Fall of Civilizations Podcast - 12. The Inca - Cities in the Cloud
Episode Date: January 12, 2021High up on the craggy peaks of the Urubamba Canyon, a lost city lies wreathed in cloud...In this episode, we explore the mountains of the Andes, and tell the story of the Inca Empire. Find out how the...se mountain people built the largest empire in the Western Hemipshere, in one of the toughest terrains on earth. With Inca poetry, Quechuan hymns and authentic Andean instruments, discover the unique culture of the Inca. And find out what happened to bring their society crashing down around them.Sound engineering: Thomas Ntinas & Alexey SibikinVoice actors:Annie KellyJamie TannerGerald CondlinLachlan LucasPeter WaltersJimmy LaiOriginal music by Pavlos Kapralos: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCzgAonk4-uVhXXjKSF-Nz1AAlso heard: “Andean illusion” by Kanti Quena (Carlos Saldana) and"Ollantay" by Leandro Alviña.Kanti Quena (Carlos Saldana): Quena, Quenacho, Tarkas, Bombo, CharangoPhaxsi Coca (Jeanettte Rojas): Siku Malta, Siku Zanka, Jach'a Siku, Bombo, ChajchasAna Maria Ramirez Bautista: QuenaMaya McCourt: CelloPavlos Kapralos: Chajchas, Palo de Lluvia
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In the year 1911, the young explorer Hiram Bingham was exploring the mountainous cloud forests of Peru.
He was chasing a rumor that had been circulating for many years, a rumor that an entire
lost city might lie somewhere high in the Peruvian Andes, in a valley known as Urubamba.
Bingham was skeptical, but a problem.
Upon hearing a tip from a local guide, he decided to climb to the top of the precarious mountain trail and investigate.
He later wrote about how his journey unfolded.
So lofty are the peaks on either side that although the trail was frequently shadowed by dense tropical jungle,
many of the mountains were capped with snow.
There seemed to be little in the way of ruins, and I began to think that my time had been wasted.
However, the view was magnificent.
On all sides of us rose the magnificent peaks of the Urubamba Canyon,
while 2,000 feet below us, the rushing waters of the noisy river.
Bingham climbed a little higher, hacking through the dense forest
and fighting off the effects of altitude sickness that would often creep up on travelers
in the high passes of the Andes.
And soon, he stumbled across something.
that must have made his heart skip a beat.
Presently, we found ourselves in the midst of a tropical forest
beneath the shade of whose trees we could make out a maze of ancient walls.
The ruins of buildings made of blocks of granite,
some of which were beautifully fitted together
in the most refined style of Inca architecture.
Bingham was impressed,
but the more he explored,
the more he realized that this was no mere,
scattering of ruins.
A few roads farther along, we came to a little open space on which there were two splendid
temples or palaces. The superior character of the stonework, the presence of these splendid
edifices, and of what appeared to be an unusually large number of finely constructed stone
dwellings, led me to believe that this might prove to be the largest and most important ruin
discovered in South America. His track turned into a frenetic scramble.
as crumbling ruins gave way to yet more and more ruins, and it became clear that a large settlement did indeed lie, here under the dense scrub and undergrowth.
For an hour and 20 minutes, we had a hard climb. A good part of the distance we went on all fours, sometimes holding on by our fingernails.
Here and there, a primitive ladder made from the roughly notched trunk of a small tree was placed in such a way as to help one over what might otherwise have been an impassable cliff.
The heat was excessive.
The ruins that Bingham had discovered were the remains of a royal estate, of the kings of a people known as the Inca.
It had lain completely abandoned for nearly four centuries on top of the craggy peaks of the Urubamba Valley.
Today, it is one of the most recognizable and distinctive ruined places in the world, and it is known as Machu Picchu.
It had once been an outpost of an empire that stretched right across the continent of South America,
and formed its most extensive and sophisticated civilization, an empire that had tamed one of the most hostile
environments on earth. As Bingham explored the overgrown ruins over the following weeks and months,
clearing away the vegetation that rolled over these ancient walls, he must have asked himself,
how had the people of this region built such a mighty fortress?
in the clouds. How had this great city gone undiscovered for so many centuries? And with no signs of war
or destruction on its stones, what in all the world had happened to the Inca people of the cloud forest?
My name's Paul Cooper, and you're listening to the Fall of Civilization's podcast. Each episode,
I look at a civilization of the past that rose to glory, and
then collapsed into the ashes of history. I want to ask what did they have in common, what led to
their fall, and what did it feel like to be a person alive at the time who witnessed the end of
their world. In this episode, I want to look at the story of the Inca Empire. I want to explore how
this unique culture grew up in one of the most extreme mountain landscapes that our planet can provide.
I want to explain how they built the largest empire to ever arise in the Western Hemisphere,
and I want to tell the story of how their society finally came to an end
in the most dramatic and cataclysmic way imaginable.
The Andes Mountains are the largest continental mountain range in the world.
They stretch more than 7,000 kilometers across the South American landmass,
from north to south, a distance that stretches about a sixth of the way around the circumference of the earth.
They form part of the eastern edge of what's called the Pacific Ring of Fire,
a nearly continuous chain of volcanic belts, lava-filled oceanic trenches,
and towering mountains that stretches right around the coast of the Pacific Ocean.
This is one of the most seismically active areas in the world, with around 90% of the world's earthquakes,
and about 75% of its volcanoes, occurring along this enormous ring.
Since their formation around 10 to 6 million years ago, these soaring peaks have had a dramatic
effect on the circulation of the Earth's atmosphere, and they have given rise to the Earth's
rise to some of the world's most extreme landscapes. To the east, they act as a wall to the continent's
rain clouds, pooling and gathering them, and resulting in the vast jungle rainforest of the Amazon,
home to over 400 billion trees. Although the Andes Mountains sit right beside the Pacific
coast and are nearly 3,000 kilometers from the Atlantic, still more than 90% of the water that
falls in these mountains will drain into the Atlantic Ocean. These rainwaters follow the enormous
watercourse of the Amazon River and bring a superabundance of life to this vast plain. But the land
on the Pacific side of the mountains couldn't be more different. In fact, the desert that
as formed on the western side of the mountains is the driest place on earth, and it is known as
the Atacama. The Atacama Desert may be the oldest desert on earth, and has experienced its extreme
climate for at least the last three million years. It's so dry because the winds that blow up the
coast of Chile and Peru are cold winds from the Antarctic, parched of any moisture by the
sub-zero conditions of the pole. The Atacama is so arid that even though it contains several
mountains higher than 6,000 meters, many are still completely free of glaciers. Some weather
stations set up in the desert in modern times have never detected any rain. This extreme aridity,
as well as its broken rocky landscape, means this desert is frequently used as
as a filming location for science fiction films set on the planet Mars. In fact, in 2003, a team of
scientists even went out into the driest parts of the Atacama Desert and repeated the same tests
that the Mars Viking Rovers had used to try to find life on the surface of the red planet.
The tests returned negative, detecting no signs of life. But a cross
But across this desert, about 40 rivers do flow down from the mountains.
These desert rivers form rich oases, and for at least the last 10,000 years, humans have
made their home here.
This was one of the last stops on humanity's journey of more than 30,000 kilometers from
the deserts of Ethiopia.
common plants were domesticated and farmed in these valleys, which receive virtually no rainfall.
Foods like avocados, peanuts, beans, squash, peppers, sweet potatoes, and a variety of fruits, including
pineapples and guavas. And it's in these fertile river valleys that the very earliest civilizations
of this region began. In Inca Conceptions,
The universe was created by a god named Viracotcha.
He also created mankind and crafted humans out of stone
as one surviving Inca hymn recounts.
Oh, creator, root of all,
Viraccha, end of all.
Lord in shining garment,
who infuses life and sets all things in order, saying,
let there be man, let there be women, molder, maker, to all things you have given life,
watch over them, keep them living prosperously, fortunately, in safety and peace.
In fact, the Inca were only the latest in a long string of human civil.
civilizations that rose and fell in the region of the Andes.
The coastal basin of the Atacama Desert is thought to be one of the few so-called
cradles of civilization in the world, along with others like Mexico, the Indus Valley,
the basin of the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers in China and the Tigris-Euphrates Valley in Mesopotamia,
all places where city-dwelling human societies have independently risen up.
Some memory of these early days is recalled in the Inca's version of their own history,
known as the Chronicle of the Inca's.
In ancient times, they say, the land and the provinces of Peru were dark
and neither light nor daylight existed.
In this time, there lived certain people who had a lord
who ruled over them and to whom they were subject, the name of these people and that of their ruler
have been forgotten. Today we do know the names of some of these peoples, and some of the best
known of these early precursors are the Moche and the Nazca. During a period roughly equivalent to
the rise and fall of the Roman Empire, that is between around 400 BC and 500 AD, the Moche and the
Nazca achieved a high degree of organization and sophistication, and expanded their territories across
the deserts of the Atacama. They became experts at directing water in the dry landscape,
building long canals and rivulets of stone, and soon began to expand their settlements into the
foothills and the mountain valleys of the Andes. The Nazca are most famous,
for the hundreds of remarkable patterns and images that they drew in the landscape of the coastal
deserts. This is a rough terrain, broken by stones and rubble, and so to ease travel and trade
between their settlements, the Nazca cleared long roads in the desert. But soon these desert lines
seem to have taken on a more decorative and perhaps mystical significance.
The Nazca constructed these lines with simple tools and careful planning,
clearing away the rocks and rubble of the desert, and revealing the lighter-colored sand beneath.
Some of these vast patterns are nearly 400 metres long, or the length of four football pitches.
Hundreds are simple geometrically.
designs, while more than 70 are depictions of animals, including hummingbirds, spiders, fish,
condors, monkeys, lizards and humans, as well as an assortment of trees and flowers.
These vast shapes in the sand were invisible from ground level, but they could be seen from
the sharply rising foothills and mountains that rose out of the desert.
We don't know the full significance of these lines, whether religious or to mark the positions
of the stars at certain times of the year, or simply as ostentatious expressions of wealth and
power. But if you've ever drawn a picture into the sand of a beach and then climbed up onto
the cliff to see it from above, you'll understand this impulse, although on a scale hundreds
of times larger. These kinds of vast public works were possible because of the increasing social
centralization of these empires. But for reasons we don't entirely understand, both of these early
societies soon passed out of history and into dust. While the civilization of the Andes may have
begun on the fringes of the desert, it's in the mountains that it reached its most astonishing heights.
A short distance inland from the coast, the towering wall of these mountains rises sharply.
This is a landscape that is exceptionally hard to live in.
It's made up of high, craggy peaks of sandstone, limestone and granite, and less than 2% of its total area
is at all suitable for growing food.
The elevation changes dramatically over short distance.
with the highest peaks towering up to 6,700 meters, or 22,000 feet, roughly two-thirds the cruising
altitude of an airliner.
The steep, rocky slopes of the Andes hold very little fertile soil, and even at the bottom
of its valleys, it's rare to find any fertile earth.
The mountains above 4,800 meters are capped with snow and ice all year round, while the snows
creep much lower in the winter months.
For the people who lived here, altitude was one of the primary ways they measured their
landscape.
The people of the Andes divided the mountains into distinct zones by height.
There was the Ketua zone, between about two and three.
thousand meters above sea level, which contained warm valleys free of frost, many of them
suitable for growing maize and other lowland crops. Above that was the Sunni zone at about
3,000 to 4,000 meters. On these steep slopes, potatoes were the primary crop. Higher still was the
zone known as Puna. Agriculture was impossible here, but there are vast,
frosty grasslands, where herds of alpaca and llama could be grazed in great numbers,
crucial for their wool and meat. Also raised for meat were guinea pigs, which were cheap to raise
and maintain, happily ate grains too coarse or bitter for humans, and reproduced extremely
rapidly. Life for these early people was hard. Infant mortality was
was so high in the Andes that Inca children were not given a name until their third birthday,
and until then was simply referred to with the fitting name, Wah Wah. This rugged landscape was no
place for individualism. There were no horses or oxen in the Americas that could help its people
carry heavy loads or pull plows, so fields had to be turned by human hands.
A group of farmers worked much faster than one on his own, and the dry, cold valleys needed irrigation
canals dug through stone and rock, enormous labours that required large work gangs,
and so to survive in this tough environment, people needed to pull together.
This reciprocal economy formed the basis of the highly controlled and centralized empires that
would follow, and would form the hallmark of Andean society right through its history.
These early valley settlements were joined by a precarious strand of pathways and roads that traced
narrow lines through the mountains. The steep, narrow river gorges were home to quick-flowing
rivers, and could only be crossed at certain points where it was possible to build a bridge.
This meant that there was often only one road between one town and another, a fragile web that
slowly turned the landscape of the mountains into a traversable network.
Along these roads, the people of the Andes would trek with caravans of llamas.
These camelid animals are incredibly strong for their size and are capable of carrying loads of up to
40 kilograms across some of the world's toughest terrain. As a pack animal, they are also essentially
self-sufficient. Since they were able to eat any of the coarse grasses growing along the mountain
roads, travelers didn't need to bring along any food for their animals, saving precious
space for cargo. Along this complex and sophisticated trade route, coca leaves.
tobacco and bright feathers passed west out of the jungle, while maize, seashells and dried fish,
passed east from the coast. This system saw seashells decorating the clothes of people who lived
a thousand miles from the sea, and bright tropical feathers decorating the hair of people
who had never laid eyes on the jungle. One of the first great cities of this region was called
Tijuana, and it grew up in what is now Western Bolivia, near the vast shores of the body of water
known as Lake Titicaca. This is the largest lake in South America, and one of the highest in the world.
Today, straddling the borders of Bolivia and Peru, this lake is so vast that it's often
impossible to see the other side, and so in the craggy landscape of the Andes, it forms a completely
unique place, where the narrow valleys and jagged peaks suddenly give way to blue, open skies,
the placid surface of the lake, reflecting it like a mirror, and a horizon vanishing.
into the distance. For the whole history of the people of the Andes, this lake would hold a special
place in their imagination, and would form the center point of their mythology. The city of Tijuana
held vast pyramid structures and impressive carved gateways, cut from solid blocks of stone,
weighing up to 66 tons. It was home. It was home.
to as many as 20,000 people, and formed one of the first capitals of the Andes.
In the Inca creation story, we can see the cultural debt they owed to Tijuanaaku.
They believed it was the place where light was first brought to the world, when before
there had been only darkness.
During this time of total night, they say that a lord emerged from a lake in this
of Peru. They say he brought with him a certain number of people and went to the place near the
lake where today there is a town called Tiwanaku. There they say that he suddenly made the sun
and day and ordered the sun to follow the course that it follows. Then they say he made the stars
and the moon. From the Inca perspective, the light of civilization had been created at Tiwanaku.
