Gone Medieval - Battles, Kings, and Conquests: A Journey Through Medieval England
Episode Date: December 3, 2024Dr. Eleanor Janega invites co-host Matt Lewis to discuss his exciting new book, 'The History Hit Guide to Medieval England.' Matt reveals the secrets from the era of the Vikings to the Tudors, from gr...ipping tales such as Hereward the Wake's daring escapades, the complexities of the Norman Conquest to the notorious reign of King John. Along the way, they explore fascinating revolts and feuds during the Wars of the Roses and the Black Death's impact.Gone Medieval is presented by Dr. Eleanor Janega and edited by Amy Haddow. The senior producer is Anne-Marie Luff.All music courtesy of Epidemic Sounds.Gone Medieval is a History Hit podcast.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe. You can take part in our listener survey here: https://uk.surveymonkey.com/r/6FFT7MK Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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Hello, I'm Dr. Eleanor Yonaga and welcome to Gone Medieval from History Hit,
the podcast that delves into the greatest millennium in human history.
We uncover the greatest mysteries, the gobsmacking details,
and the latest groundbreaking research from the Vikings to the Normans,
from kings to popes, to the Crusades.
We delve into the rebellions, plots,
and murders that tell us who we really were and how we got here.
Here at Gone Medieval, we are constantly giving you as much information as you can possibly
stand about any medieval subjects, and particularly about medieval England, because, you know,
well, this is where we podcast from. But we are very, very excited because today I have brought
my co-host, Matt Lewis, on to talk about his new book, The History Hit Guide to Medieval England,
from the Vikings to the Tudors and everything in between.
It gives you a chance to just slow down and focus more particularly on England,
you know, but just about 500 years of it or so.
And I have dragged Matt on today to talk to me all about it.
Matt Lewis, welcome to Con Medieval.
Thank you so much for having me on, Eleanor.
It's an absolute pleasure.
It's a dream of mine.
I bet it is.
And you are welcome, you know.
But Matt, I've dragged you on today to talk about your new book, Medievalese.
England from the Vikings to the Tudors and everything in between, which you have got out now.
It's a history hit guide. So, you know, one of our babies. But I suppose my very first question
for you with this is, when do you sleep? Because you're just, you're cranking these books out,
my man. You are, you're putting me to shame. How am I supposed to thrive in your shadow?
The question is whether it's any good what I write, isn't it? I write a lot. That doesn't
make it very good. But I think, you know, this book was something, it's partly,
doing this podcast feeds into writing a book like this because you just hear so many incredible
stories all of the time and you file them away. And then when work said, can you write a
medieval history book? It's like, you better believe I can.
Like, please try to stop me from writing a medieval history book right now. One of the things
that I really love about it is your very first full chapter is called The Bit Before 1066,
which matters just as much, which I think will be near and dear to the hearts of every gone
medieval listener because here on Gone Medieval, we really stand pre-Norman England,
don't we? Absolutely. And we managed to get Vikings and Tudors in the subtitle without
it being too much about Vikings or Tudors, which is a little bit naughty, I guess. But it's
impossible to tell the Tory it's 1066 without saying why 1066 happened. And it happened because
of Anglo-Saxon England, the Vikings arriving, the upheavals in England before that. So that chapter
is just meant as a primer for what you might need to know roughly what happened before 1066,
why Willie and the Conqueror invaded, why he thought he had a claim to the throne.
And I think it's really a savvy chapter as well, because if we are considering the idea of medieval England,
well, it didn't really exist, you know, until 1066, until you have this big consolidation of outside forces.
But that doesn't mean that that's when history begins, right?
You absolutely have to have these incredibly intricate and complex roots.
You do, and the story of England is the story of the heptarchy.
And the story of the heptarchy is the story of all of the little kingdoms that came before that that eventually became absorbed into seven.
And the story of those kingdoms is the story of the arrival of the Anglos and Saxons and Jutes.
And the story of that is the evacuation of Rome.
You know, it goes backwards and backwards and backwards into antiquity, I guess.
Yeah.
I mean, this is the trouble with a book like this is where do you even start.
But the answer is, yes, obviously.
We're starting with the heptarchy.
We're starting with these really gorgeous roots that we always like to talk about.
So I think that all of our fans are going to be hype, frankly.
I'm hyped.
So, you know, what can I say?
But then we get into the Frenchifiedness.
So we've got to start out, obviously, with our boys, the Normans.
You know, are they French?
Are they Vikings?
Yes.
And now they're English.
Absolutely.
I'd imagine there's a pretty good maybe two-part documentary that people might be able to watch on history here about
the arrival of the Normans are.
Something, yeah.
I remember seeing something.
Yeah.
But more particularly, you really get into the nitty-gritty of Norman England in this chapter.
Because I think it's really easy for us to just say, oh, wow, Battle of Hastings.
And wow, what a time to be alive.
When there's actually all this really interesting administrative and cultural stuff that you are actually able to talk about here instead.
