Dan Snow's History Hit - The Origins of English
Episode Date: August 7, 2021Approximately 1.35 billion people use it, either as a first or second language, so English and the way that we speak it has a daily impact on huge numbers of people. But how did the English language d...evelop? In this episode from our sibling podcast Gone Medieval, Cat Jarman spoke to Eleanor Rye, an Associate Lecturer in English Language and Linguistics at the University of York. Using the present-day language, place names and dialects as evidence, Ellie shows us how English was impacted by a series of migrations.
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Hi everyone, welcome to Dan Snow's History Hit. Great to have you listening. On this
episode of the podcast, I'm going to play one of our sibling podcasts, Gone Medieval.
It's presented by the very brilliant Cat Charmin, who you listen to on this channel several
times. You'll also have seen on History Hit TV if you're a subscriber, historyhit.tv.
One of the most watched ever shows on that channel is me and Cat Charmin on the trailer
of the great heathen army, the Viking army that almost, almost
defeated Alfred in the late ninth century, but not quite. Anyway, Kat Charman's got her own podcast
in the History Hit family. It's called Gone Medieval. And on this episode, she talks about
English. English is a bit of a thing. 1.35 billion people use it as a first or second language.
Lots of people learning it as we speak. And some of them I hear listen to this podcast,
try and improve their English. So for those of you listening, thank you very much. Indeed, lots of people learning it as we speak. And some of them I hear listen to this podcast,
try and improve their English. So for those of you listening, thank you very much. Indeed,
it must have been a nightmare for you over the last few months because of my dental work when I spoke very bad English, but I'm getting there now. I think I'm getting back in the game now.
Dr. Kat Jarman spoke to Eleanor Rye. She's a lecturer in English language and linguistics
at the University of York, which is the place to do it, to be honest. Don't forget the first great writer of English, Bede, came from the
Northeast. So York is the place to study it and think about it. And I wanted to share this podcast
with you because it's just so fascinating. Ellie is so brilliant at talking about how the language
and dialects and place names and using all that evidence to show how English has been impacted by
waves of migration. Absolutely
fascinating stuff. So enjoy this episode of the podcast. Go and check out Gone Medieval when
you're finished. Also check out historyhit.tv. It's my digital history channel. It's growing
all the time. Thank you to everyone who's subscribing. And you can head over there,
historyhit.tv. You get a month for free if you sign up now. But in the meantime, everyone,
here's Kat Jarman and Eleanor Rye. Enjoy.
Welcome, Ellie, and thanks for joining me today.
Hi, Kat. It's lovely to be here.
Now, I do realise that this is a pretty huge topic and one that you teach at university level over a whole term or more. So thanks for agreeing to come along and give us a sort of crash course
in the next half hour or so.
No problem. You're very welcome.
So first of all, so I'm an archaeologist and I work on very physical objects put out to the ground.
So I wanted to start a little bit with the basics.
Can you just explain to us really, how do we actually study the development and evolution of a language,
especially if we haven't always got a very representative selection of
written sources? Yeah, so that's a good question. So, well, one thing we can do is use all the
evidence we have available to us. So that might mean going back to the earlier stages of the
language we have records for. So if we're talking about English, we've got English recorded in
texts, in snippets from the 8th century, and we've got much more extensive
records from the 9th century and later. But that already takes us over a thousand years back into
the history of English. And in fact, we can go back earlier than this in the case of the manuscript
evidence and the writings in the Latin alphabet. Those come in after Christianity. So they come in
from more or less the century and
later. But we can go a little bit earlier than that. So we can look at things like runic
inscriptions, which we've got from the 6th, maybe even from the 5th century. We can do other things
too. We can look at things like names that might be recorded in other written traditions. I'm not
going to give you an English example here, but we could take the example of names
from Britain that are recorded in Roman period sources.
So we haven't got many written representations of that language, but we have got some evidence
for it in names recorded elsewhere in Latin or Greek documents.
But the other thing we can do is what we term in linguistics as reconstruction.
So the main method that's quite useful in the history of English is what we call comparative
reconstruction.