By the time that the Inca ruled the Andes, this ancient city was already a series of ruins.
When the Inca first stumbled upon it, they would have found the ancient city abandoned,
a chaotic mess of broken blocks of masonry.
The high, grassy plains littered with the fragments of monumental statues,
shattered fragments of stone heads staring out of the walls.
To the Inca, the meaning of this place was clear.
This must have been the workshop where the creator god Viracoccia had worked to create the world.
And these stone statues were his first failed attempts at creating human life.
He made some people from stone as a model of those that he would produce later,
together with a chieftain to govern and rule over them,
and many women, some pregnant and others delivered,
When he made all these of stone, he set them aside and then made another province, forming them of stones.
In the Sumerian legends, the people of Mesopotamia recounted how the god Enlil created man out of clay,
an idea that lived on in the Hebrew Bible.
Clay was the element of ancient Mesopotamia.
It was the substance that built their houses, their pots and tools,
the substance that allowed them to develop writing.
But in the Andes, the element that the people knew best was stone.
In the Andes, stone was everywhere.
It towered over you on either side in the valleys.
It lay waiting for you if you dug too deeply into the thin soil.
It was what you had to cut through to build canals, to build your houses and temples.
It even came tumbling and crashing down.
the mountain sides, when earthquakes rocked the ground beneath your feet. So perhaps it's no coincidence
that the Inca believed themselves to have been crafted from stone. It's in this city of Tiwanaku
that the art of stone carving reached its earliest heights. Today a great monument known as the
gate of the sun still stands in ruins, covered with 48 intricately carved,
figures, perhaps representing something like the signs of the zodiac.
The city of Tijuana was grand, with its elites living inside a fortified artificial island,
guarded by four high stone walls, surrounded by a moat. But after a time, Tijuanau also faded
into obscurity. Still, its influence on the region was enormous, and all the civilizations
that followed would retain something of its unique cultural imprint.
One of these civilizations was the Wari.
The Wari were experts at water control, and they marshaled enormous work gangs to build vast
reservoirs and aqueducts that cut through the dry coastal plains and transformed the landscape
of the low Andes. The Wari tamed the desert,
building aqueducts up to 40 kilometres long to divert the sparse waters towards their cities.
But they were never or innate or showy builders, like the people of Tijuana.
Their buildings were rough constructions, pulled together out of uncarved field stones,
and locked together with mud for mortar, but they still liked to build big.
The walls of their cities were sometimes two to three metres thick, and up to 12 meters high.
The Inca built on the foundations laid by the Wari, sometimes quite literally.
At certain sites, you can see the walls of the Wari built from small stones,
but with Inker additions extending and upgrading them in their distinctive signature style of massive megalithic stones.
For reasons we don't quite understand, the Wari soon embarked on a rapid series of expansions
that saw their power spread across the Andes.
Some have guessed that they might have adopted a new expansionist religion that drove them
to conquer their neighbors.
Others have speculated that climate shifts may have reduced the habitability of their traditional
desert territory, meaning that
expansion may have been a matter of survival. Either way, they were incredibly successful.
Between the mid-sixth to mid-seventh century, while Europe continued to reel from the collapse of
the Roman Empire in the West, the Wari expanded across the hostile mountains of the Andes,
and brought people after people under their banner. And wherever the Wari went, they built terraces.
Each terrace was a remarkable feat of engineering and displayed an intimate knowledge of the soil
and the plants that grew in it. The walls of these terraces were sloped backwards, angled to hold
in the earth and resist earthquake damage. They were floored with broken stones for drainage,
which were then covered by gravel and sand. Finally, the Wari would gather rich top
soil, digging it up from the lower elevations and the river valleys, and carrying it up the mountain
paths, laying it out to form the top layer of the terrace. This was constantly fertilized and
turned over to aerate the soil. The stone walls of the terraces absorb the heat of the sun during
the day, and then slowly release it into the earth throughout the night, when frosts in the mountains
could be severe. This technique allowed the people of the Andes to grow food at even the highest
altitudes and transformed these rocky slopes into shelves of fertile land. In this manner,
tomatoes, squashes, and pumpkins, even types of tobacco, were grown in the high peaks of the Andes.
One remarkable site, known as Moray, is thought to be a kind of laboratory, where the Andean
people could develop new strains and hybrids of crops for growing at high altitudes.
Moray is a breathtaking series of circular terraces, looking at first glance something like a Roman amphitheatre,
about 30 metres deep.
Morai is located at a height of 3,500 meters above sea level, but its descending terraces
act as a kind of artificial climate, with each terrace increasing the temperature as you descend
in steady increments. In fact, the temperature difference from the top to the bottom of this well
can be as much as 15 degrees Celsius. These ingenious techniques made the people
of the Andes, some of the earliest masters of bioengineering, and meant that their farmers could
practice a strategy of resilience through diversity. The people of the Andes cultivated more than
a thousand varieties of potato and over 150 varieties of maize. They would sometimes plant as many as 200
varieties of potato in a single field, each with different levels of frost resistance, different
levels of drought resilience and immune to different blights. These foods could be naturally
freeze-dried in the cold, dry mountain air, allowing them to be stored for years on end,
and ensuring that even in the immensely changeable environment of the Andes, any crisis could be
ridden out. The cryptic indigenous document, known as the Warrochiri manuscript, pays tribute to the
hard work of these ancient ancestors, who made the rocky landscape of the Andes bloom.
In very ancient times, when a great number of people had filled the land, they lived miserably,
scratching and digging the rock faces and ledges to make the terraced fields. These fields,
some small, others large, are still visible today on all the rocky heights. And it wasn't
only in the realm of terrace building that the Wari part.
on their knowledge to the Inca. They also pioneered the kind of administrative empire that
would lay the blueprint for what the Inca achieved. In every new town and city that the Wari
folded into their empire, they built an administrative building built to a standard plan,
suggesting a high degree of centralization in the empire. The imperial power of the Wari
lasted for more than 400 years. But for reasons we can never entirely know, around the year
1,000, it rapidly came apart. By the year 1100, all of the major Wari centres were abandoned and never
reoccupied. The Wari Empire passed into dust, but its legacy continued. The Wari had introduced the idea of an
empire that would unite the territories of the Andes, and now some of their former client states
would try their hand at taking up their mantle. What followed was centuries of fragmentation and
warfare in the mountains, as rival states competed to fill the power vacuum that the Wari had left
behind. From these wars, the Inca would rise. They would model themselves.
both culturally and politically on the Wari, even dressing their nobles in woven tunics
descended from Wari traditional dress. They built their imperial capital of Kusko,
modelled on the Wari cities, and all of this was designed to send a clear message.
The days of chaos are coming to an end. The heirs of the old empire have arrived to bring order
once more, and these heirs are the people of the Inca. I want to take a moment here to discuss
the sources available to us. The Inca never developed a written language, and so kept no written records.
They recorded their extensive epic poetry, their messages and administrative information
in a remarkable system of rope knots known as kipus.
These kipu used knots of different sizes, positions and colors, to represent different information,
and these could be decoded by people initiated in their art, who were known as Kipu Kamaeoks.
One early eyewitness named Hernando Pizarro records seeing these Kipu Kamaiok's, records seeing these Kipu Kamaiok's.
at their mysterious work.
They count by certain knots on cords and so record what each chief has brought.
When they had to bring us loads of fuel, maize, chicha or meat, they took off knots or made
knots on some other parts so that those who have charge of the stores keep an exact account.
These Kipu have never been deciphered in modern times, and it's unclear how much information
they actually encoded. It's possible that they were used as memory joggers, which could help someone
to recite poetry or messages they had committed to memory. If you had to remember hundreds of lines
of poetry by heart, you can imagine that it might help to write down the first word or letter in each line,
and it's possible that the kipu operated in something like this way. But this means that the kipu
isn't much good, unless the person who created it is there to decipher it. And in the years
since the fall of Inca society, the knowledge of how to read the Kippu has been lost.
This means that the earliest documents we have to learn from were made by Europeans and were
written during their invasion of the Inca lands. These sources generally fall into three categories.
These are eyewitness accounts in the form of Spanish chronicles and memoirs, accounts written
after the conquest by Spaniards and other Europeans, and finally the accounts of native authors
in the decades following the conquest, who were trained to write in Spanish schools.
The Catholic Church also kept voluminous records about Inca culture, beliefs and religious practices,
Somewhat ironically, these accounts were designed to make these practices easier to eradicate,
but today they form some of the most useful documents for understanding the lives and beliefs of
these ancient people. There are only six known eyewitness accounts of the Inca at the time
of the Spanish contact. Four of these were written immediately after the conquest. They are vivid and
detailed, but of course are coloured by the world views of their authors and the role they played
in the destruction of Inca society. Two further eyewitness accounts were written many decades after
the conquest and are generally considered less reliable. There's also a huge confusion of secondary
sources, written by people who didn't witness the events of the conquest and simply interviewed
others, and many of these are considered highly unreliable. But a couple do stand out. One of these is the
Spaniard Juan de Batanzos. He was one of the few Spaniards who became fluent in the Inca language of Ketua,
and married an Inca princess, who had quite astonishingly also been previously married to both of the
great players in this drama, the last Inca king Atalpa and the Spanish conquistador Pizarro.
Batanzos's knowledge of the Inca language, his interviews with his wife, and his exceptional
understanding of the culture of the Andes, led to a book called The Narrative of the Inca's,
which relates Inca history as told to him by his wife's people.
Another crucial account is that of Pedro Cieza de Leon, a Spanish Jew who had converted to Christianity
in order to be allowed to travel to the new world and become a conquistador.
He wrote down a number of remarkable documents known as the Chronicles of the Inca,
in which he documents everything he could learn about how the Inca people thought of their own history.
But he makes no secret of the fragmentary and unreliable nature of some of what he heard,
as he writes in one of his chapters.
These Indians have no letters and can only preserve their history
by the memory of events handed down from generation to generation,
and by their songs and kippos.
I say this because their narratives vary in many particulars,
some saying one thing and others giving a different version.
Indigenous accounts are often fraught and difficult to interpret.
One remarkable hybrid document was dictated by the Inca king named Taitu Kusi,
who, after the conquest, narrated his first-hand account of the Spanish invasion
to a missionary named Frey Marcos Garcia.
The resulting book is called An Inca Account of the Conquest of Peru, and was published nearly 40 years after contact in 1570.
This document captures an incredible snapshot of the confusion and fear of first contact, but even Taitu Kusi recognizes the difficulty in accurately reporting events from so long ago.
As the memory of men is frail and weak, it would be impossible to remember everything accurately
with regard to all our great and important affairs unless we avail ourselves of writing
to assist us in our purposes.
And one final document, known as the Waro Chiri manuscript, gives us just a glimpse into
the lives and beliefs of these Andean peoples prior to contact with Europeans.
The book was compiled in the 16th century, a full 70 years after contact,
and under the supervision of the Spanish cleric Francisco de Avila,
who believed the people of the Andes to be engaged in devil worship.
But despite these complications in its creation,
the book does attempt to record all that the surviving Andean people of Waro-Chiri province
remembered about the myths, religious notions and traditions of their people,
and paints a vivid picture of what life was like for people like the Inca.
Together these fraught and difficult accounts come together to paint a picture of what happened
to bring South America's largest empire crashing down.
In the Inca conception of their own history, their story began with a small,
small band of highlanders who migrated to a place called Kusko, a warm valley in the highlands of
southern Peru. This valley is around 40 kilometers long and drained by the Watanais River.
We don't know when this band of settlers may have arrived, or even if this event happened at all,
but estimates for when it may have been usually land around the year 1200. In Europe at the time,
The English crusader King Richard the Lionheart had just died, passing the throne to the infamous
King John.
To the east, Minamoto No Yoritomo, the first shogun of Japan, had toppled the emperor and
turned himself into a military dictator.
And somewhere in the high Andes, a band of travelers settled down in a place that they would
soon call home.
The Inca creation myth describes the scenes that these first migrants would have seen upon their arrival.
In the place which is called today the great city of Kusko, there was a small town of about 30 small, humble straw houses.
The rest of the area around this town was a marsh of sedge with sharp-edged leaves.
Houses of this time were built from rough stones, carved into well-fitted but irregular shapes,
and thatched with a kind of mountain grass known as Itchu, which grows up to a meter tall in the mountains,
above an altitude of three and a half kilometers.
The straw from this grass was used for a wide variety of purposes by the Inca,
and was gathered as soon as the rainy season ended in May.
The name of the new Inca capital, Kusko, comes from the Quechua name Kusku Wanca,
or the Rock of the Owl.
The site of Kusko had long stood at the crossroads of empires.
It lay right at the point where the territories of the Wari and the Tijuanauku had crossed,
meaning that it benefited from both of their influences and formed a kind of hybrid culture.
According to one legend, the story of the Inca people began when a cave opened up in this region.
and four men, all brothers, walked out of it along with their wives.
One of these was named Ayaoce.
Then Ayaochi stood up, displayed a pair of large wings, and said he should be the one to stay at Guanacowray, as an idol in order to speak with their father the son.
Then they went up on top of the hill.
Aeroche raised up in flight toward the heavens so high that they could not see him.
The son had ordered him to go to the town that they had seen.
There, they would find good company among the inhabitants of the town.
After this had been stated, Ayaroche turned into a stone, just as he was with his wings.
There, Manco Capac and his companion, with the help of the four women, made a house.
Having done this, Manco Capac planted some land with maize.
Another origin myth states that the Inca began on an island
in Lake Titicaca, and were then given the task of civilising the world of the Andes.
They then migrated northwards to the site of Kusko, using a golden staff to test the ground
everywhere they went. On arrival in Kusko, the staff sank into the ground, and they knew
that this would be the place they would call home. Wherever they really originated, these stories
give us a glimpse of how the Inca viewed themselves, and it's an image we might find familiar
from countless other empires throughout history. They believed that it was their destiny to expand and
conquer, and to bring civilization to the peoples that surrounded them. And their achievements were
remarkable. They would soon embark on a rapid expansion that would see them grow to become the
greatest empire ever seen in the Western Hemisphere, in what may have been as little as 50 to 80 years.
The Inca credit this expansion to the work of one great king, a man called Pachacutti Inca
Yapanqui. In Quechua, his name means he who overturns time and space, and according to traditional
understanding, Pachacuti was a figure something like Alexander.
the Great, a conqueror of unmatched skill and energy. If the Inca Chronicles are to be taken as fact,
then during his reign, Cusco grew from a small town into the capital of an empire that covered
nearly the whole of Western South America. Pachacutti was born in Cusco, in the palace known as the Cusicancher.
As he grew up, he would have gazed out over the hills as the sun washed the grassy valley sides
and watched birds fly over the yellow thatched rooftops of the city, and perhaps it's here
that he began to dream of what a power this city could one day become.