There's a danger in saying that lots of moments in history are kind of pivotal because you could say that about almost.
anything. But the Battle of Hastings does feel like one of those genuinely pivotal moments
in at least English history. But it also isn't definitive. That single day in Hastings
doesn't change everything. It's the beginning of change. But it takes William a long, long time,
even just to get into London, never mind to be recognized as king. And then, of course,
there's his botched coronation that all goes horribly wrong. And then you get this administrative
machinery rolling because suddenly you've got this tiny, you've got this tiny,
minority, foreign minority, trying to rule the majority population without any concept of who
that population are, how many of them there are, the extent of the kingdom, they know nothing
about England.
Doomsday is William trying to catalogue what it is that he's actually won, because who knows
how many men you can raise from England if you're under attack?
William doesn't.
And I think that this is such an interesting way of looking at things, because it's so easy
from here in the 21st century to look back and say, oh, yes, and then the Battle of
Hastings and everything fell down easily. And that belies all of the things that William had to do,
some of which are fairly horrifying, in order to consolidate the power after said battle.
Absolutely. I mean, the harrying of the north is the obvious thing. That has a devastating
impact for generations to follow. You know, the north is decimated. And it's questionable how
long it takes the north to, not only to revive, but to ever feel like it's under royal control again.
You know, the royal writ rarely reaches into the far north of England, and it becomes almost independent.
You know, people can get away with things up there.
You've got kind of the Welsh marches, but you've got the Scottish marches too.
You get to those borderlands and law and order struggles to reach you, which means it attracts a certain type of person, which is never a very pleasant type of person.
And so some of the things that William does have this really long.
long-lasting, often devastating impact.
But then you also get stories like Herriwood the Wake,
who is one of my all-time favorite people in this period.
He's absolutely fascinating and incredible story.
Well, okay, go on.
Like, don't, don't, come on, don't cliffhanger me like that.
That was it.
Buy the book, read the book.
True, true.
Buy the book, everybody.
All right.
The third chapter is my favorite chapter.
And you knew I was going to say this.
Are we really not going to do Herod?
Yeah.
No, we should do it.
Yeah.
anger me like that. Everyone's buying the book. Let's go. Come on. I mean, Harry Wood, I'm going to
show my age here because reading his story reminds me of watching an episode of the 18. It's that
idea that, you know, you get backed into a corner, you disappear into this manky old shed and you
come out with a bulletproof armored car that you've welded together and managed to strap
guns to. It's that kind of utterly ridiculous, extreme story. But this is a guy who, I mean,
his stories are written a little bit later. How much of this is true? Really, really, really.
hard to tell. I want it all to be true because it's a brilliant story. But the sources will tell us that
this is a guy who was out, he was in exile when the Norman conquest took place. He comes back home a few
years later to find that his dad's land's been taken. His manner is full of Normans. His brother and
his father have been killed. So he goes on a bit of a rampage, kills the people who are in his manner,
becomes an outlaw, goes to the Isle of Ely. And Ely at this point is an island in the middle of the
marshes, which is incredibly treacherous, difficult to get to, you know, think of Frodo and Sam being led
across the marches into Mordor by Gollum. It's that kind of thing. If you don't know the path,
you're not getting into Ely. So it becomes a real haven for people who are trying to avoid William.
But Herriwood just goes on this whole series of adventures, you know, he sneaks into the royal
court and people are sort of, oh, he looks a bit like Herriwood, isn't that funny? And they sort
to tease him a little bit. They strap
cloth across his face to blind him,
put pots all over the floor. I should
have said he's arrived in disguise as a pot seller.
So they spread these pots all around
the floor, blindfold him, make him
walk around the kitchen, smashing all his pots.
Apparently that passes for Norman fun.
But he eventually
kind of loses his rag, ends up in a fight, kills a
couple of guards, manages to escape.
Sits in a pub for a while,
overhears some local witch
talking to a Norman lord
about how they're going to storm the aisle,
of Ely and then a bit later on they build this tower for the witch to stand on. She's reciting
this curse three times. The third time she recites it, all of Herriwood and his men burst out
from the rushes, shooting fire arrows. They set fire to this tower that she's on, set fire to the
bridge that they've built across it. Everything's in flames. The witch falls off the top and breaks
her neck and they all escape again. And, you know, and eventually he comes to terms with William.
William is hugely impressed by this guy who's a rebel he just can't defeat. Seems like a
really honorable opponent. But it's just a great adventure story. I think that it's a really important
one to include because as you say, look, we can choose to take this or leave it as historians.
But even if we say this is a form of literature, this isn't necessarily a quote unquote true
story, it tells us something about what culture is like at the time that people are still seeing
this as unfinished business as the idea that William is still an invading.
force. And people are telling stories about plucky upstarts and what they are up to.
It's not a million miles away from the Arthurian legends, that idea of a once and future
king who will come back and save the country when it's in peril. So the idea that the Anglo-Saxons
didn't just go quietly into the darkness when the Normans arrived. They did fight back.