In this method, we look at systematic correspondences between forms in related languages.
So if we take an example, we'll take the English word father as an example, we could look at
other words in related languages, so related Germanic languages like Icelandic or like
German.
We have the form Icelandic fadir, we have German fader.
Looking at these, we'd say, okay, there's something in common. They all start with an initial first
sound. They've got a final r sound. And then in the middle, there's something which it's a little
bit tricky to work out from the modern forms, but it's going to be a ter or a der. And combining
this with our earlier knowledge of these different languages, we can come up with a reconstructed form of fader. So we can bring together the different available
evidence we have for the languages and we compare this cross-linguistically and work
out what the most likely ancestral form would have been.
So it's a bit of a sort of jigsaw puzzle then, so having some of the written sources
and some sort of detective work of just pulling apart what we're doing today, essentially.
Yeah, absolutely. We've got lots of different sources available to us. And people have been
studying this kind of thing for a long period of time as well. So we kind of bring together
all the evidence we've got to bear on the question.
So let's go on to English then properly and the Middle Ages. So if we go right back to the sort
of start of the medieval period, so maybe around about 500s or so. So we've got some Germanic
speaking people here. And when
people are coming into this country, what sort of languages are they faced with? What do they
meet? What would be here at that time? So we know that Germanic speaking migrants turn up before
about 500. And there would have been at least a couple of languages they would have encountered
across most of Britain. And we have kind of two subgroupings
of these languages. We have the languages which we term Brittonic, that's the languages like Welsh
and Cornish and Breton. We have another subgrouping which we can term Goidelic. This is languages like
Irish, like Scots Gaelic and like Manx. The most significant in terms of what Germanic speaking
migrants come into is going to be the platonic group of languages.
So an early form of the language that will ultimately develop into languages like Welsh and Cornish is going to be spoken across most of England, lots of Scotland, Wales, Cornwall too.
And this is the language that the Germanic migrants are going to come into the closest contact with.
The Greydelic languages are going to be important at a later stage. These are being spoken in Ireland,
in the west coast of Scotland, the Isle of Man. We can come onto this later, but for the purposes of
earlier period, it's the Bretonic languages which are most significant.
There's also quite a big question about whether people are still speaking Latin. So,
it used to be thought that Latin in the Roman period was
basically restricted to the most Romanised settings. So to Roman towns, to the elite,
to people in the army. Those are the people we thought would be speaking Latin. Everyone else,
we thought, well, they're just carrying on speaking this British language, this early Britonic language. And to some extent, we still think this is true.
So particularly in Western Britain, we think that people pretty much always carried on speaking
British. It's been suggested in more recent years that in parts of the country, people might have
been actually speaking Latin. And this really only applies to the southeast of England, where this might have been true. And one reason that this is quite
interesting is that there are lots of early Latin loanwords in Old English. The problem is that we're
not quite sure when they were borrowed. So we know that Germanic speakers came into contact with
people speaking Latin at some point, but actually, we know they came into contact with them at lots
of different times. So we think there were Germanic speaking soldiers in the Roman army. We know there would have been
trade and other kinds of contact. So the question is, it's a tricky question working out whether
these Latin loan words are borrowed into a kind of very early form of what would go on to be English
in a much earlier period, or whether some of them might have been borrowed in Britain. And that's quite an interesting question, because we do find some
place name evidence for Latin words being associated with Latin remains in place names.