As a boy, it's recorded that he learned history, laws and language, but Pachacutti was not
intended for the throne. That honor lay with his older brother Urko, who his father had named as his
heir. But Pachacchuti's time would come when the Inca faced a desperate threat.
Sometime in the early 15th century, a people known as the Chanka invaded the lands of Kusko.
Their armies marched into the fertile valley and surrounded the capital.
Pachakuti's father, the king, and his brother, the crown prince, both fled, believing the city to be
lost, but Pachakuti stayed behind. The Inca army must have been on the verge of desertion,
but according to the story, Pachukuti stood up on the walls and rallied the Inca soldiers.
behind him. When the Chanka fell on the city walls, he led them in a bitter defense, and against
all the odds, managed to repel the invaders. It's said that Pachakuti fought so fiercely that
even the stones of the mountains rose up to fight the Chanka invaders. Reading between the lines,
I think it's possible that the Chanka army was caught up in one of the frequent earthquakes and
landslides that rock this region, and this may have contributed to the failure of their invasion.
Whatever the cause, Pachacuti's victory was so celebrated that his father had little choice but to name
him his successor around the year 1438. From the moment he became king, Pachacuti embarked on a series
of grand construction projects, rebuilding Kusko after the war with the Chanka, and turning it into
a city that would be the envy of the entire region. And he led his inspired Inca army in an astonishing
series of victories that stretched their territory even further. Part of Pachakuti's success
seems to have been that wherever he conquered, he also built. He constructed vicarctuary. He constructed
vast irrigation channels and cultivated terraces in every territory he expanded into, and during his
reign, the road system of the Inca expanded dramatically, until it stretched more than 5,000
kilometers from Ecuador to Chile, allowing his army to travel quickly to wherever it was needed.
Cieza de Leon describes this ambitious building work in his chronicles of the Inca.
The Empire of Peru is so vast that the Inca's ordered a road to be made.
There were built from half-league to half-league, small houses, well-roofed with wood and straw,
lining the roads at regular intervals.
The order was that in each house there should be two Indians with provisions
stationed there by the neighbouring villages.
In this way, the lords were kept informed of all that had,
happened in every part of the empire, and they arranged all that was needful for the ordering
of the government."
Milestones were placed about every seven kilometers along these roads, marking the distances
to the next city for weary travelers. And the Emperor Pachacuti was also a poet,
with many traditional Inca poems attributed to him. Among these are hymns to the gods of
God Viracocha asking for blessings for his people.
whom you have made has light.
But Pachakutti was also capable of extremely ruthless tactics.
As the Inca Empire expanded, peoples who repeatedly refused to bow to his rule were
forcefully relocated, dragged from their homes by Inca soldiers, and sent to far
flung corners of the empire as colonists. But the expansion of the Inca Empire was not always violent.
Pachacutti relied on an intricate intelligence network of spies and informants who would infiltrate
neighboring states and bring back reports to him on their power and wealth. He would then send
messages to the rulers of these kingdoms and send them luxurious gifts, such as a
high-quality textiles and coca leaves, as Siezer de Leon recalls.
They always arranged matters in the commencement of their negotiations, so that things should be
pleasantly and not harshly ordered. They marched from Kuzka with their army and warlike materials,
until they were near the region they intended to conquer. Then they collected very complete
information touching the power of the enemy. The Inca sent special messengers to the enemy, to say that he
desire to have them as allies and relations, so that, with joyful hearts and willing minds,
they ought to come forth to receive him in their province, and give him obedience, as in the
other provinces, and that they might do this of their own accord. He sent presents to the native chiefs.
The promise of this gesture was clear. Join the Inca Empire, and I will make you rich beyond your
wildest dreams. It seems that most of the neighboring rulers accepted this offer and were peacefully folded
into the empire. But it wasn't without an implicit threat. Refusal to accept Inca rule resulted in
an invasion and any rulers who resisted were executed without exception. The Inca army at this time
was a fearsome force. Any commoner could be conscripted as part of the Inca system of organized labor,
and every able-bodied man was expected to take part in a war, at least in some capacity,
at least once in their life, and the Inca army could reach the astonishing size of 140,000 men.
The Inca had no iron or steel, and had no real technological.
advantage over other cultures in the Andes, so they often relied simply on their sheer force of
numbers to overwhelm their opponents. Their weapons were hardwood spears launched using spear-throwers,
arrows and javelins, slings, as well as clubs and maces, made from the hard wood of the
chanta palm, with blunt or spiked heads made of copper or bronze. They wore armor made of wood
of wood and animal skin, sometimes lined with these metals, and on their backs warriors wore
small round shields made of woven palmwood slats and cotton. Their favorite tactic was to ambush
their enemy in steep valleys, rolling rocks down the hillside and trapping them in avalanches.
They would march into battle to the beating of drums, the blowing of trumpets made of wood,
conchels or horn. The army must have made a tremendous sight when it all massed together and marched
off to war, and it's not hard to see why many kingdoms elected to take the Inca paycheck rather than
face them in battle. The logistical network that supported the army was no less impressive.
Inca soldiers marched along immaculately maintained highways through the mountains.
over bridges across the towering gorges. Along the road they were sheltered in barrack-like shelters
called tambos and were fed from the well-supplied storehouses called Kolkhas.
Because of this talent for organization, the Inca army was able to move faster and amass a greater
force than any of their rivals. Once the Inca had taken control of a town, whether peacefully or by force,
they would always build one of their large fortified storehouses or kolkers just outside it.
These they would fill with food, freeze-dried potatoes and corn, beans, dried meats and
other long-lasting foods, as well as clothing, blankets and shawls, even sandals,
which would then be distributed to the population.
The capacity of this storage system was staggering.
In just one region known as the Mantaro Basin, there were nearly 3,000 of these storehouses,
with a capacity of 170,000 cubic meters, or around 70 Olympic swimming pools.
These Kolka storehouses were always placed in ostentatious positions, on top of hills or on the side
of cliffs so that everyone in the valley below could see them.
The message they were designed to convey was clear.
You are now part of the Inca Empire.
The empire will provide for you.
All your troubles are over.
As part of their policy of expansion,
the Inca practiced an incredibly inclusive attitude to religion.
Like everything else, religious belief in this region was incredibly diverse.
The Waro-Ciri manuscripts records some of the extreme
variation from town to town in the myth of just one goddess named Chaupi Namka and how she relates
to other gods and mythical figures. In each village and even region by region, people give different
versions and different names too. People from Mama say one thing and the Cheka say another.
Some call Chao Pi Namka the sister of Perea caca. Others say she was tampedanamka's daughter.
Others still say she was the son's daughter, so it is impossible to decide.
In this atmosphere of extreme religious diversity, the Inca saw benefits to absorbing the gods of others
into their pantheon. In territories they conquered, local religions and cults were allowed to continue
and where possible were actually folded into the existing mythos of the Inca.
When they conquered the people of Waro Chiri province, for instance, they happily took on their
god named Pachakak. He became a god of the Inca too, although of course the creator god
Viracoccha kept his prime position. In the Warochiri manuscript, the people of this province
even attribute the many victories of the Inca to the help of their god and his son Makawisa.
If Upak Inca Yupanqui was king, they say he first conquered all the provinces, then rested happily for many years.
But then, enemy rebellions arose from some provinces.
These people didn't want to be the peoples of the Inca.
The Inca mobilized many thousands of men and battled them for a period of 12 years.
The Inca, grieving deeply, said, what will become of us?
He became very downhearted.
One day he thought to himself,
Why do I serve all these gods with my gold and my silver?
Enough.
I'll call them to help me against my enemies.
Makawisa arrived and sat at the end of the gathering.
The Inca King goes on to plead with the gods to help him in putting down these rebellions.
Some of them make excuses, telling him that they are too powerful, and their fury would destroy
not just the rebellious provinces, but the entire land.
But soon, the Waro-Chiri god Makawisa speaks up.
Inca, Midday sun, I will go there!
I'll go and subdue them for you right away, once and for all.
As soon as they brought him up a hill, Makawisa began to rain upon them.
Makawisa reduced all those villages to eroded chasms by flashing lightning and pouring
down more rain and washing them away in a mudslide, striking with lightning bolts he exterminated
all the great lords and other strong men. Only a few of the common people were spared.
The result of this miraculous intervention is that the Waro-Ciri god is welcomed with open
arms into the Inca religious system. From that time onward, the Inca revered Pariaakaka
even more, and gave him 50 of his retainers. This open-mindedness allowed the Inca
to incorporate a vast and diverse range of peoples into their empire and expand rapidly.
When they conquered the lands of the central Peruvian coast around the year 1470,
they took one great temple to the god Pachakamak that contained a famous oracle.
During their occupation of the area, they allowed the temple's priests to continue
worshipping their own gods, although they did add an additional few.
buildings to allow worship of Inca gods like Viracoccha to take place there as well.
And of course, one of the most remarkable outposts that the Emperor Pachacuti built is the
one that opened this episode. Around the year 1440, he ordered the construction of the outpost
in the Peruvian cloud forests that would one day be known as Machu Picchu, perched on a mountain
ridge rising half a kilometer above the valley floor, with steep cliffs plunging down on either side.
It's not clear exactly what this town was designed for. It was never self-sufficient,
relying on constant supplies ferried up to it from the valley floor, and so it must have served a very
specific purpose. Some believe it may have been a royal retreat, chosen for the beauty of its
location, while others argue that it may have been a plantation or trading post for high-value
commodities like coca leaves, which the Inca chewed and brewed into tea for a mild narcotic effect.
More than a hundred steps of white granite connect the town's temples and houses,
its water reservoirs terraces, and its temple to the sun. In its day it must have been a magnificence,
sight, with its rooftops of Itchoo Thatch gleaming bright in the sun, its fields overflowing
with corn and potatoes, while herds of llama zigzagged up the narrow mountain roads, to supply it
with all the necessities of life, and the clouds rolled endlessly over its grassy slopes.
The reign of the great king Pachacuti saw the kingdom of Kusko reorganized into an
entity known by its people as Tawantin Suu. In Ketua, this means four regions together, and has been
translated as something like the realm of the four parts, or the land of the four quarters.
This was now a stable imperial state, made up of a central government, ruling over four provincial
governments, Chincha Suu in the northwest, and Tissuyu in the northeast.
Kuntisuyu in the south, and Kula-su-you in the southeast.
The roads leading to each of these four provinces all met at a crossroads in the central plaza
of the city of Kusko, where the babble of dozens of languages would have been heard on the streets.
In Ketua, the word Inca meant lord, and at this time it also began to be used about the particular
ethnic group or caste that ruled the empire from the city of Kusko. It's not clear how many of these
people there may have been, but estimates range from about 15,000 to 40,000, but they would soon rule
over an empire of more than 10 million people, and the king who reigned in Kusko would soon be known
as the Sapa Inca or the Lord without equal.
As with many aspects of folkloric history,
it's possible that Pachacuti's achievements have been exaggerated.
Mythical retellings of history naturally tend towards what's called the Great Man theory of history.
Simply put, it just makes a better story to imagine that one hero is responsible for the construction of an empire.
It's possible that Inca expansion should actually be credited to the reign of several kings,
and with various less glamorous, economic and social developments.
But whether this is true or not, Pachacuti's name would forever be inscribed in the memories of the
people of the Andes. This great poet king of the Inca died around the year 1471,
and on his deathbed he is said to have uttered the following lament.
I was born as a lily in the garden, and like the lily I grew.
As my age advanced, I became old and had to die, and so I withered and died.
The son of Pachacuti, a man named Topa Inca, followed in his father's footsteps to expand the
empire even further, until only one true rival existed in the region, a people known as the Chimu.
These were a desert people who built the vast triangular mud-brick city of Chan-chan
on the coast of northern Peru. The Chimu had grown rich diving for the highly prized shells
of the mollusk spondylis that thrived off their desert coast. Their divers are
paddled out in boats, and sank to the bottom of the ocean with stones tied to their feet,
holding their breath for minutes at a time beneath the waves.
Whole sections of the Chimu city of Chan Chan were given over to the industry of shell production,
where the mollusks were cleaned out, the shells were polished and carved, and from there
distributed and sold to the whole region. The Chimu dressed their priests and kids,
in remarkable gold decorations, and were perhaps the last powerful rival to the Inca.
But by the year 1470, the Chimu too were conquered, and Inca power in the region was now all
but unchallenged. At Cusco, the Inca celebrated their imperial ascendancy with the construction
of an enormous ceremonial center, as well as an imposing structure that they call
the Puma's Head, or in Quechua, Saxe-Woman. We don't know entirely the function of this structure.
Due to its towering walls, later European observers would refer to it as a fortress, but it may have also
served a religious function. Saksay-Woman was the largest megalithic structure ever built in the
Western Hemisphere. Its walls are built of vast interlocking stones, carved so perfectly that they
fit together without mortar, so closely that it's impossible to fit even a pin between them.
Centuries of expertise at stone carving culminated here in some of the finest stoneworking ever seen,
slaved over by vast work gangs of conscripted laborers.
We can only guess at the enormous human cost that moving these stones must have incurred.
The Inca moved them without pack animals, using only mats of wooden logs and ropes,
and the muscle power of thousands of workers.
One 16th century Spanish observer, Pedro Pizarro,
would later write an eyewitness account of what Saxe Oman must have looked like in its golden age.
On top of a hill, they had a very strong fort, surrounded with masonry walls of stones and having two very high round towers.
And in the lower part of this wall, there were stones so large and thick that it seemed impossible that human hands could have set them in place.
They were so close together and so well fitted that the point of a pin could not have been inserted in one of the joints.
The whole fortress was built up in terraces and flat spaces.
The estimated volume of stone used in its construction is over 6,000 cubic meters.
Estimates for the weight of the largest Andesite block go as high as 200 tons,
or about 100 times the weight of the average stone used to build the pyramids of Giza.
The closeness of the stones and their lack of regular order are thought to be an adaptation developed over centuries,
to help these walls survive the devastating earthquakes that regularly rock the Kusko region.
It's said that during an earthquake, the stones of these walls dance in their place, jittering and
juddering, but always falling back to where they began.
Kusko wasn't a city in the way we think of one, as a center of trade. There were no markets or squares,
no workshops or places of business. It was forbidden for foreigners and commoners to stay in the city
overnight, and it was home purely to the temples and priests, as well as the king in his palace
and the officials of the empire. At its heart was the Cori Kancha, or the golden enclosure,
what the Spanish would refer to later as the Temple of the Sun. This was the spiritual and ceremonial
heart of the empire, and during the most important rituals, the mummified remains of dead
emperors would be brought out into the main square, where crowds of thousands would come to see them.
The chronicler Pedro de Cieza de Leon recorded the magnificence of the Cori Kancher's
appearance, based on the evidence given to him by Cusco's surviving Inca princes, and the few remaining
eyewitnesses who had seen the temple in its glory days.