They were looking for a hero who could overturn Norman rule. And eventually Norman rule
stays because the Anglo-Saxons decide to come to terms with it. They just decided.
to allow it. They decide to stop fighting it anymore. So it's not so much that they're conquered
as they just accept it. Well, and that is how you make in England, isn't it? The third chapter
is my favorite. Of course it is, because it's about the anarchy and the rise of the Plantagenets.
And now you and I are both anarchy heads. So I suppose I was thinking as I read it, this is going
to be one that is going to be really difficult for Matt, because how complex the issue is and how you get
this across very quickly, which you do very well indeed. But how do you choose which darlings
to include in such a complex issue? Yeah, thank you. Wait till we get to the Wars of the Roses.
I know. It is hard because there is, the anarchy is another time that is filled with so many
stories of so many different people who are doing really interesting and exciting things.
This woman Petronella who puts on armour and rides into battle to support a husband,
and gets knocked off into the water and has to be saved by a knight in shining armour,
boole.
Blah, blah, blah.
But it is a case of the overarching story is Henry I's succeeded by Stephen.
Matilda arguably should have been Queen instead.
The two of them fight for Stephen's reign.
And he's succeeded by Matilda's son, Henry the second, who he's adopted.
So everybody's happy.
That's the end.
But how you get from point A to point B is really,
really complex and tells us so much about what nobles think about when rulers fight. They are
willing to be involved to a certain extent, but that does have limits. And you get this moment
late in the anarchy when you begin to see all of these earls creating these pacts between themselves
to not fight each other anymore. They say, you know, we won't put more than 20 knights in the
field if we're commanded to fight each other. And I won't let my master attack you from my castle
and all of these kinds of things.
And if we capture anyone during the battle,
we'll set them free with no ransom immediately at the end of the battle.
So the anarchy, I mean, particularly if you read Cadfile and stuff like that,
you know, we have an image of the anarchy as literally that anarchy.
There is no law and order, there is no rule.
And people are behaving incredibly badly, particularly the barons,
who, you know, you just get these wicked bunch of guys
having a great time by torturing peasants left, right and center.
And realistically, most nobleman get rich from peace, from farming their land, getting the produce to market, making the poor people work really, really hard.
War actually doesn't suit them.
So they do reach a limit.
You know, they will fight if they need to, but they aren't just martial creatures who will want to fight and do nothing else.
There is this other side to them.
And I think by the time we get towards the end of the anarchy period, you're really seeing this idea of the nobility trying to really.
restrain the king and would be queen and saying, look, we just don't want to do this anymore.
This isn't fun anymore. It's not working for anybody.
And when you get Henry come along and while Stephen's oldest son, Eustace, is still alive,
there's a real danger of this carrying on to the next generation.
And I think you can clearly see everyone thinking, we've got to bring an end to this.
There are sources that talk about, you know, Stephen and Henry will have these conferences
is hilariously, obviously, on an island on their own in the middle of a river,
but everybody knows exactly what was said, as you do.
And the sources will tell us that, you know, they're berating their men and they're saying,
you know, what are we going to do with these guys?
These won't even fight for us.
It's ridiculous.
So I think it just gives us a different window into the anarchy,
but a different window into what we think the nobility were,
because they're not just violent thugs only interested in squabbling.
They're definitely that as well.
But they actually benefit more from peace than they're.
often do from war, particularly civil war.
I think this is a really important thing to talk about as well,
because one of the things that I get asked about often from non-historians is,
well, how do you get this day-taught that actually settles in with, you know,
Stephen ruling rather a lot of England, but Matilda having these big swaths of land,
like out west and in the south.
And the answer is, well, nobody wants to do this anymore.
They're just quite tired.
And so it's just like, oh, yes, you're the king.
You're the queen.
Are you having a fun time?
You know, and everyone kind of has to step back in this way
in order to just get the bloody harvest in, isn't it?
Well, that's it.
You know, how are you going to make any money?
How are you going to eat if the fields aren't being tended?
If everybody is just stomping across crops on their way to another fight somewhere else.
No one is really interested.
And the other side of it, I guess, is we call it the anarchy,
and we think of it as being lawless.
But there is no part of England during this period that isn't ruled
and isn't under the rule of law.
A big chunk of it by Stephen,
the south-west,
and slightly up the Welsh marches by Matilda,
and the fact the north of England by David of Scotland,
who just comes in and says,
if nobody's looking after this bit,
I'll take care of this for you for a while.
And he bases himself at Carlisle for an awfully long time,
hanging around Durham a little bit.
So the King of Scotland is ruling the north of England,
and the north of England is absolutely fine with that
because what's going on down south
is looking pretty unpleasant anyway.
So there is no real anarchist.
There is always rule.
It's different rule in different places, but it's always rule.
I suppose that's what rule has to offer, isn't it?
It's saying that there's a series of laws.
Now, granted, if you go 20 miles down the road, it might be a different series.
But hey-ho.
One of the things about the anarchy period as well is so many of the sources that we do have
are written on the frontier between some of those regions,
particularly between Stevens and Matildas.
Or in hotspots, you know, one of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle versions comes from
East Anglia where there's very particular trouble with Roger Bygod.