So it's kind of one thing that might be taking place. But after I've said all of that, the
evidence is actually pretty inconclusive. So we don't have very widespread evidence that place names were ever
being given in Latin. I think of the names from Roman period sources, only about 8% of them are
in Latin. So there isn't really much evidence for widespread use of Latin in naming. So the
evidence is pretty inconclusive. There might have been some spoken Latin, but we can't really be
sure either way. Okay, so these Germanic people
then coming in, can you tell me a little bit more about who they were and that sort of early impact
that they had? Sure. So the Romans withdrew officially from Britain in the early 5th century,
so by 409 or 410, they'd kind of officially given up claims to Britain and into this power vacuum we think
Germanic speaking migrants came. So we've talked already a little bit about the Germanic languages
so what we mean by this is people speaking an early form of the language family that includes
English and Norwegian and German and Dutch and so on. So we think that Germanic migrants exploited this power vacuum and started
settling in England. We have some idea about where they came from, from kind of two kinds of sources,
one of which is the evidence of what English is like in general. So we know English is most
closely related to other languages spoken around the North Sea. So we think this is
the most likely point where these Germanic speaking migrants came from. These are the
most likely places. The other thing is that we do have evidence from later writers. So Bede writing
in the 8th century, so he's about 300, 200, 300 years later than this is all meant to be happening.
He tells us about his understanding of the situation and he associates
the migrants with different groups of people who are in the kind of North Sea world. And he tells
us that there are three groups of people. He tells us about a group called the Jutes and as their
name implies, they're generally associated with Jutland, so part of the kind of westernmost part
of what is now Denmark. And these people are meant to have settled in Kent, in the Isle of Wight,
and in some parts of Hampshire. Then we get reference to the Angles, and these people are
meant to have settled in East Anglia, in Northumbria, and in the Midlands. And the Anglians
are meant to have come from a little bit south of the
Jutes, so the kind of North German, Southern Danish area. And then finally, we get reference
to a group of people called the Saxons. And these Saxons are meant to have been kind of a little bit
further to the south still on the North Sea coast. And they're meant to have settled in,
well, given rise to the people that Bede knows as the
East Saxons, the West Saxons and the South Saxons and of course these are what gives us some county
and regional names today so we get Sussex from the South Saxons, we get Essex from the East Saxons,
we get the region of Wessex from the West Saxons. Now in some ways Bede's account there's evidence
that a little bit of evidence that corroborates
beads account so we do see evidence for people identifying themselves as saxons or anglians or
whatever it may be in some of these regional and county names i've talked about wessex and sussex
and essex we can also note east anglia which is obviously it contains these anglians as well
but we probably shouldn't take his word entirely at face value.
It's likely to be something of a simplification and something that reflects his position,
looking back from a few hundred years later,
when he knows that there are these groupings that identify themselves as Anglians and Saxons in different parts of the country.
And in fact, there is some place name evidence that suggests the picture is a little bit more complicated.
And in fact, there is some place name evidence that suggests the picture is a little bit more complicated.
So we do have evidence for groups of people who are calling themselves Saxons or Anglians or whatever it may be in places where we wouldn't expect them.
One example of this would be Saxondale in Nottinghamshire. So this is an area where we think we should be in an Anglian area.
But we've actually got some Saxons referred to in the first part of this place name.
This is the Valley of the Saxons.
got some Saxons referred to in the first part of this place name this is the valley of the Saxons so names like this whilst we can't tell exactly when they arose maybe they arose a bit later than
this initial migration phase they do at least tell us that things are a little bit more complicated
than beads pictures that suggests that there is a little bit more diversity in these groupings.
Okay so we've got some ideas of possibly then where they came from but is there anything we
can say about the nature of those migrations
from the language or the way it evolved? Well, maybe not so much about the nature of the initial
migrations themselves, but we can say something about the situation that prevails afterwards.
So the most obvious point, and one that's worth making, is that we're not actually, we're not
speaking a language like Welsh today. Kat and I are talking in English. And this kind of switch to speaking
English seems to have taken place pretty early. By the time we have reasonable levels of documentation
from concerning England, concerning southern Scotland, we've got evidence that a form of
English is being spoken in a pretty widespread way. And this is the language that we call Old
English. So we can turn this language Old English up to about 1100.