Its circumference is some 400 paces, surrounded by a high wall of the finest masonry and
precision.
In all Spain, I have not seen anything to compare to these walls, nor the placement of
their stones.
The stone is somewhat black in colour, rough, yet excellently cut.
At mid-height runs a band of gold, of some 17 inches in width, and two in depth.
The doors and archers are also embossed with sheets of this metal.
In one of these houses, the grandest of all was the figure of the sun, of great size and made of gold,
and encased with precious stones.
There also were placed the mummies of the Inca's who had reigned in Cusco,
each surrounded by a great quantity of treasure.
From its seat at Cusco, the Inca Empire expanded until it encompassed a truly vast expanse of territory,
and ruled over as many as 12 million people.
This enormous swath of land was nearly ten times the size of the Aztec Empire in Mexico,
with twice the estimated population.
At 2 million square kilometers,
it covered a landmass equal to the Western Roman Empire in Europe
and the Qin Empire in China.
It reached as far north as the jungles of Southern Colombia,
and stretched south over barren coastal desert and snowy mountains
to about 100 kilometers south of Santiago in central Chile.
It was actually one of the few empires in history
to ever stretch so far from north to south.
Most powers stretch horizontally, from east to west,
in the same direction as the planet's rotation,
and the reasons for that aren't hard to see.
Most cultures prefer not to go too far outside the climate they're used to.
In the northern hemisphere, that means if you go north, things get colder and darker, and as you
go south, things get hotter. But going east or west doesn't tend to change the climate all that
much. But the Inca bucked that trend. Their empire stretches from north to south for an astonishing
4,000 kilometers, or about a tenth of the way around the globe. In Europe, this is enough to stretch
from the snowy tundras and icy glaciers of Iceland down to the baking desert sands of the
Western Sahara. In North America, this would get you from Canada's Hudson Bay, where polar bears
wander across the frozen waters, down to the balmy beaches of Jamaica. But in the Andes, it's the
mountains themselves that form the largest consistent environment, and it's across these that
the empire of the Inca spread. The Inca were deeply suspicious of the Amazon rainforest and the
foothills that descended down into it. They called this region Rupa-Rupa, meaning hot-hot,
which gives you a sense of how they felt about it. The hills that looked out over the forests,
are known as the eyebrow of the jungle, jutting out as they do over the cloud forest below.
The Inca tended to keep well clear of the rainforest's dark, shady depths.
They traded with its people for brightly colored macaw feathers,
and on a number of occasions seemed to have attempted to spread their empire down into the forest
with military power.
But what little information we have about these expeditions.
tells us that they invariably met with disaster. But the Inca were fascinated by this place,
by the exotic animals and plants that flourished in the Amazon basin. The jaguars, snakes,
and tropical birds of the jungle appear constantly in Inca art, high up in their mountains. The
Inca economy is one of the most fascinating aspects of their society.
To the extent that we can fit its structure into modern definitions, many have described it as an early
example of state socialism or even communism. As far as we can tell, the idea of private property
didn't exist in Inca society, and they progressed on the basis of shared ownership of assets,
resources, and the means of production. When an Inca couple got married, they were given
a house and a plot of land by the state, which they would use to produce enough food to support
themselves. The state provided them with seeds and tools, and whenever the couple had a child,
they were given another bit of land to help feed it. Each family was also provided with two
llamas, which were good for transportation and wool, and also produced manure for their fields.
In return, the family would give over all the food they didn't eat into the common storehouse.
And instead of taxes, they contributed directly with labour, agreeing to perform a service known as Mitha,
whenever called upon. This would involve laboring on a construction project for part of the year,
or working in a particular workshop making cloth or pottery, say, if they were a fast runner,
their service might be to work as a message carrier on the roads,
or if they were strong and able-bodied to fight in the army.
While performing this work, all food and accommodation was provided by the state.
Inker nobles were exempt from this labour tax,
and also any officials who were responsible for more than a hundred people.
Other than food and water, cloth was perhaps the most important resource in the
Andes. It was crucial for clothing, of course, but was also needed for making containers to store
and transport food. The bulk of this textile manufacture was done by women, who were provided
with all the raw materials involved in spinning, dyeing, weaving, and plating to produce thread,
cloth and rope. Andean society required millions of metres of thread, and the women of this region would
have gone about the streets with their drop spindles, devices that allowed them to spin while walking
around and taking care of their other duties. The hierarchy of this society was rigidly enforced,
and peasants had little independence or power. The authorities even conducted inspections of
people's homes to ensure that commoners did not own any gold or silver, have any valuable clothing,
or keep more than 10 animals. This entire system of organized labor was centrally planned from
Kusko, and quite remarkably, operated without a single word ever being written down.
All the information on how many taxpayers there were, the number of men available for military service,
the quantities of cloth and food produced and required, the numbers of children and elderly people,
all of this was recorded on the Kipus, those systems of knots that could only be interpreted
by a learned Kipukamayok.
With its sprawling territory, its well-oiled, centrally coordinated economy, and its state-of-the-art road network,
the Inca Empire was now at the height of its power and confidence.
But events were already brewing in the wider world, that would soon bring them into contact
with powers far outside their past experience, and which would ultimately lead to the wholesale collapse
and disintegration of their entire society. If we were to soar over the city of Kusko in the year
1500, we would see it in the throes of an impressive and sombre procession. The Inca king at the time,
a man named Wena Kappak, was returning to the city at the
the head of a massive army, after conquering a fierce people known as the Chachapoyas in the
cloud forests to the north. The chronicler Sieza de Leon recalls what a royal procession of this
period looked like. Round the litter marched the King's Guard with the archers and halberdiers,
and in front went five thousand slingers, while in the rear there were lancers with their captains. On the
flanks of the road, and on the road itself there were faithful runners who kept a look out and
announced the approach of the Lord. So many people came out to see him pass that the hillsides were
covered and they all blessed their sovereign, raising a great cry and shouting. But the army was not
in a mood of celebration. In fact, all the soldiers, even the king himself, were weeping. Their faces were
painted black. That's because the emperor's mother, the Empress Mama Oklo, had recently died,
and his war in the jungle hills had been waged partly in order to gain the tributes needed to stage
her funeral, coca leaves, ceremonial foods, and captives, who were destined to become the servants
of his mother's mummified body. In preparation for the festival, the entire ceremonial court was purified,
with ceremonies and sacrifices. This melancholy ceremony passed through the gate of Kusko and up the road
to the Cori-Canchure, the golden temple where the mummy of the Queen Mother would be placed.
The drums and conches and other instruments would have sounded a mournful tune as the king approached
his palace, and the lands of the Inca all joined together in mourning. Although the Inca had no
way of knowing it. On the other side of the ocean, some 10,000 kilometers to the east,
preparations for another very different procession were taking place in a city known as Rome.
For the Christians of Europe, the New Year was drawing close, and the year 1500 AD would be
a milestone date, a millennia and a half after the date given to the birth of Jesus Christ.
In the Christian world, the half-millanium marked a time of enormous change.
The Catholic monarchs of Spain had recently conquered the last Muslim kingdom in Europe,
capturing the city of Granada in southern Spain and unifying the Iberian Peninsula under a Christian king.
New lands had been discovered on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean,
and European settlement of the Caribbean had begun.
But the ancient holy city of Jerusalem had also fallen to a new rising power, the Ottoman Empire.
The ancient Christian capital of Constantinople had fallen only decades before, with Ottoman
influence now growing in Eastern Europe.
Far from bringing good Christian morals to the new world, settlers like Columbus had become
notorious for their use of slavery and torture.
refusing to baptize local people in order to justify their continued enslavement.
The Pope at the time, Alexander VI, was a member of the powerful Borgia noble family
and was infamous for fathering several children by various mistresses.
Dark, momentous things seemed to be happening in the world,
and people became obsessed with one passage in the book of revelations
that referred to the end of the world coming at the half-time after the time.
This was believed to refer to a millennium and a half since the date of the nativity.
To mark the occasion, in the year 1500, the painter Botticelli painted a grand artwork,
showing the nativity scene being attended by angels,
and included the following apocalyptic inscription in Greek above it.
This picture, at the end of the year 1500, in the troubles of Italy, I, Alessandro, in the half-time
after the time, painted according to the 11th chapter of St. John, in the second woe of the
apocalypse, during the release of the devil for three and a half years.
When Rome's River Tiber flooded in the year 1497 and months later the papal fortress of Castel
San Angelo was struck by lightning, rumors spread that the heart of the heart of the heart of the
half-millenium would bring death and devastation, perhaps even the coming of the Antichrist and the
end of days. But the beleaguered Pope Alexander was determined that the celebrations would mark
the dawn of a new beginning for the Christian world. In the final days of the year 1499,
the city of Rome was cleared of litter and its vagrants and homeless were driven from the streets
for a remarkable ceremony.
To mark the half-millanium, the Pope had decided to demolish a wall that bricked up the entrance to St. Peter's,
known as the Golden Gate, supposedly the one through which Christ himself had passed when he entered Jerusalem on Palm Sunday.
The Pope was surrounded by a choir singing hymns, among them notably Psalm 118.
for me the gates of the righteous. I will enter and give thanks to the Lord. This is the gate of the
Lord through which the righteous may enter. Carrying a mason's hammer in hand, the Pope stood from
his throne and approached the old, bricked up wall. Then he struck it three times. A team of
Mason's joined in to finish the job, and they all crashed through the ancient doorway in what
must have been a burst of dust and rubble, smashing their way into the new half-millenium.
The end of days did not come for Christian Europe at the year 1500, but there is a bitter irony,
that they were in fact about to unleash a wave of destruction on the other half of the world that would
match anything described in the book of Revelations. For the empire of the Inca, the clock was now ticking,
and the funeral procession that passed through the streets of Kusko, the soldiers with their faces painted
black, the blowing of conches, and everyone present weeping. All of it may as well have been
mourning for the entire society that ruled over the mountains of the Andes. The Inca Emperor at the
time of the half-millium was a man named Waina Kappak, whose name meant the young mighty one.
He had come to power at the age of 25, in the year 1493, just one year after Christopher
Columbus first set foot in the Caribbean. The emperor Wena Kappak was a conqueror by nature.
During his long reign, the Inca army was constantly on the move, and the empire expanded further into present-day Chile and Argentina.
He soon became hell-bent on subjugating the tropical northern territory of what is now Ecuador and Colombia.
These wars in the jungle were bitter and difficult, a quagmire that must have sapped the energy and strength of the
of the Empire. The terrain here was difficult, covered in dense forest and mangrove swamps,
and the Inca soldiers were not used to the climate, but Weena Kapak refused to give in. He spent as
much as ten years waging his war in the north, and all this time his messengers would have
travelled back and forth along the long Inca road network, carrying orders from the king and
bringing back news from his administrators in Kusko. This constant warfare must have become a daily
fact of life in the empire that everyone simply grew to accept. Many young people in Kusko would not have
remembered a time when the king had resided in the capital, or when the empire had known peace.
We don't know for sure, but while leading his armies through the forests of Koloz,
In Colombia, it's possible that the Incawana Kapak may have heard rumors, rumors of a strange and mysterious
power growing even further to the north, strangers who had arrived by boat and who brought
a wave of destruction in their wake.
Whole villages were being wiped out, laid low by some mysterious force.
Perhaps Weena Kapak dismissed these rumors at first, that is until one day he began to develop
a fever, the likes of which the Inca had never encountered before.
His condition rapidly deteriorated, and in the year 1527, the Sapa Inca, Weena Kapak,
the emperor of all the Andes, died suddenly of this mysterious disease, in the jungle a thousand miles
from home. And perhaps it's on his deathbed that those rumours came back to him about the
strangers who had been sighted far in the north. One Inca chronicler, Garcilaso Inca de la Vega,
recorded what was supposedly the dying words of King Wenna Capac that take the form of a prophecy of doom.
Our father the son has revealed to me that after the reign of 12 Incas, his own children,
there will appear in our country, an unknown race of men who will subdue our empire.
I think that the people who came recently to our own shores are the ones referred to.
The reign of the 12 Incas ends with me.
I can therefore certify to you that these people will return shortly after I have left you
and that they will accomplish what our father the son predicted they would.
Whether or not these were actually his dying words, they certainly show the apocalyptic mood
that had begun to sink in among the snowy peaks and deep valleys of the Andes Mountains.
Within a few weeks, the Emperor's mummified body began.
its 2,000-kilometer journey south to Kusko. His lords carried him on a throne, bound tightly in
white cloth. The procession traveled along the great Chinchasuyo road that separated the coastal plains
and the towering mountains above, a caravan of lords and warriors, porters and lamas, slowly
climbing up through the terraced roads and canyon valleys. When they arrived,
back in Cusco, they found the city a devastated place. While the king had been away, the plague
had reached the capital city and killed countless numbers of its citizens, along with many lords
and officials. The entire empire was reeling from the destruction, and bodies must have piled up
in the streets, with hardly enough people left to carry them away. In some areas, as many as nine
out of every ten people died. In one moment of lucidity during his fever, the Emperor
Weena Kappak had chosen his son, Ninan Kuyusi, to ascend the throne as the next Sapa Inka,
but this was to be an ill-fated choice. Ninan Kuyusi was an infant, and he died only days after
his father, possibly of the same disease. The empire was without a rule.
ruler, and now multiple claimants to the throne were gathering their armies. Within a year,
the Inca realm would be torn by a civil war that would result in the deaths of tens of thousands
of its people and the sacking of many of its cities, while diseases like the one that had felled
their emperor were only just beginning their spread, around every town and city in the mountains.
Before the Inca had even set eyes on a single European, the contact of the two worlds had unleashed chaos.
Back in the traditional capital of Kusko, one of Wiena Kapak's sons, named Waskar, declared himself the rightful ruler,
but in the rebellious northern region of Quito, another of his sons was in charge of a sizable army.
This man's name was Atta Walpa, and it's in his hands that the Inca Empire would finally crumble into ash and flame.
In his work, a true relation of the conquest of Peru, the eyewitness Francisco Lopez de Cherez
gives the following description of the Inca prince Atta Walpa.
Atta Walpa was a man of some 30 years of age, of fine appearance and disposition, somewhat stocky,
His face imposing, beautiful and ferocious, his eyes bloodshot.
Atalpa was a fierce and tenacious battlefield commander, who led the battle-hardened troops
that had been fighting in the jungle war in the north.
Ignoring his older brother, Wascar's claim to the throne, he declared himself the rightful
ruler of the northern region of Quito.
The Inca Empire had now effectively been divided in two, and a tense stalemate emerged that would last for five years.
Wascar, ruling from the old city of Kusko, was by any measure the most legitimate and legal king of the Inca.
He was four or five years older than his half-brother Atalpa, but although he was a brave commander, he had a mild and gentle temper.