You know, he's causing all kinds of trouble for Stephen there.
And lots of them are a place like Malmesbury and the Jester Stefani probably written by someone
attached to the Bishop of Bath.
So again down in the southwest.
So these are quite often written right where the two frontiers clash and where it probably
is looking the worst, but they extrapolate that across the whole country.
And you get these comments by monkish chroniclers who are,
saying, you can't even walk across the street without getting mugged.
And at the same time, there is a massive explosion of monasticism in England during Stephen's reign
with houses being set up and monks traveling from across the country to go and populate these houses,
which just gives the lie to this idea that you can't even cross the street without getting mugged.
Which one is it, guys? You can't have it both ways.
Well, I mean, I guess it's in the monk's interest to say,
won't some brave, strong ruler, who could also end out a religious house, come and save us all?
Yeah, we're sitting here praying for you guys, you know.
Yeah, come on.
But a Bravestrong ruler does come to save us all in the form of our man, Henry II as well.
And then we see, you know, I would argue a pretty good time, all things considered to be an English person come in.
I think so.
I have said before that I think Henry II is probably the most competent and capable person who has ever sat on the throne of England and probably Britain too.
this guy, there's nothing he can't do.
He is in credit, his sons are a different matter.
Make his son's behaviour is maybe the one thing he can't do.
There is almost nothing that Henry the second can't do.
With garbage sons like these, yeah.
Yeah, but this is a man who controls an absolutely vast kingdom.
He takes back the parts of Northern England that David's been looking after
because David dies around the same time as Stephen does
and is succeeded by his grandson who's a small child.
So Henry is just, you know, while you're little, I'll look after that bit of land for you and don't expect to get it back.
But he brings with him this vast conglomeration of lands on the continent too, from Aquitaine up to Anjou, Maine, into Normandy.
It's very interested in Brittany and getting that under the control.
You know, he will position Brittany as being subservient to Normandy throughout his reign.
And then you add England and you make him a king as well.
And this guy is something special.
He particularly develops a reputation for being able to bring down castles faster than anybody thinks is possible.
It almost reaches the point where he turns up at a castle and the garrison just go,
oh God, it's Henry.
Might as well just give up.
He reduces castles faster than anybody else.
And no one seems to know how he does it.
It's obviously just, he's developed a knack for this kind of thing.
But he's just good at everything.
He's good at the warfare, but he's also good at the administration.
He's good at the law.
He's good at the rule.
He's not particularly interested in the displays of kingships.
He's not rubbing everybody's nose in the fact that he's rich and wealthy.
He'd rather be wearing his dirty riding boots back from the hunt and leave all of the display to someone else, notably Thomas Beckett for a long time.
But yeah, you know, I think Henry is incredible.
And at this point, England sits as the crown jewel in this vast empire.
So to be an Englishman is to be part of a huge continental empire that hasn't really been seen since maybe Charlemagne,
but the Roman Empire, you know, we're verging into that kind of territory.
Absolutely. And it's enormous. It's a lot to administrate. And he does it with real aplomb, I would say.
Yeah, absolutely. And he seems to leave most of those places with their own laws and customs.
So we remember Henry II as largely responsible for the common law in England.
And I think that maybe leads to this misconception that he standardized the law across all of the lands that he ruled.
But that was never what he was interested in doing. He knew places like, you know,
Aquitaine is fiercely independent place with all of its own customs, all of its own little quirks,
its own way of doing everything.
And he's happy to leave that alone.
Because they're happy with that.
And if they've got a lord who's going to leave them to get on with it, one more reason
not to rebel against him.
And so I think he's very, very good at keeping all of those separate things.
It makes more work for him and his administration because one law across all of that land
would be much easier.
But he's willing to take the hard route.
He's willing to do the hard yards to have a,
settled kingdom. I mean, he doesn't have a settled kingdom. Obviously, everyone is always
rebelling against him everywhere. But he puts them down incredibly quickly and incredibly well.
Then unfortunately, you get to the terrible son, the portion of this book, because we got two
chapters on absolute garbage men, terrible boys, starting with, what are these other household
names, Richard Lionheart? Yeah, so Richard is, in many ways, I think Richard is one of those
sons who is so much like his dad that they just can't get on. There is just this big clash of
personalities. Richard is destined to have aquitaine. And I think the idea that he's his mother's
favorite, Eleanor of Aquitaine's favorite, really comes from the fact that Aquitaine is her baby.
Richard is going to get Aquitaine. Therefore, she focuses a lot of her energy on making sure
Richard is capable of ruling her precious Aquitaine. I don't think he's necessarily a favorite
son, I think he's Aquitaine's next ruler, and that's what Eleanor is really interested in.
These brothers all squabble with each other as much as they squabble with their dad.
So we go from four of them.
We lose the eldest Henry, the young king.
We lose Geoffrey.
And they're all falling into these traps that the Capitian kings of France are laying for
them, because I think for me, the Capitians view Henry II and all of his lands and all
of his success as the greatest existential threat the Capitian crown has ever faced.