Of course, people carry on speaking Brittonic languages in the West, particularly, and these
still survive for many centuries in Cornwall, survive to this day in Wales. So in the West
of the country, people carry on speaking Brittonic languages. But elsewhere, there must have been some
kind of pressure for people to switch over and start speaking English. Now, it used to be thought that the previous, say, the Bretonic-speaking inhabitants of England had
basically either been killed or caused to flee by Anglo-Saxon migration. We don't think this is the
situation anymore. There's a lot more evidence for continuity in populations and people gradually
adopting aspects of the culture of these
Germanic speaking migrants though we can't necessarily directly equate that with language
of course but whatever happened there must have been quite a lot of pressure for people to switch
over to speaking English and this probably tells us something about power relations between the
groups of people so if people tend to switch over to speaking the language if it's advantageous to
them, so we think that this might tell us something about the social dynamics of this period, the
language of the Germanic-speaking migrants is the more powerful or the more prestigious and people
must be switching over to speak this language. And back before people realised there was quite
a lot of continuity, people thought that really there hadn't been that much contact between Brittonic and early English speakers. So we've got a few
loanwords, we've got things like the dialect word brock for a badger, we've got a coom for a small
valley, termed in certain parts of the country. And we've got quite a lot of place names and
especially river names that get transferred. So we get things like, a kind of example that's often
talked about, we get things like Breedon Hill. So this is a name that occurs in several parts of the country, but the Bre bit comes from
a British name for the hill, so Bre.
And then we get Old English dune, a word for a hill, the kind of level summit that's added
to this.
So this is literally hill, hill.
And then in later times in modern English, we get hill added again in some of these cases,
like the Worcestershire example of a Breedon hill. So it used to be thought that this was
all there was, that the small number of loanwords, which indicates some degree of contact, but not
very much, was all there was. But now we think there was more continuity and that Britonic
speakers shifted over to start speaking English. People have started to wonder whether there's
actually a bit more structural impact on English. And if the idea behind this is the same kind of thing that happens when you learn a foreign
language and maybe you start speaking that language, but your pronunciation is a bit
off target and you maybe use some sounds from another language you speak, not the one you're
trying to speak.
And maybe you get the word order wrong.
Maybe you've put an adjective before and now like you would in English when you mean to
put it after.
Something like that.
But the idea is that collectively, if enough people do this for
a long enough period of time, they can influence a language in structural ways. And this seems
quite plausible given what we think we took place in this early period in the history of English.
The difficulty is that identifying secure examples of this kind of influence is pretty tricky,
and lots of the
evidence is quite contentious. So we get things like the way English users do to form negatives
and questions like, do you listen to the podcast, which are recorded much, much later than this
period of contact and could in theory have lots of other origins too. So it's an interesting area
for research, but it's not an easy one.
It's an interesting area for research, but it's not an easy one.
You're listening to Dan Snow's History.
We've got an episode of Gone Medieval for you about English.
It's interesting stuff. More after this.
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later on starting from the late 8th century onwards so the vikings or the scandinavians
now they also spoke a related germanic language. For those Scandinavians coming
into the country at that time, would they be able to understand those who are already here?
Yeah, so that's an interesting question. And I think my answer is a kind of qualified yes.
So the Vikings or the Scandinavians spoke a language, another Germanic language,
so a language that's already related to English, as he said.
And this means that some words in the language would have basically been identical.
So if you wanted to talk about your house in either language, well, in Old English, you'd talk about your house.
And in Old Scandinavian, you'd talk about your house too.
So obviously, you could communicate about the house in some kind of relatively straightforward way and successful way.
There are other words which differ only in one or two sounds. So we could think of an example like the word for fish, which in Old English would be a fish and in Old Scandinavian would be a fisk.
And people would begin to spot these correspondences.
But these kind of general similarities must have meant that there was some degree of mutual intelligibility from the outset, though it might have been quite limited. We can
imagine that people might have been able to carry out basic transactions, but that some sorts of
conversation might have been more problematic. So there were lots of differences too. We could take
just as an example, the Old English word for law, which would have in early Old English would have
been air, and the Old Scandinavian word, which we think would have had a form like larku.
So more complicated interactions might have been a little bit more problematic.