But Attawalpa was of a very different temperament.
As the historian W.H. Prescott recalls,
warlike, ambitious and daring, he was constantly engaged in enterprises for the enlargement of his own territory.
His restless spirit excited some alarm at the court of Cusco.
Before long, the land was once again plunged into war.
It said that Atalpa was captured early on and placed in a wooden cage, but he managed to escape and return to his armies.
His soldiers were battle-tested, and they were also remorseless and brutal in their tactics.
When Atowalpa captured the city of Tumabamba, it's recorded that he put its inhabitants to the sword,
and burned all of its houses and temples to the ground.
His campaign of destruction continued into the south, as Siezer de Leon recalls.
Many Indians tell about how, to quell the king's anger, they sent a large group of children
and carrying green bouquets in their hands and palm leaves, to ask for his grace and friendship,
and to look beyond any past injuries. With so many cries they begged him, and with such humility,
that it would be enough to break even hearts of stone.
but they made little impression on the cruel man Atta Walper,
because they say that he ordered his captains and people to kill all those who had come,
which was done, sparing only a few children and the sacred women of the temple.
Some of these Spanish sources certainly have incentive to exaggerate the brutality of Atta Walper,
considering the role they would later play in bringing about his downfall.
But I think it's clear that he was at least,
very ruthless in the prosecution of his campaign. One story even recounts him burying some rebel
chieftains alive, as Juan de Batanzos recounts. He said that he planted that garden with people of
evil hearts. He wished to see if they would produce their evil fruit and works. These tactics,
however brutal, do seem to have worked. By the spring of the year 1532, Atowal
had pushed south until he was within a few kilometers of the capital of Kusko.
His older brother, Wascar, hastily gathered all the troops he could from the countryside,
many of them untrained men and boys. But it would not be enough. The two armies met on the
plains of Kipepepan, each with around 60,000 soldiers. The booming of their voices and battle cries,
the bashing of wooden shields and the thundering of drums, the clatter of bronze maces, javelins, and arrows.
When the two armies met, Attawalpa's experienced troops prevailed, and Wescar was defeated.
He was taken prisoner and placed in a cage, just as Attawalpa had been.
Attawalpa also seems to have purged members of the royal court, who may have had stronger claims
to the throne than he did, as Francisco Geres recalls.
To ensure the obedience of the country, he tried to get rid of all pretenders to the crown.
He did not spare even the illegitimate princes, because perhaps one or other of them might
like to follow in his evil example.
These executions and persecutions lasted for several years.
Attawalpa was now well on his way to becoming the 13th Zappa Inca, the next in a line of kings that stretched back a hundred years to the reign of the poet king Pachacuti.
He made the astonishing announcement that he intended to move the Inca capital from its ancestral heartland of Kusko to his own hometown of Quito.
He would uproot the entire inculability, strip Kusko of its wealth, and turn Kito into a capital that would dwarf it in magnificence.
Attawalpa must have been riding high. His land may have lain in ruins. His people may have been ravaged by disease and war, but the entire world now seemed to bow down beneath him.
He wasn't to know that events in the world outside had already overtaken him
and made his victory over his brother all but irrelevant.
A shadow was now stretching over all the lands of South America.
Soon it would grow to cover the Andes.
Within only a matter of days, they would encounter another power
that would outmatch them in technological sophistication.
and that would arrive with only one goal in mind to topple the empire of the Inca and conquer these lands for themselves.
The Inca didn't know it yet, but this power had already landed on their continent, and soon they would meet it face to face.
We've already spoken a little about the Great Man model of history when telling the story of Pachacuti's remarkable conquest of the Andes.
The Great Man theory was an idea that gained currency in the 19th century and argued that history
was a product of the impacts of great men, unique individuals who were highly influential
due to their natural abilities, their heroic courage, or their superior intellects.
This is a model that, for good reason, has fallen out of favor among historians, but it can
still be hard to explain certain moments in history.
where events really did seem to turn on the determination and sometimes the obsession of a single person.
In this story, that person will be a Spaniard by the name of Francisco Pizarro.
Pizarro was born in the Extremadura region of southeastern Spain, a region whose name comes from
the Latin phrase, Extrema et dura, that is, remote.
and hard, and it gives you a pretty good idea of what life was like here through most of its history.
The land was dry and tough in the summer, and the people here were often poor.
Pizarro was born in the most humble conditions imaginable.
There were no official documents recording his birth, suggesting that he may have been an
illegitimate child, perhaps abandoned and taken in by his adoptive family of peasant farmers.
His adopted mother worked as a servant, while his father was a soldier who had earned himself
the nickname, the Roman, for his exploits fighting in Italy. Pizarro had no education and began his
life herding pigs in the town of Trujillo. As a teenager, he joined the army, wanting to follow
in his father's footsteps, and he was immediately swept up in the campaign known as the Reconquista,
or the Reconquest. This saw the Muslim kingdoms of southern Spain conquered by Spanish armies,
and brought under the rule of a Spanish monarch. We don't know exactly where Pizarro fought on this
campaign, but it's likely that he saw some of these famous battles, and may have even participated
in the capture of the final Muslim capital of Granada.
The mythology of the Reconquista has a prominent place
in the imaginations of Spanish people around this time,
and the Spanish would carry it with them into the new world.
In fact, whenever Pizarro and his men encountered the temples of the Inca and other peoples,
they would refer to them in their writing as mosques.
When the dust from the war of Reconquista settled and the financial opportunities for mercenaries
began to dry up in Spain, Pizarro made the decision to cross over to the new world.
In the year 1502, he sailed to Hispaniola, the island that had become the first European foothold in the Americas.
There he became a member of the governor's bodyguard and earned a reputation as a woodsman and a fierce fighter of native people.
Pizarro had a character that was well suited to the brutal world of the Spanish colonies.
He earned a considerable fortune as a slaver, a plantation owner and a trader.
In the new world, Pizarro achieved a level of wealth and status that would have been important.
possible in Spain, where the entrenched class system meant he would always be treated as a peasant.
The new world suited him. He seems to have fostered no desire to ever return to his homeland,
and instead spent his days surrounded by slave women and all the trappings of wealth in the new
world. But it's clear there was also something of an itch in him, that his life there couldn't quite
scratch. It seems he wanted not just to be wealthy and comfortable, but to be respected, even feared.
He wanted an achievement that he could throw in the faces of all those nobles back home who once
would have looked down on him from such a height. But all of Pizarro's early attempts at
adventuring would meet with disastrous failure. He set off on a number of different experiments.
into the new world, among them one led by the Spaniard, Alonzo de O'Heda, who set up a colony in what is today Colombia and Venezuela.
Pizarro was paid no wage for the expedition, instead being promised a percentage of the total treasure
that the expedition brought back. But O'Heda's expedition was poorly managed. The colony of San Sebastian
that they founded was built in a low-lying swampy region, beset with mosquitoes and disease.
These were the same conditions that had caused the Inca armies of the Emperor Weena Kabak such difficulties.
The indigenous people here regularly shot at the Spanish with arrows dipped in poison,
and the colony offered no wealth, no gold or silver, and barely supported the meager existence of its
colonists. San Sebastian was eventually abandoned, and Pizarro soon discovered that it's not much
use having a percentage of the expedition's earnings, if its earnings are roughly zero.
Disconsolate, but not discouraged, he soon departed for Colombia, and from there joined the explorer
Vascoe Nunez de Balboa and sailed to modern-day Panama. Although the Spanish didn't know,
know it yet, this was the thinnest point of the American continent. Here, the Pacific and Atlantic
oceans are only 50 kilometers apart, and it's at this crossing point between the oceans that the
destiny of Pizarro and the fate of the Inca would be sealed. Balboa and Pizarro set about the settlement
of Panama with the usual destruction and enslavement that accompanied all Europe,
European settlement in the new world. There they set up the colony of Tierra Firmé, but still no one
knew how much land existed behind the long coast of the Americas. It's recorded that one local chief
called Comogre seems to have decided to cooperate with them, and offered to pay them off
in both gold and information. It's here that the Spaniards first heard. It's here that the Spaniards first heard,
of the existence of another ocean to the west, as one Spanish conquistador, Pascal
de Andagoya, recalls in this letter to the Spanish king.
They say that the people of the other coast are very good and well-mannered, and I am told that
the other sea is very good for canoe navigation, for that it is always smooth and never rough
like the sea on this side, according to the Indians.
I believe that there are many islands in that sea.
They say that there are many large pearls,
and that the chiefs have baskets of them.
In one version of the story,
the chief Komogre's son is said to have burst out in a rage
when the Spanish kept demanding gold from his father
and let out this fuming proclamation.
If you are so hungry for gold that you
leave your lands to cause strife in those of others, I shall show you a province where you can
quell this hunger. The idea of a mythical city of gold, lying just beyond the horizon, was a common
theme of the Spanish settlement of the Americas. The king of this place became known as El
Ombre Dorado or El Ray Dorado, the golden man or king. This was a mythical character. This was a mythical
character who was supposed to bathe himself in gold dust. And over time, the legends became more
outlandish, until El Dorado went from being a man to a whole city, then a kingdom, and finally an entire
empire of gold. And it's not hard to see how this piece of folklore would have emerged.
Whenever native people discovered the European obsession with the precious metal gold, they would
often assure them that there was plenty of gold just over the next hill, if only they would pack up
and leave them in peace. Whether Comogre and his son really knew about the Inca and the gold
that decorated their temples high in the Andes, or whether they were just trying to get the Spanish
to move on, we can never know. But the result was the same. Balboa organized an expedition
to cross the Isthmus of Panama and reach what he called the other sea.
Pizarro was a captain of this expedition. Hacking their way through the dense jungle of the interior
of Panama, thick with mangroves, vines, and strangler figs, the conquistadors nearly cooked in their
armor. They were plagued by mosquitoes and disease, but finally they cut through the last bit of
jungle and saw a vast body of water stretching out, boundless and blue into the horizon.
The life of a conquistador in the new world was violent and ruthless. They lived largely beyond
the reach of the law, and often the greatest dangers came from the other conquistadors around
them. Pizarro had been Balboa's friend for many years, but when the opportunity came to betray him, he didn't
hesitate. In one of the routine power struggles that took place here at the edge of the world,
Pizarro was ordered to arrest Balboa, the man was later executed. For his services in this coup,
Pizarro was given a swampy bit of land to call his own, and he settled down to the life of a colonial
baron. He retired from soldiering, and perhaps this is where he might have stayed. That is,
if it wasn't for the news that would soon come trickling down the coast from Mexico
about the incredible exploits of one of his distant cousins, a man named Hernan Cortez,
who had taken 600 men and with them toppled an empire. For many historians, the
comparisons between Francisco Pizarro and Hernan Cortez are obvious. As we saw in episode
Cortez had led a tiny army and with them captured the Aztec king, Moghtezuma,
toppling the greatest indigenous empire of Mexico.
Cortez was now considered a hero in the Spanish court, and his exploits were legendary.
Pizarro was a second cousin of Cortez, and seven years older than him,
and he openly admired his overachieving relation.
They were both from that same hard region of Estremadura in Spain, and had both set sail to explore the new world, living in Hispaniola at the same time.
But there are also some significant differences in these characters, as the historian W.H. Prescott recounts.
Pizarro seems to have had the example of his great predecessor before his eyes on more than one occasion.
But he fell far short of his model, for his coarser nature and more ferocious temper often betrayed him into acts most repugnant to sound policy, which would never have been countenanced by the conqueror of Mexico.
Cortez was a member of the noble Hidalgo class. He had a legal education and worked as a notary and treasurer.
The letters he wrote to King Charles V are one of the great sources of information about the conquest of Mexico.
And while we may not always trust his account of events, he does speak to us out of history with a commanding voice,
explaining his motivations, his desires, and his fears.
But Pizarro is more of an enigma.
In fact, he was illiterate and could neither read nor write.
All we learn about his motivations comes from those who accompanied him and wrote down their accounts.
By the year 1521, the great Aztec capital of Tenosh Ditlan had been conquered by the Spanish
and reduced to a smoking ruin.
All of Spain and its colonies were buzzing with this news, and the fame and wealth that Cortez won
in this expedition seems to have reignited Pizarro's lust for adventure.
By this time he was in middle age. From depictions of him at the time, we can see he was a man with a thick beard and a flat face with wide spreading cheekbones and a lantern jaw.
His cousin Pedro Pizarro described him in the following way.
He was a very Christian man and very zealous in the service of his majesty. He was tall and spare, having a good face and a thin beard.
personally he was valiant and vigorous, a truthful man.
It was his custom whenever anyone asked him for anything, always to say no.
He said this in order that he might not fail to keep his word.
And though he said no, he always did in the end what was asked of him, if there were not reason against it.
In 1522, just one year after he heard news of Cortez's exploits, Pizarro returned to adventuring.
He joined a company heading south along Panama's Pacific coast, determined to find out the
truth about the rumored cities of gold that were supposed to lie to the south, in a land
that had attained a semi-mythical status for them, and which was called Biru.
While Cortez's expedition had been a relatively amateur affair, with very few professional
soldiers, Pizarro's men were even more of a rough bunch. He had a
about a hundred men with him, many of whom signed up to escape debts or to avoid being put in
jail for various crimes. These were stragglers and ruffians rather than soldiers. They had enough
money for only two ships, and they set sail in November 1524. It was the worst possible
season for sea travel, and Pizarro's usual bad luck prevailed. Rain and storms hammered their ships,
and they quickly ran out of supplies. The men ate raw crabs and shellfish, as well as berries
from the shore, which turned out to be poisonous and made them severely ill. Pizarro's expedition
crept along the Pacific coast of South America for more than a year, experiencing misfortune
after misfortune, with one of their ships making regular supply runs back to Panama. But eventually,
in the year 1526, they came across something they had never seen before in the Americas.
It was a native boat with a sail. When they stopped the craft, they found that the boat was a raft,
carrying 20 indigenous people, as well as a great variety of jewelry and cloth, and other decorative
items like belts, necklaces and pins made of gold and silver, and inlaid with gems.
Their clothes were finely embroidered, decorated with patterns of birds, flowers and animals.
The Spanish asked where these goods had come from, and the people gave the answer they had been
waiting for. They said it had all come from a wealthy land that lay to the south, a land called Peru.
The news lit a fire under Pizarro, but his men were sick and tired of the expedition.
Their misfortunes continued and soon news returned to them that the governor of Panama had ordered their return.
When his men heard the news, they were overjoyed, as Ciesa de Leon recalls.
Pizarro was downcast when he saw they all wanted to go.
He quietly composed himself and said that, of course, they could return to Panama, and the choice was theirs.
He had not wanted them to leave, because they would have their reward.
if and when they discovered a good land.
As for himself, he felt that returning poor to Panama
was a harder thing than staying to face death and hardship.