You know, they've been desperately trying to extend royal authority from Paris.
And suddenly this guy comes along, takes half of what we would call France today.
And on top of that, he's a king now as well in England.
And I think the rift, the weakness that they see that they can exploit is his sons.
And they're quite right because they're a bunch of idiots.
That's so true.
Henry the Young King falls for it, hookline and sinker, rebels against his dad, ends up dead.
And then his brother Jeffrey does exactly the same.
thing. And by the end, Richard has done exactly the same thing. He falls in with the French
King and, you know, and this is Philip who is going to steal all of Richard's lands while he's
away crusading. They are not your friend. When will they ever learn? They are not your friends.
And Richard essentially chases his dad to death, chases himself through France as Henry is getting
increasingly ill. And Henry, you know, doesn't make it to 60 years old. You think what he achieved
in his lifetime, he's relatively young to have done all of that, but he's fallen ill,
perhaps from the hassles and the strain of these four sons, to be perfectly honest.
He's literally pursued into the grave by Richard, who comes to the throne and has wanted
to go on Crusade, incredibly noble pursuit during this period.
His dad has tried to avoid him going, tried to stop him leaving.
So the second that Richard gets free from under his dad, the first thing he does is,
right, I'm off on Crusade.
And I think everyone's probably like, hang on me.
You've got a kingdom to rule.
I know.
And it was like, nope, no, I'm going.
I'm off.
This is what I've always wanted to do.
I've got my freedom now.
I'm off.
I'm off to Abifa.
This is where we get the idea that he abandons England.
In fact, I would argue that if he had gone on Crusade, done what he did, very successful on Crusade, really, come home.
He could well have been remembered in the same kind of ranks of kingship as his dad.
It's the fact that he gets captured on his way home, that a ransom has to be raised that is kind of two,
times the annual revenue of England to set him free. Philip starts stealing all of his lands
in France while he's in custody and you get, you know, John, the youngest of the four sons now
falling in with Philip, just to complete the set, you know, he's obviously feeling left out. All of my
other brothers have fallen in with a French king and betrayed everybody. Why can't I? And he's
trying to pinch Richard's throne, trying to set himself up with a whole load of land and everything
else. You get to the point where when the ransom is raised, you've got Philip and John
writing to the Holy Roman Emperor saying, don't do it. How about we pay you more to keep him a bit longer?
You know, just keep him in prison a little bit longer. This letter that Philip writes to John
when Richard is actually released saying, you know, look to yourself, the devil is loose.
They know that Richard is a very capable and very scary man in the mould of his father.
It's just the fact that, you know, he's almost bankrupted the country, lost all of this territory
while he's in captivity
and then goes and gets himself killed
without a son, without an heir,
trying to get back some of those lands.
You know, he's just remembered as someone
who abandons and then bankrupts England
and leaves it in a mess.
It could have been a very different story for Richard,
I think.
I think he had the capability
to be a very, very good ruler,
albeit I can't stand him
because he pursued his dad into the grave.
Yeah, I'm afraid that I will never like Richard.
And I always like to say,
I think it was better to live.
leave Eleanor in charge just to get him out of here. But I always think of it as
succession. As I say, you know, I look at these terrible sons and I just think you were not
serious people every time. You wonder how a couple like Henry the Second and Eleanor of Aquitaine
came up with four such duds. And all the girls seem to have their head screwed on too,
which is interesting. Their daughters are incredible. You know, they do an incredible job. And some of
the most interesting or most touching moments during Henry the Second's life,
just to go back, just to bring him back from the grave from a little bit, so one him back.
When, you know, his daughter's come to visit and, you know, he's just spending time with the grandkids.
He's just chilling out.
And he must have been a fun granddad to be around.
And, you know, when one of his daughters comes back, she's married to Henry the Lion, the Duke of Saxony, he gets exiled.
And Henry's like, just bring the whole family over, you know, come and spend some time with us.
And you imagine him enjoying moments like that.
So his daughters, I think, were probably the source of all of his pride.
His sons were the sources of all of his troubles.
Speaking of sons of his being a source of all of our troubles, you get to this chapter
where you discuss possibly the most garbage son, John.
But I don't want to talk about the obvious things.
You know, the obvious things back to Carter, the Barrens.
What I think you do really well in this chapter is touch on my favorite thing about John,
which is when he gets excommunicated, really well, which nobody talks.
about. No, and it's because, again, like the stuff before 1066, this is the stuff before
Magna Carta, that everyone will focus on 1215 and Magna Carta. You know, 1215 isn't even really
the story of Magna Carta, but they forget how you arrive there. And John, you know, ends up being,
we remember him as the biggest idiot, probably nastiest bloke ever to sit on the throne of England.
Absolutely right. I'm not going to argue against that.
Go for it. Like, talk all the trash you want about John. I'm not going to stop.
Yeah, yeah, go for it. But what are you all?
also is, is probably the richest king
who ever sat on the throne of England too.
And he gets that way because
he falls out with Rome
and this is largely over the appointment
of a new Archbishop of Canterbury. He wants
his man. The monks at Canterbury
want their man.