But the fact that the languages were similar and the differences were predictable
must have made it quite straightforward to become reasonably proficient in the other language
or to understand someone who was speaking the other language and be able to figure out what they meant. For example, once you knew that Old English's sh sound had this
sk sound, was equivalent to a sk sound in Old Scandinavian, like in our fish and fisk example,
you could kind of unlock a lot of other vocabulary. So you could say, okay, well,
I can translate between an Old English ship and an Old Norse skip, or the words fyr in Old English and skir in Old Norse, a word meaning
clear or bright. So you'd be able to unlock lots of other vocabulary basically, and either use it
or understand it. And of course, people living in mixed communities, and especially in mixed
households, might have been much more proficient in both
of the languages.
And in the early 2000s, my colleague at York, Matthew Tannant, worked extensively on this
and he showed, using a lot of place name evidence actually, that people in Viking Age England
seem to have been quite aware of these predictable differences and been able to apply them in
communication.
And he uses the term adequate intelligibility and contrasts that with
perfect intelligibility. And I think that's quite a useful way to think about it.
Excellent. So thinking a bit more about the Scandinavians and that obviously come to settle
in large parts of England, what was the actual effect of those people, of the language that
they were speaking, on what was to become the later versions
of English? Well quite extensive so the most obvious place to start is with the words borrowed
into English from Scandinavian so loan words and we can divide these into two periods roughly so
we can talk about those which are recorded in the old English period so up to about 1100 and these
are quite limited so we've only got about 100 of these words. And very often, they're words that are in some way associated with
Scandinavians, their activities, their culture. So we get lots of terms for legal matters. So
we can talk about the word law. So our word law is a borrowing from Scandinavian from this early
Scandinavian form, lahu. We've also got terms for things that would be military, like
a taparax, a particular kind of axe, which is a borrowing from Scandinavian. In the later period,
in later records, so later medieval English and indeed later, we see much more extensive evidence
for use of Scandinavian vocabulary in English. And it's not just more numerous, so maybe about 1500 words
listed in the Oxford English Dictionary, I think. But it also covers a much wider range of semantic
areas. So we've got quite basic vocabulary like window and sky and egg, for example. And these
are all words that English already had perfectly good words for. So these represent a slightly
different kind of borrowing. They can't all be put down to the need for a new word to describe something you weren't describing before. And there
are other ways in which English has been affected too. We've borrowed some grammatical forms from
Scandinavian and particularly important are the pronouns they, them and their, which are borrowed
from Scandinavian. And there might be some other effects on things. And contact between English and Scandinavian might have also affected other
things. It might have hastened, for example, the loss of the extensive system of inflectional
endings, so word endings that existed in Old English and which get lost going into the Middle
English and later modern English periods.
So there's quite a good footprint of the Scandinavian migrations then essentially in modern English.
Yeah, certainly.
And so in terms of, we've touched a little bit on this already, we've mentioned place
names and things. Are there ways then that we can try and look at what we know about
the Scandinavians and the Vikings coming here and finding out something about where they
lived and where they lived and
where they settled? Yeah, absolutely. So I'll come on to place names in a minute, but we can just
talk a little bit about dialects to begin with. So once we get quite extensive records of English
from the later medieval period and modern English period, we see that the language in certain
parts of the country bears more traces of Scandinavian than in others. So in areas where we know there was Scandinavian settlement, we see really extensive Scandinavian
influence on dialects. So the Northwest and Yorkshire and parts of the East Midlands.
And some of this survives today. So if you might hear someone in the North of England
describe a stream as a beck, this is a Scandinavian loanword from old Scandinavian becker.
But you'd be very unlikely to hear someone in the south use that word.
So some of these distinctions are still visible today.
But place names allow us to track these differences further back in time.
So in general, place names generally began life as descriptions of places that they now name.
There are two things that come out of this.
One of which is that they can tell us what languages are being used. The other is that they tell us something about the
place that they now name. If we're talking about languages, many place names in England are recorded
by 1086 in the survey known as Doomsday Book. So we've got a lot of evidence for English place
names by the end of the 11th century. And by this period, we see an awful lot of Scandinavian place names. And these are particularly found in the
areas where we know that Scandinavians were settling from other evidence from the archaeological
and from the historical sources. So the area east of Watling Street that comes to be known as the
Dane Law in later centuries. And we see lots of Scandinavian place names in this area.