Pizarro shared something of Cortez's passion for dramatics,
and one instance has passed into legend and idiom.
He took his sword and drew a line in the sand
and gave his men the following announcement.
Friends and comrades, on that side are toil, hunger, nakedness, the drenching storm, desertion and death.
On this side, ease and pleasure. There lies Peru with all its riches, here, Panama and its poverty.
Choose each man, what best becomes a brave Spaniard? For my pocket.
I go south.
Most of Pizarro's men were not won over by this piece of oratory.
Only 13 men stepped over the line.
But it was enough for his journey to continue.
In the year 1528, Pizarro reached the Incan town of Tumbes,
today located on the border between Ecuador and Peru.
And here, finally, was evidence of the wealthy empire
he had been promised.
Tumbes was a magnificent port city.
The old Inca king, Tupacya Pankui, had built a strong fortress there,
along with a fine temple staffed with 500 virgins who served the sun god.
The town was well supplied with water from several aqueducts,
and the historian W.H. Prescott recalls the reaction of the Spanish to this site.
The Spaniards were nearly mad with joy at receiving these brilliant tidings of the Peruvian city.
All their fond dreams were now to be realized, and they had at length reached the realm,
which had so long fitted in visionary splendor before them.
The people of Tumbes received Pizarro and his men politely and graciously.
The people of Tumbes even gave Pizarro two boys,
who he took with him back to Panama and taught to speak Spanish.
He would use them as translators throughout the following years, and all of this was very convenient for Pizarro, and played directly into his plans, as the chronicler Narao recalls.
It was manifestly the work of heaven that the natives of the country should have received him in so kind and loving a spirit as best fitted to facilitate the conquest.
Encouraged and reeling from the magnitude of his discovery, Pizarro sailed further up the coast,
and everywhere he saw small towns and coastal hamlets.
Everywhere he went, the people told him that they were part of a great empire,
whose capital lay far up in the high mountains. They told him stories of the glittering
city of gold, where the great emperor Atalpa ruled.
they saw the enormous networks of aqueducts that made even the coastal deserts bloom,
and the well-maintained roads linking the settlements. Pizarro now felt that he had evidence enough
to confirm the rumors, but his tiny force had no hope of making anything of his discovery.
He returned to Panama and began to prepare for another final voyage. The arrival of the Spanish
at Tumbes caused a ripple of consternation in the Inca lands. The entire region was wrecked by the destruction
of the civil war that had followed the death of the Emperor Weena Kapak, along with the spreading
plague that had brought such desolation. The Waro Chiri manuscript recalls the opportunistic
struggle of this time with a note of disdain.
Kna Kappak had died, people scrambled for political power, each saying to their others,
Me first, me first! It was while they were carrying on this way that the Spanish appeared.
The Inca ruler and chronicler named Taitu Kusi, who had been a boy at the time of the invasion,
recounted his memories of that time in a remarkable document almost 30 years later.
In it, he recalls the shock and confusion that the arrival of the Spanish caused,
as messengers burst into his father's palace with the news.
They reported having observed that certain people had arrived in their land,
people who were very different from us in custom and dress.
When my father heard this, he was beside himself and said,
how dare those people intrude into my country,
without my authorization and permission?
Who are these people and what?
What are their ways? The messengers answered, they claim to have come by the wind. They are bearded
people, very beautiful and white. They eat out of silver plates. Even their sheep, who carry them,
are large and wear silver shoes. They throw thunder like the sky. Taitu Kusi even captures what
it was like to see the Spaniards reading for the first time. We have witnessed with our own eyes
that they talk to white cloths by themselves,
and that they call some of us by our names,
without having been informed by anyone,
and only looking into the sheets,
which they hold in front of them.
Another later chronicler,
Father Benabe Kobo,
recounts similar scenes of fear and confusion.
The messengers who were much alarmed and frightened
as by something that they had never dreamed of
told the Inca,
some strange people never seen before had landed on the beach.
These men were stuffed into their clothes which covered them from head to foot.
They were white and had beards and a ferocious appearance.
And when the Inca asked from what part of the world they had come,
he was told that the messengers only knew that the strangers traveled across the sea
in large wooden houses.
As in the conquest of Mexico, Inca sources recall the appearance of signs and portents before the arrival of the Spanish.
An eagle had been seen being attacked by condors above the main square of Kusko.
Comets were sighted across the Andes, and many had reported seeing a blood-red circle enveloping the moon.
But no one knew what the arrival was.
of these foreigners could mean. In Panama, Pizarro finally sailed back into port to the astonishment
of many of the people there. It had been more than 18 months since they'd last been heard from,
and most had assumed that he and his meager crew had been lost at sea. But news of his discovery
didn't create the explosion of interest that he had hoped. In fact, the governor of Panama refused him
permission to go on any more expeditions. Pizarro was frustrated. The temptation of that faraway
empire, along with all its gold and glory, began to possess him. We can imagine him lying awake at
night in the hot Panama air, listening to the whining of mosquitoes overhead, and the cackling of
spider monkeys in the trees outside his cabin, all the while thinking about the glory that might
await him, far away on the shores of the other sea. In 1528, he decided to take a drastic course
of action. He would make his way back to Spain with the intention of gaining an audience with the
king and queen, who ruled from their opulent court in Toledo. The journey across the Atlantic,
could take six weeks if the weather was good, and as long as two to three months if it wasn't.
Since he had last been to Spain, Pizarro must have found it a much-changed place.
He had known it as a wealthy medieval state, but in the last three decades, it had become
the bustling hub of a colonial empire. Its ports had swollen with the vast wealth coming in
on its treasure ships, and now enormous thousand-ton galleons, carrying hundreds of cannons,
would have towered over the roofs of its houses. To this rough peasant farmer, used to life on
the frontiers, the exquisite finery of the royal court must have been staggering. It would have been
an incredible moment for this poor swineherd, approaching the royal couple surrounded by their finery,
and given a hero's welcome.
The conqueror of Mexico, Hernan Cortez,
was at that time resident in the Spanish court,
and his presence may have gone some way
to sway the royal couple into meeting this man.
Pizarro presented the king and queen with gold and jewels,
exotic birds and embroidered cloth,
even the fleece of a llama,
along with a newly drawn map of Peru,
The royal couple must have looked at these treasures hungrily.
The capture of Mexico only eight years before had swollen the royal treasury,
and now this commoner was offering to conquer yet another indigenous empire
and bring back even more treasure.
In 1529, on July the 26th, the Queen of Spain signed a charter
authorising the invasion of Peru.
which they had already decided to rename.
Without the Inca having the slightest knowledge of it,
their land had been renamed New Castile,
with the stroke of a pen 10,000 kilometers away.
Because you are Captain Francisco Pizarro,
a resident of Tierraferme called Castilla deloro,
you have taken the charge of going to conquer, discover,
pacify and populate the coast of the South Sea of said land to the eastern part.
The Queen also made Pizarro a knight of the Order of Santiago,
Spain's highest order of knighthood, established in the Middle Ages to protect pilgrims.
He was effectively being appointed a crusader,
and the crown gave Pizarro several Dominican monks to take with him
to underscore that he was on a religious mission. They gave him a license to buy artillery in Panama,
as well as 25 horses from Jamaica, and 30 African slaves from Cuba, their foreheads branded with
the letter R, showing that they were royal possessions. But other than this, the monarchy offered
no direct support, instead promising as usual that the men could keep
share of any loot that their campaign acquired. For them, Pizarro's expedition was low risk and potentially
very high reward. By January 1530, Pizarro had returned to Panama and prepared his expedition.
He brought with him his 15-year-old cousin Pedro as an assistant, who would later write one of the most
important eyewitness accounts of the invasion. But Pizarro had his usual run of bad luck on the voyage.
Strong headwinds blowing up the Pacific coast stopped his progress for nearly two weeks,
and storms ravaged their ships. But finally, he arrived back at the port town of Tumbes.
What he found there astonished him. The formerly booming town was now
completely abandoned.
Francisco Gerez recalls the eerie sight that the Spanish found.
The town of Tumbes was destroyed.
It seemed to have been an important place, judging from some edifices it contained.
It had open courts and rooms and doors for defense, and was a good fortress against Indians.
The natives say that these edifices were abandoned by reason of a great pestilence, and by reason of the war.
only four or five of the largest houses, and the walls of the fortress remained standing,
and these were greatly damaged and looted of all their finery.
When the Spanish landed, they managed to find some locals hiding nearby,
who told them that in the civil war raging over the empire,
Tumbez had been loyal to King Wascar in Cusco,
and armies loyal to Attawalpa had punished them by destroying the town.
Pizarro was distraught.
He'd spent much of the tough voyage encouraging his men with stories of the rich town of Tumbes,
and now it was nothing but a pile of rubble.
He must have known that his position was precarious, and that his soldiers wouldn't remain
loyal long if he couldn't show them results.
He knew that the capital of a great empire lay somewhere up in the mountains.
And after some time recuperating in the ruins of Tumbes, he resolved to march up into the hills and find it.
Pizarro set out on the 16th of May 1532 with a company of 187 men, made up of 62 cavalry,
and 102 foot soldiers, three artillery operators with cannons and 20 men with crossbows.
Ahead of them lay a journey of more than 2,000 kilometers, across harsh, arid deserts and snow-capped mountains.
But the events that would lead to the final fall of the Inca Empire had now truly begun.
It's not clear why Atalpa allowed Pizarro to found his settlement on the coast,
or to march unhindered into the mountains.
In the centuries since the conquest, many have proposed their theories.
Some chroniclers at the time claimed that the Inca believed the Spanish to be gods.
Some indigenous chronicles, like that of Taitu Kusi, repeated this idea,
although his account is full of flattery for the Spanish,
and perhaps he can't entirely be trusted on this point.
As we've seen in the conquest of Mexico and the Aztec Empire, there's really little first-hand evidence
that indigenous people considered Europeans to be divine.
And if this was their initial impression, it's one that they quickly dispensed with,
as Cesar de Leon recalls.
As these Spaniards were so free from all restraint, and held the honor of the people so lightly,
In return for the hospitality and friendliness with which they were received,
the Indians saw how little reverence the Spaniards felt for the sun,
and how shamelessly, and without the fear of God, they violated the women,
began to say that such people were not sons of God,
but that they were worse than Supais, which is their name for devil.
The most likely answer is that Atalpa was simply too busy to deal with the Spanish.
He was engaged in a full-scale war for the survival of his kingdom, against his brother
Wascar in the Central Andes. The chronicler Juan de Batanzas, who interviewed his Inca in-laws
in the 1550s about their memories of those days, records that the news about Pizarro's landing
reached Atalpa at exactly the moment that he heard of his brother's surrender and capture,
a moment of victory that must have occupied all his thoughts.
When Pizarro began his march up into the hills, Atalpa was just then in the middle of a march of his own,
a triumphal procession back to Kusko with his army,
to destroy the last remaining noble families loyal to his brother Waska,
to strip Kusko of its wealth and drag all its gold back to his home of Kito,
where he would declare himself the Emperor of the Inca.
The arrival of this small group of foreigners was certainly a curiosity for him,
but there's no indication he considered them a threat,
or even considered them much at all.
They were very few in number, they weren't outwardly aggressive,
and his only concern must have been to prevent them from intervening
in the final stages of this civil war.
Taitu Kusi even records that Attawalpa was more interested in hunting the Europeans' horses,
which he believed to be a new kind of llama.
He brought no weapons for battle or harnesses for defense,
only knives and lassoes for the purpose of hunting this new kind of llamas.
Not concerned about the few people who had come, or interested in who they were.
They brought only the knives for skinning and quartering the animals.
Attawalpa agreed to meet with the Spanish and sent an envoy of guides with instructions to lead them to a small town known as Kahamarka.
This was one of the stops along Attawalpa's tour of the country, where he was already scheduled to conduct a ritual in which he presented ceremonial weapons to the local youths.
Agreeing to meet the Spanish was a show of friendship, but it's clear that Atowalpa also wanted to give them a show of force.
In the heart of his empire, faced with the full might of the Inca army, any aggression by these mysterious foreigners could be swiftly crushed.
Atowalpa seems to have determined to make Pizarro his subject, and if that didn't work, he would kill him.
but things would not go according to his plan.
Pizarro and his men traveled slowly along the Inca roads,
passing inland through the desert forests of the Amotapai hills,
and stopping every now and then at Inca towns and storehouses.
They were supported by a team of enslaved men and women from Africa and Central America,
and by some locals that they had either convinced,
convinced or forced to follow them. Along the way, when Pizarro met with any resistance,
he made a point of burning local chiefs alive, and he made an extensive use of this terror tactic
throughout his campaign. Over the course of this journey, he burned dozens, and maybe hundreds
of men alive at the stake. On their journey, they saw the desert landscape watered by extensive
irrigation systems, with crops and animals in abundance. As they climbed higher into the mountains,
they marvelled at the sophisticated bridges that crossed the tumultuous mountain rivers, many built of
stone and some woven out of itchew grass. Francisco Geres notes the fine roads leading up
through the mountains. The road to Chincha passed through many villages and led from the river of
San Miguel. It was paved and bounded on each side by a wall. Two carts could be driven abreast upon it.
From Chincha, it led to Cusco, and, in many parts of it, roads of trees were planted on either side
for the sake of their shade on the road. As the Spaniards went, they learned more about the lands ahead,
sometimes through torturing locals, other times from local lords who simply hated Atalpa,
who had been loyal to Wascah and wanted to see their new emperor fall.
They found out that this king Atalpa ruled from a city called Kusko,
and that he held a vast army that could easily destroy them all.
From one local lord, they heard about the recent civil war.
They saw the bodies of recently executed men hanging by their feet at the entrance of one town,
and heard that this was a punishment for backing the losing side in this war, as Francisco Gerez recounts.
Until a year ago, all of those towns had been for the King of Cusco, the son of the old King of Cusco,
until his brother, Attawaalpa, rose up, and he has come conquering the land,
taking great tributes and services, and every day he commits great cruelties on them.
Despite all these warnings, Pizarro decided on a course of action.
He would meet this Inca king and take him prisoner.
In this plan of action, Pizarro was clearly imitating his cousin Hernan Cortez,
who had effectively kidnapped the Emperor Moctezuma and used him to take him to take
control of his empire. But Cortez hadn't invented this tactic, and it was actually extremely common
among all the early colonists of the Americas. Pizarro himself had a long history of hostage-taking
in Nicaragua and Panama, and it was common to capture local chiefs and force their tribes to
pay a ransom to get them back. If this king Atalpa was as rich as Pizarro had heard, then the
ransom to be gathered from his capture would be truly enormous.
The climb into the mountains was difficult.
As the roads soared higher into the rocky passes, Pizarro's horsemen had to dismount,
and led their horses up narrow trails so steep that in some places they had been carved into stone
staircases.