And John is promising them a free election
whilst also saying, you're free to elect
my man.
Oh, thank. That's so big of him.
Yeah, he's good like that, you know. The monks
elects someone that they want and they secretly send
to Rome to have him confirmed.
and then the Pope ends up getting involved
and what he does is pick his candidate,
this kind of third candidate, Stephen Langton,
who John just won't accept
because this is too much like papal interference in his kingdom now.
So the Archbishop of Canterbury,
and you know, I think John's probably fair here.
Most kings would feel the same way
about the Pope appointing the most senior churchmen
in your kingdom for you.
It's a very political role as well as one in the church.
So I'm going to allow John being annoyed by this one.
But what he does is just increasingly fall out with Rome to the point where you won't allow the Archbishop of Canterbury in.
The Pope is saying, well, fine, we'll put England under an interdict.
And John's like, okay.
Sweet, fine.
Yeah.
And an interdict means the end of church services.
So for a culture where religion is at the absolute core of everything that you do, for the church bells to go silent, the idea that you can't receive mass, that you can't get a proper funeral.
I mean, they'll baptize babies.
and that's kind of the limit of what the church are willing to do.
This was massive for every single person in England,
a genuine spiritual crisis that must have made them think,
I'm going to hell if this isn't fixed
because I'm not doing the things that God expects me to do.
It's difficult, I think, for us to get ourselves into that mindset sometimes,
but we need to remember just how central those notions were in the medieval mind.
But what John is realizing is that while the country is under interdict,
and it's cut off from Rome,
none of the tax money has to go to Rome anymore.
Where should that tax money go?
Well, John's got a nice little space over here.
You can just pop that there.
So you get all this, you know, St Peter's Pence and whatever else,
all the tithes that should have been hived off and sent to Rome.
They're going into John's coffers.
And so John now has a vested interest in maintaining this interdict
and England's severing of the connection with Rome
to the point where the Pope excommunicates John.
And John's like, okay, that's fine.
I've got enough money for this.
I don't do what you like.
And he's literally seems to be reveling in being cut away from the church.
He's reaching the point where money in this period is silver coins, silver pennies.
And he has so much, he has barrels of silver pennies stacked in various castles around England.
He can't move this stuff easily because it is tons of.
and tons and tons of stuff.
But he is absolutely loaded.
He's bringing in more money than any King of England ever has previously.
And for John, he's seeing this as a war chest
to go back and get the lands in France that have been lost.
He sees a way of rebuilding his dad's empire from all of this.
Completely oblivious to the fact that lots of his subjects
are having an absolute meltdown at the idea that they can't get their church services.
John doesn't care about that.
He's getting absolutely, he's found a loophole.
He's found the glitch in the matrix, and he's getting rich from doing what he's not supposed to do,
but something which actually in world has no consequences for him.
Well, I think that this is such an important thing to talk about because we all know the regular reasons to hate John.
But these are the bespoke reason to hate John because it's not just about, oh, you know, someone think of the poor barons.
I don't care about the barons.
The barons are fine.
They are rich.
They have castles.
I really don't care about Magna Carta at all.
What I care about is some peasant in the field dying unchurched, which is horrid for them.
Yeah, and for all of their family who are now concerned about what is going to happen to their loved one and to all of their loved ones and to them when it comes to their turn as well.
If John doesn't get this sorted out.
So, yeah, you know, the base game of hating John is well known.
This is the DLC.
This is the advanced downloadable content that you can add on, bolt onto your hatred of John and play a play.
some more because there are so many hours of reasons to hate John.
But eventually he dies, luckily for everybody.
You know, and what a day it was.
RIP, do a real one, I guess.
But me and all my homies hate John.
So you get to this point then where there has to be this real reckoning, I suppose,
for what it is that England's going to be and how the royals are going to address that.
Yeah.
So he's succeeded by his son, Henry III, who is nine years old,
so we've got a child on the throne of England.
In many ways, that is the salvation of John's dynasty
because this child is blameless.
He can't be associated with all of the things that his father's done.
This is a clean break.
If he was a little bit older,
if he'd been helping his dad along the way,
this could have been a lot more complicated.
What it allows the English polity to do is say,
here is this innocent child.
We need to protect him and protect his crown.
And in doing so, we're protecting England
because by this point John has left in England invaded by France.
The south of England is under the control of the King of France's son,
who is on the verge of having himself crowned king.
We very nearly have King Louis I don't actually know why Louis doesn't have himself crowned.
It's weird, big mistake that he makes.
If he'd done it, it could have changed the face of everything.
I don't know why he doesn't.
Fortunately for Henry, the third, he doesn't.
And so then you get this moment in which, you know, William Marshall,
we get to talk about William Marshall a little bit.
And this is so late on in his career, you know, he's knocking on the door of 60, but he is appointed regent to the new young king.
It's him who comes up with the idea of reissuing Magna Carta as a way to take the sting out of what the barons are fighting against.