We can think of examples like Derby, the Deer Settlement,
or Grimsby, Grimms Settlement,
which contain this B in modern English,
Old Scandinavian Byr,
which is a word for a settlement or a village.
So we've got words that refer to settlements.
We've got others that tell us something else
about what's going on
in these societies. So quite a nice example of this is Thingwall in Wirral, so in the northwest
Midlands between the Mersey and the Dee. Thingwall comes from an old Scandinavian compound,
Thingvulla. The thing part refers to a legal assembly, so a place where people got together
to deal with legal matters. The v further bit means plain or area of level ground
but this tells us that basically there was a legal assembly at
Thingwall in Wirral. This tells us something about social organisation in the period.
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So there's another question about whether we can spot different groups of peoples in this material.
And the most obvious way of looking into this question is to look at place names that we can call ethnonyms. So these are place names which contain some kind of ethnic label as part of them.
We've talked about one of these names already. So we talked about Saxondale a bit earlier,
ethnic label as part of them. We've talked about one of these names already. So we talked about Saxondale a bit earlier, so referring to these Saxons. And there are lots of ethnonyms from
areas of Scandinavian settlement. So we can think of the numerous places called things like Danby
and Normanby and Ierby. And the first element in the Danby names is Old Scandinavian Danir,
which we can translate as Danes. The first element of the Normanby names is Old Scandinavian Danir, which we can translate as Danes. The first element of the Norman bee names is Old Scandinavian Northmen or Norwegians.
And the first element of the Ayabi names is Old Scandinavian Yira,
so Irish people, and perhaps more loosely, Gaels.
And however we translate the ethnonyms,
we should be aware that they're not likely to map exactly onto their modern equivalents.
But whatever exactly they meant to the people who used them, and that might have varied across time and across space, anemones, we should be aware that they're not likely to map exactly onto their modern equivalents.
But whatever exactly they meant to the people who used them, and that might have varied across time and across space, they do tell us that people are perceiving different groups of peoples and
labelling them with these ethnic terms. And so someone called Jane Carroll has looked at these
quite recently and spotted both variation across space, but also that some of these names seem to
occur in clusters, which might suggest that there are particular parts of the country where people
were particularly attuned to these differences, perhaps because the populations were particularly
diverse. We can approach that question of whether we can identify different groups
from a slightly different linguistic angle as well. And we can look to see whether we see
different types of linguistic
input in different parts of the country. So the kind of traditional view of
things is that there was mainly settlement from people from the area of
Norway in the northwest of the country, there was mainly settlement from the
area of Denmark in the east of the country, but actually if we start looking
for these sort of mapping things that we associate with later Norwegian and later Danish, then it's a bit
messier than we'd expect. We don't get a neat distribution of features that look Danish in the
east of the country and features that look Norwegian in the northwest of the country.
And what might be happening is that groups are more mixed and their languages are reflecting that
kind of mixture of peoples in these groups of Scandinavians. But there is a little bit of
evidence for the differences that emerge in Britain, which is quite interesting. So one thing
that's quite interesting is that we can see some evidence for dialectal differences emerging in
Britain. So we know that the Scandinavians in western areas
of Britain were pretty closely involved with Guidelic-speaking people who were already in
western areas of Scotland, in the Scottish Islands, in the Isle of Man, and in Ireland.
And there are some ways in which the language of these Guidelic-speaking people has affected
the kind of Scandinavian being used in these areas. A couple of nice examples of this are some of the loan words we get in Scandinavian. So one of these,
which we use on a fairly regular basis today, is the word cross. So the religious symbol,
this is a word which makes its way into English from Old Norse. And before that, we think it comes
from Goidelic. And we can kind of track the spread of this word from place names and other evidence
from the northwest of England and then further through other areas of the Scandinavian
speaking England and then much more widely in later periods into English more generally.
And we also get a word for a sheeling, so a temporary pasture, which is borrowed from
Goidelic into Old Norse. This in Old Norse would have had the form of something like
Eirhi. And this survives in form of something like Eirhi.