Higher up, the snows were an unfamiliar challenge, after so many months fighting for
through baking tropical heat.
As Francisco Gerez records,
The cold is so great on these mountains
that some of the horses,
accustomed to the warmth of the valleys,
were frostbitten.
At one point,
some food and supplies arrived for the Spanish
from Atalpa,
along with his wishes,
that they should come to meet him soon.
Finally, after weeks of traveling,
the Spanish found their way
to the wide valley.
where the town of Kachamarka stood. The bowl of the valley was surrounded by green hills,
and the valley bottom was marshy, fed by the waters of three rivers. When Pizarro and his men
finally arrived at Kachamarka, they found the army of the Emperor Atawalpa encamped in the hills
outside the town, numbering anywhere between 50 to 80,000 men. These were the crack-truthers
troops of the Inca, battle-hardened from their campaigns in the Civil War. They must have looked
with curiosity, but also a little derision at the ragtag group of Spanish soldiers, filthy from their
weeks on the road, pink in the face and out of breath in the mountain air, many of them
covered with boils and sores from tropical diseases. They must have looked like a sorry lot
to the Grand Army of the Inca.
Francisco Gerez recounts the tense atmosphere on Pizarro's arrival.
The governor arrived at this town of Cajamauga on Friday the 15th of November 1532 at the hour of Vespers.
In the middle of the town there was a great open space surrounded by walls and houses.
The governor occupied this position and sent it.
a messenger to Attawalpa to announce his arrival, to arrange a meeting that he might show him
where to lodge. Meanwhile, he ordered the town to be examined with a view to discovering a stronger
position where he might pitch the camp. The Emperor Attawalpa was still in seclusion as part of
the ritual he was conducting, and he didn't hurry out to meet the Spanish. Pizarro
approached from the northwest along the old imperial highway, and when they arrived, he ordered his
artillerymen to set up their cannons on the ceremonial plaza in the middle of the city,
in full view of the encamped Inca army. The Inca soldiers must have looked on with curiosity,
but they did nothing to stop them. That night a storm came in over the hills, bringing rain and hail.
The hailstones must have plinked and plonked on the helmets and armour of the Spanish,
as they encamped among the temple stones, and gazed with narrowed eyes at the lights of the Inca camp,
which must have stretched across the hills for a distance of miles, as Jerez recalls.
All the men were on foot outside the tents, where the arms consisting of long lances like pikes stuck into the ground.
There seemed to be upwards of 30,000 men in the camp.
In the morning, they rode out to meet at Ovalpa.
At first, he continued to play it cool, and showed little interest in them.
In fact, he acted bored by their presence.
Then he complained that they had treated some of his people poorly on the coast,
burning people alive and abusing the priestesses in the temples.
He even produced an iron collar that had been brought to him and that he said the Spanish had forced one of his allies to wear.
Pizarro denied all this and promised that all he wanted was to swear loyalty to Atta Walper and fight on his behalf.
The Inca Emperor soon let down his guard and began to warm the idea of welcoming the Spanish as subjects.
He suggested that they should go together and crush a local chief who was defying his rule,
and Pizarro happily agreed, saying that all the job would take would be ten Spanish horsemen.
Atalpa found this funny, and to seal the deal, they drank May's beer together from golden cups,
that Pizarro must have noticed with some interest.
Then they agreed to meet again in the Grand Plaza of Cajama.
Marca the following day. Both men left the meetings satisfied. Atowalpa seems to have set his fears
aside, while Pizarro returned to his camp to hatch his plan for the following day. As the sun
rose still under cover of darkness, Pizarro and his men set their trap. He hid his cavalry
inside the great halls that surrounded the plaza, while his artillery pieces were loaded
and ready to fire on top of the ceremonial temple, and now all they had to do was wait.
But Atowalpa, as usual, was in no hurry.
Pizarro and his men waited and waited.
And then finally, as the afternoon grew late, they heard the sound of the vast Inca army drawing near.
Many of the Spanish soldiers were terrified. Their lookouts announced that Atalpa had arrived
at the head of his army. But Attawalpa for his part made a number of bad decisions. He had
originally planned to enter the city with a troop of his well-armed soldiers. But his meeting
with Pizarro the previous day seems to have set his mind completely at ease. At the last
last minute, he elected instead to march into Kahamarka with only his ceremonial troops and servants,
most of which were unarmed.
Gerez recalls the colorful scene that unfolded before the Spanish as the Inca king entered the courtyard,
resplendent in full ceremonial dress.
First came a squadron of Indians dressed in the livery of different colors like a chessboard.
They advanced, removing the straws from the ground and sweeping the road.
Next came three squadrons in different dresses, dancing and singing.
Then came a number of men with armour, large metal plates and crowns of gold and silver.
Among them was Attawapa in a littered line with plumes of macaws feathers of many colours
and adorned with plates of gold and silver.
The Inca army behind them was also not prepared.
for a battle, and were instead arraigned for a ceremony. They were stretched out in a long column
along the road approaching the city, which cut a narrow path over the marshy land, and many of them
would not even have realized that something was wrong before it was too late. When Attawalpa and his
ceremonial guard entered the plaza, Pizarro gave the order to attack, all at once.
the Spanish unleashed hell. The cannons would have gone off with a terrifying crack,
and cannonballs would have whizzed into the Inca lines, smashing bodies and bones to pulp as they went.
Spanish archibuses fired into the Inca procession, and then the cavalry hiding in the temples
came charging out. The Spanish horses, guns and cannons were three weapons that the Inca had never even
imagined, let alone encountered before, and the effect of being attacked with all three at once
must have simply frozen them in their tracks.
Francisco Gerez writes about the pandemonium that unfolded in the main square of Cajamarca.
Then the guns were fired off, the trumpets were sounded and the troops both horse and foot
sallied forth. On seeing the horses charge, many of the Indians who were in the open space,
fled and such was the force with which they ran, they broke down part of the walls surrounding it,
and many fell over each other. The horsemen rode them down, killing and wounding and following in pursuit.
The infantry made so good an assault upon those that remained that in a short time,
most of them were put to the sword.
The Emperor Atalpa's escort stampeded in a panic back towards the rest of their still advancing army,
and the resulting collision of people saw many crushed underfoot.
Francisco Gerez recalls the panic that overtook them.
So great was the terror of the Indians at seeing the governor's forces way through them.
At hearing the fire of the artillery and beholding the charging of horses,
a thing never before heard of that they thought more of flying to save their lives than of fighting.
The Spanish cavalry rode back and forth through the throngs of.
of fleeing Inca, and slaughtered as many as 7,000 of them over the following two hours,
as the sun set red over the city. The death toll amounted to something like 40 dead for each
Spanish soldier. The Inca chronicler Taitu Kusi records the panic that spread through the Inca ranks.
The Indians were thus penned up like sheep in this enclosed plaza,
unable to move because there were so many of them.
Also, they had no weapons, as they had not brought any,
being so little concerned about the Spaniards.
The Spaniards stormed with great fury to the centre of the plaza where the Inca's seat was placed.
Taitu Kusi recalls bitterly the slaughter of that day.
Because the Indians uttered loud cries, they started killing them with the horses,
the swords or guns like one-kills sheep, without anyone being able to resist them,
of more than 10,000, not even 200 escaped.
As darkness fell, Atowalpa himself was captured,
and Pizarro ordered his men to fall back into the temple.
There the Inca Emperor seethed, stunned and speechless.
We can only imagine the shock and rage he must have felt,
to have fought for so long against his brother Wascar,
to have the crown of the empire come so close to his grasp,
to have sacrificed so much,
only to have this bolt from the blue strike.
him down. He must have sat there in pure disbelief, trying to understand what had just happened.
Francisco Gerez captures some of this in his account.
The governor went to his lodging, with his prisoner Attawobar despoiled of his robes,
which the Spaniards had torn off in pulling him out of the litter.
The governor presently ordered native clothes to be brought, and when Attawobah was dressed,
He made him sit near him and soothed his rage and agitation at finding himself so quickly fallen from his high estate.
Pizarro, himself likely a little stunned at the speed and the totality of his victory, is recorded to have swelled with a number of incredible boasts.
Among many other things the governor said to him,
Ah, do not take it as an insult that you've been defeated and taken prisoner, for with the Christians who come with me,
though so few in number, I have conquered greater kingdoms than yours and have defeated other more
powerful lords than you, imposing upon them the dominion of the emperor, whose vassal I am,
and whose king of Spain and of the universal world. We come to conquer this land by his command.
What happened next has passed into legend.
Francisco Geres recounts the glorious promises that Attaxiaz
Atta Walper made.
Atta Walper feared that the Spaniards would kill him, so he told the governor that he would give
his captors a great quantity of gold and silver.
The governor asked him, How much can you give and what time?
Atta Walper said, I will give gold enough to fill a room 22 feet long and 17 wide, up to
a white line which is halfway up the wall.
The height would be that of a man's stature and a half.
He said that up to that mark he would fill the room with different kinds of golden vessels,
such as jars, pots, vases, besides lumps and other pieces.
As for silver, he said that he would fill the whole chamber with it twice over.
He undertook to do this in two months.
The governor told him to send off messengers with this object and that when it was accomplished,
need have no fear. And Atwalpa made good on his promise. Over the next months, gold flooded
into the town of Kachamarka, from all over the empire, until the room was filled with a glittering
pile of ornaments and vases. They bought many vases, jars and pots of gold and much silver,
and he said that more was on the road. Thus, on some days 20,000, on others 30,000.
On others, 50,000 or 60,000 pieces of gold arrived in vases, great pots weighing two or three
aerobas and other vessels.
The governor ordered all to be put in the house where Atta Walba had his guard until he had
accomplished what he had promised.
This offer by Atalpa is often portrayed as a desperate bid by a terrified man bargaining for his life.
given the hand he was dealt, Attawalpa was actually making a pretty calculated play.
Attawalpa regaled the Spaniards with tales of the vast wealth of the Inca Empire, and especially
emphasized the city of Kusko as the jewel in its crown. He urged them to march there and
loot it. And here we can see that Attawalpa's shock was already transforming into a kind of cold
calculation. In fact, he had himself been intending to march to Cusco and loot it. He conveniently neglected
to mention his own city of Quito to the Spanish, where he had been intending to move his imperial court.
He had quickly determined the Spaniard's weakness, that is, their obsession with gold above all else,
and he would play on it in order to buy time and attempt to tip the scale.
back in his favor. He knew that filling a room with gold would take weeks and months,
and would give him the time to dispose of his imprisoned brother and any other nobles who
could still oppose him. Under the guise of sending out messengers to gather gold,
he could get word out to all corners of his empire, and the Spanish didn't know that
the rainy season was just beginning in the Andes.
Even a short delay meant that they would soon face increased snowfall.
The high mountain tundras would turn to impassable mud,
that would isolate them from their supply lines on the coast.
In addition, the weight of the gold would stop them from moving quickly
and potentially expose them to attack.
Atowalpa's promise also ensured that they would stay
in the relatively unimportant town of Kakamarka,
to wait for their gold, meaning that they couldn't march on to the more important centres of
Kusko or Kito. And so Atalpa's messengers came back and forth to him during his months of captivity.
Only a few days after his capture, he heard some good news. News of the situation had reached the soldiers
who were transporting his brother Wascar, and they had immediately executed their prisoner.
Atalpa was now the only remaining Inca prince with a strong claim to the throne,
and he knew that the Spanish would need him to rule the empire on their behalf.
In just a matter of days, he had actually turned this situation quite heavily in his favour.
And the best part of the deal was, the gold that poured in every day to fill that room in Cajamarca
didn't even belong to him. His treasury in the city of Quito remained untouched,
while he directed the Spanish to exactly where to find the gold of his political rivals.
They sent out riders to Kusko, and Atowalpa's soldiers showed them exactly where to loot the treasures
from the fine houses of the nobles still loyal to his dead brother, and any who still challenged his claim.
This was the work not of a desperate man, but of an incredibly shrewd political operator.
When the rulers of the powerful city and shrine of Pachacamac came to meet Pizarro,
Atowalpa saw an opportunity to rid himself of these powerful rivals.
He told the Spanish that these men were thieves and liars, and that the shrine was incredibly wealthy.
Pizarro obligingly put.
these lords in chains and sent out horsemen to strip their temples of their wealth.
The Spanish were now a weapon that Atowalpa could aim at will with just a few words in the right
ears. The problem for Atalpa was that others would soon learn this lesson too. His great rivals,
the lords of Kusko, would soon become more confident in speaking to Pizarro and his men.
and they happily began to spread rumors among the Spanish.
They passed on news that Atalpa was planning to attack Pizarro,
that an army of 200,000 of his frontier warriors were marching their way,
along with a horde of 30,000 cannibals hungry for Spanish flesh.
Fatally for the Inca king, this is one outlandish rumor that Pizarro seems
to have believed.
Regardless of its truth, Pizarro made a rash and impulsive decision, as Francisco Gerez recalls.
Then the governor, with the concurrence of the officers of his majesty and of the captains and persons of
experience, sentenced Atta Wauper to death. His sentence was that, for the treason he had committed,
he should die by burning unless he became a Christian.
They brought out Atta Walbur to execution, and when he came into the square, he said he would become a Christian.
The governor was informed and ordered him to be baptized.
The governor then ordered that he should not be burnt, but that he should be fastened to a pole in the open space and strangled.
This was done, and the body was left until the morning of the next day.
Such was the end of this man.
He died with great fortitude and without showing any feeling.
On the Inca side, the chronicler Taitu Kusi, a nephew of Attaualpa, relates these events briefly and with little colour.
The Spaniard positioned his spies everywhere, an ordered highest alert.
Without delay, he had my uncle Attawalpa brought out of prison into the open and, without any resistance, garotted him on a pole in the middle of the square.
The Spanish never made any attempt to fortify the city against the supposed attack,
or to prepare themselves for battle.
Pizarro sent out a scout to determine whether any army was headed their way,
but no sign of it was ever found.
The Spanish dug a grave for Atalpa and left the last emperor of the Inca to the worms.
After the death of Attawalpa, after the death of Attawalpa,
The Spanish installed the first of what would be many Inca puppet emperors, one of Attawalpa's
brothers named Tupac Walpa, but he died of European diseases in only a matter of months.
Next they crowned one of Atowalpa's brothers, a man named Manco Inca Yapanqui.
He was the father of the chronicler Taitu Kusi, who we've heard a fair amount from.
already. He was a loyal puppet king to the Spanish for a while, but as soon as he saw his opening,
he rebelled. He laid siege to the Spanish in Kusco, and sent another army to attack the new capital
of Lima, too, resulting in the deaths of as many as 500 European settlers. He set up a rebel
state in the remote jungles of Vilcabamba, where the Andes sloped down into the Amazon
rainforest. This was the last fortress of the Free Inca, and they would hold out against the Spanish
for a further 30 years. Pizarro's cousin Pedro recalls the audacity of this rebellion.