And as soon as he does all of these things, he manages to create this position in which England is now not looking at itself as part of a continental empire.
It's looking at itself as a country because one of the effects of John losing all of the continental lands is that,
that he's the first king of England who has nowhere else to go but England for a very long time.
They sort of forged this notion of England as a separate entity, of Englishness as an identity,
because it's a way of saying we need to get rid of the French.
It wasn't all that long ago that the English and the French, at least the English elite,
and the French were the same people.
What Marshall and the group around him do very effectively is sort of dissect England from that
and say, we need to protect our country and our way of life, our nation and our kingdom,
against France and the French and this continental invasion.
They managed to drive it all out.
But in doing that, what they've crafted is this notion of being English.
And that being tied very specifically to the island.
You can't go down to Aquitaine and be English any longer, which you absolutely could before.
Yeah, that's it.
It's compressed it.
But no longer are they kind of Anglo-Norman, Enjavin, the elite having lands spread all across
the continent and various different interests, you are now all English.
The elite are as English as the Englishman in the field.
I mean, I suppose it's just as well that they've figured this out
because there's this real difficult period in England at the time.
And it's not like the kings become kinder or anything like that
because we get into the Black Death, we get into this real period of economic stagnation.
and the average individual at this point in time is suffering under the crown.
Yes, I mean the 14th century is a time of almost perpetual crisis.
You know, there are floods, there are crop failures, there are famines all over the place.
And then you bolt onto that, things like the Black Death turning up.
You bolt onto that the Hundred Years' War, which is great if you're a nobleman who wants to get rich,
not so good for everybody else whose lives are being disrupted and if you're anywhere near
parts of France that the English are charging across on their horses burning crops, life is pretty
rubbish. So the 14th century is really this cycle of crisis after crisis after crisis after
crisis. And you think people must have wondered when is this going to end? What have we done
to deserve this? Absolutely. And I really feel for them. And you can completely understand,
You know, you and I are both team peasant in the peasant's rebellion that happens at this point in time.
But you completely understand why they're like, this is just not going to do.
I do not see a way out of this other than coming and burning down the Savoy, which got burned down not far from where we are sitting right now.
But I would do it too, especially when you're like, oh, yeah, what are you going to do?
You're killing me all the time already, buddy.
Like, what am I going to do?
Oh, die here or die in France again.
Brilliant, brilliant.
You and I made the Peasant's Revolt documentary.
it turned into a three-part monster eventually
because there was so much to say
and it was kind of this sense of
they're living in 1381,
they're living in a post-pandemic world
with incredibly high taxation,
confusion and disruption in government,
no one's quite sure who's in charge
and everybody feels like a bit of an idiot.
And you kind of sit there with war in Europe,
all of these kinds of things
and you're thinking, hang on,
we're very, very close to that kind of world today.
It's a mindset that you could get yourself into
for the people in 1381
to get you closer to understanding
why they did what they did.
And that idea, you're right, you're absolutely killing us.
What are you going to do if we rebel?
If you kill us, you put us out of our misery effectively.
And so I think it's really affecting.
And you touch on that so well in the book.
Because I think it's easy to turn the history of England into a history of rich guys.
But you managed to not do that, which I very much appreciate.
Oh, good. Thank you.
I'm glad that comes out of it because the rich guys are the big names in the stories.
They're the people everybody knows.
They're the, we benchmark things by the reign of.
And you, Simon de Montfort is a huge figure in Henry the Third's reign and all of these people.
But it's important to remember that there are millions of people living in England under all of those folks.
And what is life like for them?
If there is civil war, what does that mean for you?
Are you getting called up to go and fight?
Are they trampling your crops?
Because if they do, that's how you were going to feed your family this winter.
what happens now.
You know, when the black death arrives
and you see half the population maybe being wiped out
in the village that you live in,
if you manage to survive that,
you're all of a sudden presented with lots of opportunity
because you're inheriting land,
more land than you could ever have possibly dreamed
that you were going to inherit.
This feels like a new beginning for you.
You finally are not going to struggle anymore.
And then the government comes along and says,
nope, none of that.
We're going to suppress wages.
We're going to stop you benefiting from all of those.
things because it suits the elite to stay as we are, thank you very much. And so you get this
glimpse of opportunity and you have the government rip it away from you. And it's the reaction
to that and it's the reaction of the normal people. So I'm glad that comes across because they
are always there. Their stories aren't always written in the same way as King's stories are written,
but you can see them and you can see the effect this has on them. And the Peasants Revolt, when we
when we made that documentary, you know, we talked to the people behind the People of 1381 project, which looked for the ordinary people in the Peasants Revolt, the ones who were taken to court afterwards, the one who made submissions to courts.
You absolutely can, you know, drag these people into the light and see the ways in which all of these things have affected them and driven them to do what they do.
I just think it's so interesting and really shows why historians do what we do, right?
to learn about these people and get their stories out of the quagmire of time.
You know, it's so interesting.
And I absolutely love that bit.
But then, of course, you get back into rich people being rich people, you know,
and it's not long until there's total upheaval again, you know,
just skipping right over the Hundred Years' War that little bit.
