbolically enough, that palace was never built.
It was just a huge foundation pit for a number of years. And then they filled that pit with water
and it became the largest outdoor swimming pool in the Soviet Union, perhaps in the world.
And then after the fall of the Soviet Union, the cathedral was rebuilt. So you could see
the sort of historic change from the windows of that building that was meant to be the first
building quote unquote of communist domesticity,
but really never was. So the building never worked in the function that was hoped, I suppose. But
is it possible to draw any conclusions? Did the experiment yield any results in terms of the
unprecedented, well, not unprecedented, I suppose, Louis XIV stuffed all his senior ministers into Versailles.
But in terms of this experiment of putting senior officials and their families into the same building,
is it possible to draw any conclusions from that experiment?
No, I don't think so.
Because as I said, the actual government officials did not really interact as neighbors. They did live
under the same roof and their children did interact as neighbors and friends, but their
children belong to a different generation and a different world. I mean, that experiment can be
seen, the experiment of the revolution itself, the fate of those people can be witnessed
inside that building. But only if you look at different apartments really one at a time.
But there was not much significance politically to having most members of the government live in the same apartment building.
If anything, it perhaps created some sense of bitterness outside the building,
because there they were, you know, you could see the cars,
you could see better dressed children and women and so on.
So there was a sense that the elite was living in a special location
something that wasn't supposed to happen under communism so generally speaking it repeated the
old story of better off people or more successful people moving closer to each other as you can see
in various places various cities in the world here was just the extreme case
of them actually moving into the same building
well it's a fascinating metaphor
if that's the right word
for the revolution and the terror
and what followed
thank you very much
the book is called
The House of Government
A Saga of the Russian Revolution
go and buy it everybody
it's fascinating stuff
thank you so much for coming on the podcast.
Thank you very much.
I hope you enjoyed the podcast.
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