Manco Inca took refuge in the Andes, which is a land of enormous rugged mountains with very bad
passes and where it's impossible for horses to enter. And from
there, he sent many high-ranking captains all over the realm in order to gather up all the
natives who could fight, and who could go with them to lay siege to Cuscoe and to kill all of us
Spaniards who were there.
As the years passed, countless puppet emperors would be installed to rule over the Andes,
but none of them lasted for very long.
Several were assassinated by their own people, who looked on them quite rightly as collaborators with the foreign invaders.
Others escaped into the mountains and became rebel chiefs, raising armies against the Spanish, or fleeing to the free Inca fortress of Vilcabamba.
In fact, for at least the next 50 years, the Spanish fought a running series of guerrilla counterinsuble.
surgencies against the Inca, struggling to pacify a land that they had long since declared
conquered. As the French monk and explorer, Marcos de Nisa, recalls.
It was only because of this maltreatment that the peoples of Peru were finally provoked into
revolt and took up arms against the Spanish, as indeed they had every cause to do.
For the Spanish never treated them squarely, never honoured any of the Spanish.
the undertakings they gave, but rather set about destroying the entire territory for no good reason
and without any justification, and eventually the people decided that they would rather die
fighting than put up any longer with what was being done to them. In the year 1616, the Ketuan nobleman,
Philippe Guamane Pomar de Ayala, authored a remarkable text known as the letter to a king. In it,
he recounts the abuses and injustices of the Spanish colonialists
and denounces the hardship exacted on his people.
It amounts to one of the first full-throated denunciations of the colonial system
ever written by one of its subjects.
The Spaniards in Peru should be made to refrain from arrogance and brutality towards the Indians.
Just imagine that our people were to arrive,
in Spain and start confiscating property, sleeping with the women and girls, chastising the men and treating
everybody like pigs? What would the Spaniards do then? Even if they tried to endure their lot with
resignation, they would still be liable to be arrested, tied to a pillar and flogged. And if they
rebelled and attempted to kill their persecutors, they would certainly go to their death on the gallows.
Pizarro had dreamed of one day surpassing his younger cousin Cortez in the glory of conquest,
and by many measures he had. He had destroyed an empire ten times the size of the Aztec Empire
with about a third of the manpower, and he had done so at an enormous distance from the nearest
friendly port in Panama. The writer Francisco Gerez put this achievement bluntly.
When in ancient of modern times has so great an enterprise been undertaken by so few against so many odds,
and to so vary the climate and seas, and at such great distances, conquer the unknown.
The chronicler Sieza de Leon even places Pizarro on the pedestal of heroes like Alexander the Great.
Many nations have excelled others and overcome. The few have conquered the many before. They say Alexander the
with 33,000 Macedonians undertook to conquer the world.
So with the Romans too.
But no nation has with such resolution passed through such labours,
or such long periods of starvation,
or covered such immense distances as the Spanish have done.
In a period of 70 years, they have overcome and opened up a new world,
greater than the one of which we acknowledge,
exploring what was unknown and never before seen.
But Pizarro's days of glory would be short-lived. In the ten years that he ruled over Peru,
he presided over the steady collapse and disintegration of the entire society that he had once
heard such incredible stories about. Much of the local population was reduced to the level
of serfs serving European lords. The Europeans systematically stripped the temple
and palaces of the Inca, demolishing their cities stone by stone, and reusing the material to build
their own palaces and churches. Despite the destruction of their society and the repression
that they suffered, the people of the Andes would continue to fight to keep their indigenous
culture and the memory of their history alive. The writers of the enigmatic document, known as the
Warao Chiri manuscript, writing at the end of the 16th century, and under the direction of that
Spanish priest, who considered their old gods to be devils, wrote the following introduction to
their book, which to this day stands as one of the greatest sources of information about the
lives of these mountain people before the arrival of Europeans.
If the ancestors of the people called Indians had known writing in earlier times,
then the lives they lived would not have faded from view.
As the mighty past of the Spanish is visible until now, so too would theirs be.
But since things are as they are, and since nothing has been written until now,
I set forth here the lives of the ancestors of the Warrochiri people,
who all descended from one forefather.
What faith they held, how they lived from their dawning age onward. Those things and more.
Village by village, it will all be written down. A fifth of the gold that Pizarro had accumulated at
Cajarmarka was sent back to the Spanish crown. The rest Pizarro kept. He melted much of it down
into ingots and divided it among his men. They were now richer than many of them had ever imagined
possible. Some returned to Spain, while others stayed behind in Peru and established themselves
as colonial lords. One chronicler wrote in ironic terms about the fate of one of these conquistadors
who returned home, a man named Mancio Serra de la Guizamon, whose descent into gambling and vice
was representative of the later lives of many of these soldiering adventurers.
At the time the Spaniards first entered the city of Kusko, the gold image of the sun from its temple
was taken in booty by a nobleman and conquistador by the name of Leguzamon, who I knew and was still
alive when I came to Spain. He lost it in a night of gambling. Giving rise to the joke,
he gambled the sun before the dawn. Greed and corruption also crippled the colony of Peru,
now referred to by its new name of New Castile. As new,
of Pizarro's conquest spread, Spaniards from all across the colonial Americas began to flock to Peru.
In 1534, a large fleet of 12 ships arrived that was led by a man named Pedro de Alvarado.
He was a feared conquistador who had joined Cortez on his conquest of Mexico.
As we saw in episode 9, he was the captain who had been left behind.
kind in Tenochtitlan, and who had slaughtered the Mashika people as they celebrated their festival
of Tosh cattle. Since then, he had developed a reputation for his cruelty. He arrived in Peru
with hundreds of Spanish men and women, along with a sizable number of slaves, artillery, crossbows,
and war dogs. A full party of settlers prepared to colonize this new land.
He was among the first to follow in Pizarro's footsteps, but he would be far from the last.
Before long, these new arrivals came into conflict, and the colony was plunged into civil war.
Soon Pizarro was fighting one of his former captains over who would rule in Cusco.
The reign of the conquistadors in Peru was not the enlightened rule of the glorious crusading
Christian knights that they had imagined, but resembled something like rival mafias fighting over
gangland territory. These wars further devastated the land, and left what remained of the monumental
works of the Inca in ruins. The free Inca in the rebel city of Vilcabamba soon learned to bridge
the technological divide with the Spanish, and it took them only a couple of decades.
As early as 1537, the king Manco Inca defeated the Spanish at Pilko Suni, and they came into possession of modern weapons, including archibuses, artillery and crossbows.
Just one year later, Manco Inca was recorded to be skilled enough to ride a horse into battle.
In the early 1540s, several Spanish refugees would teach Inca warriors how to use Spanish weapons, and
By the 1560s, it was recorded that many Inca had developed considerable skill in using early
firearms and riding horses, but it would not be enough.
The last Inca ruler to lead the free city of Vilcabamba was a man named Tupac Amaru.
On June the 24th of the year 1572, a Spanish army led by veteran conquistador, Martin
Ertudo de Arbieto made a final advance on the Inca's remote jungle capital.
The city finally fell to Spanish cannons, and the Inca king Tupac Amaru fled the city.
He was finally caught by the Spanish in the year 1572, and marched back to Cusco to face a military
trial with five of his generals. These generals were all hanged, while Tupac Amaru was
sentenced to be beheaded. On the day of his execution, a scaffold was erected in front of the main
cathedral in the central square of Kusko, all draped in black cloth. It's reported that between
10,000 to 15,000 people came out to watch, and the plaza was so densely crowded that the chief
officer of the court had to ride his horse through the people to clear a path. Tupac Amaru was
carried through the crowd with his arms tied behind his back. When he mounted the scaffold,
accompanied by the bishop of Kusko, the entire crowd let out a blood-curdling wail of mourning.
As one eyewitness named Martin de Marua recalls, as the magnitude of Indians, who
completely filled the square, saw that sad and lamentable spectacle and knew that their
Inca and Lord was about to die, they deafened the skies, making them reverse.
with their cries and wailing, and their relatives who were near, cried out with tears and sobs.
Tupac Amaru reached out his hand. He gave a clap, at which all the people fell silent.
This was a manifest sign of the obedience, fear and respect that the Indians had for their Incas and lords.
With just a clap, they silenced the cries and tears coming from the heart that are so difficult to hide.
Then the Emperor of the Free Inca let out the...
final words.
Pachak, witness how my enemy shed my blood.
With him, the Inca line came to an end.
Pizarro had wanted to be a conqueror like Julius Caesar, and in the manner of his death,
he got his wish.
He was in his late 60s in June of 1541, when a group of armed men loyal to one of his
rivals burst into his palace with daggers and assassinated him, stabbing him multiple times.
He managed to kill two of his attackers and wound a third before being stabbed in the throat,
and then falling to the floor, where his attackers flocked around him and struck him again and
again. I wonder whether in those moments he thought about the Inca Emperor at Awalpa,
and the look in his eyes as he had been strangled against that pole in Kahamarka.
And perhaps then he might have understood what that look meant,
to have gained everything you had ever fought for,
only to have it snatched away in the violent hands of another.
In the early 1930s, the sculptor Ramsey MacDonald
created three copies of a bronze statue,
depicting a European soldier with sword drawn, riding a horse, the visor of his swooping 15th century
helmet cocked open. He originally intended to sell the statue to Mexico as a depiction of the conqueror
Hernan Cortez, but the statue was rejected. Instead, MacDonald approached the Peruvian government
and sold them the same statue, saying that it could just as
easily depict Pizarro. The statue was erected in the Peruvian capital of Lima in 1934,
and perhaps it's a fitting piece of irony that even in death, Pizarro found himself playing the
eternal second place to his younger and more refined cousin, in 2003, facing a rising swell of
popular hatred towards him, and a growing sense of indigenous identity in Peru, Pizarro's statue was
removed from its position beside the government palace, and was placed in a more obscure spot in a nearby
park, where it remains to this day. Since the 19th century, a mummified body found in the cathedral of
Cusco was claimed to be the body of Francisco Pizarro, and many people
came to pay their respects. But more modern analysis has shown that the body belongs to someone else.
As the Inca Empire fractured and collapsed, and its ruins were built over by the Spanish,
only those rare places that the Europeans couldn't reach or didn't know about were preserved.
One of these was the cloud outpost of Machu Picchu. In fact, the Spanish never even heard,
about its existence. Sometime in the 1530s, as the Inca Empire collapsed, the people who operated
it as a royal retreat or a coca plantation stopped receiving supplies from the rest of the empire.
They simply left it behind to crumble into the hillside. The thatched roofs of this
mountainside town would have been the first to rot and fall in, with vines and plants.
taking root among the eaves, putting down roots and rotting away the roof beams.
As the cloud rolled in over the hills day after day, mosses and lichen would have begun to grow over
the walls, and the immaculate terraces would have been completely covered in a winding growth of weeds.
Little by little, the town of Machu Picchu would have disappeared beneath the shade of the trees
until nothing remained to show that it had been there at all.
The site of Vilcabamba, the last fortress of the Inca,
where they held out for more than 30 years against the Spanish,
was also abandoned and its location forgotten.
Its walls crumbled and silk-cotton trees put their roots down between its stones.
Today it's located in a place known as Espirito.
Pampa, or the plain of ghosts.
On July 2nd, 1964, the flamboyant explorer and archaeologist Jean Savoy was the first to travel
to these ruins and correctly identify it as the last Inca stronghold of Vilcabamba.
Savoy writes movingly about the eerie scenes as he traversed this series of melancholy ruins,
crumbling beneath the green twilight of the forest.
The Inca Road we have been following comes to a halt.
I have the men spread out.
It is a half hour before we find the groups of buildings.
The stonework is of better quality than what we have seen before.
It is evident that the cut-white limestone blocks had once fit snugly together,
although many had now been broken by feeder vines
that had wormed their way between the stones and pried them apart.
one of the buildings a rectangular construction with two doorways guards a green-lit temple a high elevated bulwark of stone consisting of rooms with niches and falindore lintels inner court-yards and enclosures
it must have been very impressive when the incas lived here a large sacred boulder rests beside one of the walls it looks as if it may have fallen from the top of the platform wall
a magnificent strangler fig with a spreading crown some one hundred feet above our heads locks one of the walls in a grip of gnarled roots some of the rocks are squeezed out of place by its vice-like grip
Rutan vines hang down from its upper branches, forming a screen through which we must cut our way.
I want to end this episode by reading a piece of Inca poetry, supposedly composed by that great
Inca King, Pachacutti Inca Yapanqui, in the dawning age of their empire.
It's a prayer to the creator god Viracoccia, asking him to protect and keep the people of the Andes safe.
We can imagine that as their world began to fall apart, the people of the Andes must have whispered this prayer to themselves, over their children and their families, and over the towns and cities nestled in the narrow valleys of the mountains.
As you listen, try to imagine what it would feel like to watch the great society of the Inca deteriorate around you, beneath the twin forces of plague and civil war.
Imagine watching the greed of the nobles tear your land apart, while a foreign power with guns
and horses arrives to dictate your fate and demolish your cities brick by brick.
Imagine the sorrow you would feel watching the blooming terraces empty and fill with weeds,
the thatched roofs falling in, the wind howling through the halls and the walls crumbling,
as the cloud washed in, relentless and forgetful over the hills.
Above this world in the clouds, below this world in the shades.
Hear me, answer me, take my words to your heart.
For ages without end, let me live.
Grasp me in your arms.
Hold me in your hands.
Receive this offering wherever you are, my lord.
Viracucha in shining clothes. Let man live well. Let woman live well. Let the peoples multiply.
Live blessed and prosperous lives. Preserve what you have infused with life for ages without end.
Hold it in your hand. Before you stand your servants and the poor,
to whom you have given life and put in their places, let them be happy and blessed with their
children and descendants. Let them not fall into veiled dangers along the lonely road. Let them live
many years without weakening or loss. Let them eat. Let them drink. Oh my lord, my creator,
let them increase so the people do not suffer and not suffering believe in you.
Let it not frost.
Let it not hail.
Preserve all things in peace.
Thank you once again for listening to the Fall of Civilizations podcast.
I'd like to thank my voice actors for this episode.
Annie Kelly, Jamie Tanner, Gerald Condlin, Peter Walters, Lachlan Lucas, and Jimmy Lai.
Special thanks go to Edith Kisbe and her grandmother Celia Kisbe
for helping us hear the ancient poetry of King Pachakuti in its original
traditional Ayakuchano Ketsua. Much of the music for this episode was composed and compiled by Pavlos
Kapralos using authentic Andean instruments. If you enjoyed these traditional performances,
they will be available to download for all Patreon subscribers. I love to hear your thoughts
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