And this survives in some place names like Eirhi, Holm in North Yorkshire.
But we only see evidence for this in the Northwest
and in parts of Yorkshire.
We don't ever see the spreading more widely.
So we think this word was only ever used
in some types of Scandinavian.
Okay, so obviously then Scandinavians
had a quite huge impact.
But moving on through time,
the next big event really in the
history of england is the norman invasion and they also had a quite significant impact on the
language can you tell us some more about that yeah sure so after the norman conquest the king
the aristocracy high-ranking clergy and other members of the elite were basically replaced by
french speakers so whereas you'd had english speakers in these positions immediately beforehand high-ranking clergy and other members of the elite were basically replaced by French speakers. So
whereas you'd had English speakers in these positions immediately beforehand, at least in
many of them, after the Norman Conquest, you have French speakers in these kind of positions. And we
think that everyone else carried on speaking English, though over time, some people would
have had various reasons to either learn French or some people would have been born and brought up in
mixed households that would have had born and brought up in mixed households
and would have had access to both French and English.
And there are lots of borrowings from French in later medieval English,
so the language you call Middle English.
And many of these, at least in the earliest period,
are quite closely related to the fact that the French are the people in power,
the people in positions of authority.
So we get examples of words like prison and castle
and sergeant, which all borrowed from French. And you can imagine that you might be arrested by a
French speaking sergeant and then put in prison, maybe in a castle. So all quite closely related
to the fact that the French are the people who would have been dealing out law and living in
castles from which they'd have been controlling the surrounding areas. But this isn't all we find, and especially in a little bit later on,
so particularly from the later 13th century onwards,
to have evidence for much more extensive borrowing of French vocabulary
from a much wider range of areas too.
So we get quite basic vocabulary like age and flower.
We get things to do with more domestic settings like
curtains and blankets. And we get things to do with things like literature and the arts,
like the word poet. In terms of the lasting impact, some of these words still have quite
formal ring in English, not all of them by any means, nothing like age and flower. But some
French borrowings still have a slightly more formal aspect to them than synonymous English terms.
So we can think of pairs of words like ask and question, where ask comes from English, question from French,
or rise and mount, where rise comes from English and mount comes from French.
And we can think we're more likely to use the question and mount in slightly more formal context than we might use rise and ask.
in slightly more formal context, though we might use rise and ask.
So the fact that French were the elite, that French was used in more formal context, still has some kind of lasting effects on English that we speak today.
One different type of effect is that English gets replaced as a language
being used for kind of official written documents.
So before the conquest, English was used to write quite formal documents.
You might record laws or wills and things like that in English. Latin was also used
for recording important documents too, but English was an option. And the English that
was used was very often based on the language of the southwest of the country, so the area
of Wessex. So this is the kingdom that had survived the
Scandinavian settlement and had gradually taken over or conquered parts of the country from the
Scandinavians. So it was the kind of in later Anglo-Saxon England and the kings of this kingdom
remained the kings of later Anglo-Saxon England and had their bases in the southwest of the country
in Winchester. And in later Anglo-Saxon England, we can see something beginning to emerge.
It's a bit like a standard language.
It's based on the language of this part of the country.
So people in York might speak quite differently from people in Wessex,
but they might be writing a bit as if they came from Wessex.
With the Norman Conquest, this standard disappears,
or this emerging standard disappears entirely and
gets replaced by French. So people use Latin and people use French after this period to write down
documents like laws and wills and so on. This doesn't last forever. And English does emerge
again as a language in which you can do quite formal and official things. But at least initially,
when we see people writing things in English, they don't have this model that's based on a particular part of the country to work with.
So they start writing in a way that's very close to the language they speak.
So if you come from York, you'll write something that represents your local dialect quite closely.
If you come from the southwest, you'll write in a way that reflects that.
So we lose this kind of emerging standard and people start to write in the way that they speak when they start writing in English again.
Okay, so that's a really interesting point then that we've got these regional differences and things.