And then you're like, here you are at the Wars of the Roses.
And it's like, hey, who's ready to do Succession Wars again?
Like, don't worry about it, peasants.
There's just an army in your backyard.
Yeah, you thought the anarchy was fun.
See, this is much more anarchic, I think, the Wars of the Roses.
It absolutely is.
Law and order breaks down, I think, probably much more in the Wars of the Roses than it really does in the period we remember as the anarchy.
It's an episode in English history where you get noblemen dragging cannons to other nobleman's castles and just firing at the wall saying, I want your castle, give it to me.
And there is nobody to stop them because they're too busy fighting about who should be king again.
And the Wars of the Roses again, you know, we keep talking about everything is a follow-on.
from something else is the result of something else.
The Wars of the Roses is largely a result of the Hundred Years' War.
It's great while it's going well.
Edward III does a great job.
Henry V comes along, starts it all again, is doing a great job until he pops his clogs.
And then when it all starts to go wrong and we lose.
When we talk about the Hundred Years' War, people often forget England lost it.
I don't know if this is a spoiler for everybody.
Oops.
We tend to remember Cressie and Poitier and Agincourt, and we don't talk about the massive reversals
and Castion in 1453, the end of the 100 years war, which we lose.
And losing that and losing any hope of regaining that lands
drags problems back to England.
You've got a population who've been ejected from their lands coming home.
You've got soldiers who've been unpaid,
who have only known fighting in France for potentially years of their lives.
And this is all all piling into England.
The nobility who have been working in France are coming home,
and trying to find a place for themselves in the world again.
You get personal feuds growing up.
So the beginning of the Wars of the Roses, for me,
is a private feud between the Duke of York and the Duke of Somerset
around who should be chief advisor to Henry the 6th.
Henry the 6th is rubbish.
You know, he's not quite John, I guess,
because he's inoffensively rubbish, but he's a rubbish king.
So you get these two great magnates arguing about who should be leading Henry's government for him.
And the first part of the Wars of the Roses is never about,
It's not a dynastic struggle.
It's not about who should be king.
It's about who should be at Henry's right-hand side.
And this will end in violence at the Battle of St Albans,
which is a really rare medieval battle that takes place in a walled town
in the narrow cobbled streets.
And it's effectively, it's not far off, you know, a mafia hit.
York is going after Somerset, who dies.
His allies, the Nevels, are going after the Earl of Northumberland,
who is the Percy, who are their great rivals in the north.
So vendettas are being seen.
settled kind of in the streets and you get this source afterwards written by Abbott Wietamsted,
the abbot of St Albans, who talks about walking through the town afterwards and seeing him,
walking down all of these cobbled streets and he's kind of, you know, there you'll see a guy
with broken arm. Over there, one with his brains dashed out. There, someone with an arm chopped
off, you know, utterly bewildering to this abbot walking through the streets that there has been
such violent bloodshed in the streets that he knows so well. But that ends up.
up being, you know, they think they've settled some things at St. Albans. All they've really done
is caused more trouble because you get the sons of all the people killed at St. Albans
now want their vengeance. And so the new cycle of kind of private feuds begins again.
It's just all of these little details that really make the book sing. And, you know, other than
just the grand course of English history, I think one of the things that I really love about the
book is how you've got great maps. There's fantastic pictures.
And also, I love that you've got QR codes for whenever we've already done a podcast on this, if you want to go more in depth on any idea.
Yeah, I mean, that was, you know, that was James Carson's idea.
And the point of that really was that this book covers centuries.
And it's not big enough to cover centuries.
So it's necessarily, it's a fairly high-level overview.
If you want to know how we get from 1066 to 1485, the idea is it will help you navigate those things and plot some key points, some key names.
hopefully give you some interesting tidbits along the way.
The point of the QR codes is that Magna Carta,
there's maybe a page or two on Magna Carta,
but there's so much more to say.
So if you want to know more about Magna Carta,
follow the QR code,
go and listen to an episode of Gone Medieval with David Carpenter,
telling you all about Magna Carta.
If you're not interested in learning more,
then you can keep going.
We're not going to bog you down in hours and hours of Magna Carta.
If that's not your bag,
I don't know why that wouldn't be your bag.
I'd definitely go and listen to David Carpenter
because he's always brilliant.
Oh, yes.
But the idea was that you can pick and choose what you're more interested in,
and you can go and find 45 minutes of an expert talking about that subject if you want to know more.
I just think that it's so brilliant.
As I said to one of my friends, it comes across as what I want students in a medieval England survey course
to understand when I get to the end of term.
And now that's available to everyone, and I think that's just such a wonderful thing.
Well, thank you so much for coming on to chat to me about it, Matt.
And congratulations.
Thank you very much.
It's been an absolute pleasure to try and survey several centuries.
So hopefully, you know, like I say, it's a short book to try and do that in,
but hopefully it will give people an overview of what medieval England was
and how we arrived at where we are today.
It's an even shorter podcast and he nailed it made.