And what happens later on then? I mean, is there anything similar to that later on?
Are you saying that they go back to a more sort of English again later?
Yeah, so particularly from the 15th century, we get a lot more official documentation being written in English. But by this point, the English being used is that of the part of the country that's now politically and economically dominant. So that's London, that's the area around London, encompassing the university towns of Oxford and Cambridge. And that goes on to develop into the standard form of English that we use in writing, well, up to today. But this is ultimately based on the part of England,
which is politically and socially dominant in its periods, it's based on the southeast.
This has been great to hear about how all these different people and actually a lot about different
nature of people coming in and, you know, parts of society and regions and so on have affected
England and the English language. But if we just sort of to
finish off then really, thinking about the end of the period that we refer to as the Middle Ages,
so around about 1500 or so, how similar was the language English spoken at that time to what we're
speaking right now? Well, so we've entered what we'd call the modern English period. And this
reflects the fact that actually is pretty similar. Certain aspects of the language would certainly be pretty familiar to you. So if you were to read some of the language,
that probably wouldn't cause you too many problems. There would be a lot more variation in spelling.
So spelling was a lot less standardized and then you might see the same word spelled in multiple
different ways. You'd probably be able to figure out what's going on. And some, if you came across
a word like the modern English word knight, you might well find that spelled K-N-I-G-H-T back in 1500.
And some of this familiarity reflects the fact that modern English spelling is pretty
conservative and it reflects the way English was spoken centuries ago.
But this makes reading older texts a little bit easier for us because we're used to some
of these spellings.
But understanding spoken language might be a bit trickier. There've been some quite significant changes that affected the
vowel system that kind of started before 1500, but hadn't fully worked their way through. So in
Middle English, for example, the word green would have been pronounced grain rather than green,
or the word dame would have been pronounced dama, not dame. And some of these changes would have begun,
but they wouldn't have progressed all the way.
So those kind of things might cause you some confusion.
And going back to our example of night, to take a different example,
we'd still pronounce the k at the beginning at this period.
So you might hear something like kniet or knight,
which might not be so familiar to you.
There'd be some differences in pronouns and verb endings.
For example, you might hear something like thou sayest rather than you say,
using a pronoun thou, which was used to talk to one person
and to talk to someone who you're either very familiar with,
very close to, or who's a social inferior.
If you want to be more formal and more polite, you'd use ye or you.
And you might hear a f ending on some verbs like
he saith, that kind of thing. These features, though, might not be too problematic if you were
transported in your time machine back to 1500. So you'll probably be familiar with some of these
forms from things like Shakespeare, from certain versions of the Bible, or from poetry, which
might still use these more archaic forms. In terms of vocabulary, much of the vocabulary you'd be likely to come across
would be pretty familiar, especially for basic concepts.
One thing you wouldn't hear would be the Latin and Greek borrowings
that have been made in more recent centuries
to describe things like scientific and medical concepts.
And of course, English hadn't
yet borrowed extensively from a whole range of languages around the globe, which English and
other Western European languages came into contact with during periods of colonial expansion. So for
example, you wouldn't be hearing about potatoes, a word that makes its way into English, via Spanish
from Taino, a Caribbean language, or pyjamas, a word which makes its
way into English from Urdu. So there would be quite a few significant differences too.
And the other thing, a kind of more general thing that you might notice is that you might
spot more variety in a range of contexts. If you were reading a letter from someone,
you might notice that they were writing in a way that reflected their regional dialect.
And similarly, if you were listening to lots of people speaking around you, you might notice
that people, even amongst the elite, were speaking with their local regional accents.
So the notion of a particularly prestigious accent based on the language of the Southeast
hadn't yet emerged at this period.
Ellie, thank you so much for sharing your brilliant knowledge of the English language.
And I hope all the listeners have enjoyed Ellie's insights as much as I did
I'm Dr Kat Jarman, thank you for listening
Thanks everyone, that was an episode of Gone Medieval
It's History Hits New Medieval podcast
by the brilliant Matt Lewis and Kat Jarman.
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