Gone Medieval - How to Read Runes
Episode Date: September 8, 2026**Contains very strong language/Tavern talk**Were runes really magical symbols used by Viking sorcerers? Or were they the everyday handwriting of merchants, lovers, pilgrims and children?From their my...sterious origins and Viking Age memorial stones to medieval shopping lists, love letters and graffiti, runes recorded the lives of ordinary people across Scandinavia, Anglo-Saxon England, and beyond.Dr. Eleanor Janega is joined by Professor Tom Birkett to uncover the remarkable history of one of Europe's oldest writing systems.MOREOrigins of EnglishListen on AppleListen on SpotifyThe Mysterious Voynich ManuscriptListen on AppleListen on SpotifyGone Medieval is presented by Dr. Eleanor Janega. Audio editor is Amy Haddow, the producer is Rob Weinberg. The senior producer is Anne-Marie Luff.All music used is courtesy of Epidemic Sounds.Gone Medieval is a History Hit podcastHistory Hit is part of Little Dot Studios, a Certified B Corp™Want even more Gone Medieval? Watch Matt and Eleanor's new film Medieval Summer on History Hit. Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
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From long-loss Viking ships and kings buried in unexpected places
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Hello, I'm Dr. Eleanorianaga and welcome to Gone Medieval from History Hit,
the podcast that delves into the greatest millennium in human history.
We uncover the greatest mysteries, the gobsmacking details,
and the latest groundbreaking research from the Vikings to the Normans,
from kings to popes, to the Crusades.
We delve into the rebellions, plots, and murders that tell us who we really were.
And how we got here.
If you've always thought runes are magical symbols carved by mysterious Viking sorcerers,
well, you're not alone.
But it is time to think again.
Archaeologists digging beneath medieval streets of Bergen in Norway in the 1950s were astonished.
When out of the mud came hundreds of wooden runic inscriptions.
There were shopping lists, business records, love letters, insults, even jokes.
One stick boasts, I love another man's wife.
Another somewhat forward message tells its recipient,
Kiss me.
It's hardly the solemn pronouncement of Odin's chosen mystics.
Instead, rungs can sound remarkably familiar.
They're flirtation.
sarcastic, impatient,
occasionally rude,
and unmistakably human.
Those buddy's scraps
revealed that ruins weren't some secret code
reserved for priests, kings, or magicians.
They could be used by merchants balancing accounts.
Craftsmen marking possessions.
Lovers exchanging messages.
Pilgrims traveling abroad and children learning to write.
In other words, it's just ordinary folk
talking to each other.
But those everyday inscriptions are just a hint of a much bigger story.
They turn up in pre-Norman England, across the Roman frontier,
in Greenland, even on the walls Vagia Sophia in Constantinople.
Follow the ruins, and you follow the great currents of European history.
Migration, conquest, commerce, conversion, literacy, and cultural exchange.
My guest today is Professor Tom Burkett, Professor and Chair of Old English and Old Norse at University College Cork in Ireland.
He's the author of numerous books, including Roots, a concise history, recently published by Oxford University Press.
Together we'll be looking at the remarkable history of one of Europe's oldest alphabets,
which connected villages to empires, merchants to pilgrims, lovers to families, and whose
greatest achievement may simply be this, allowing us across 20 centuries to hear the voices of
ordinary people speaking once again. And before we begin, a word of warning. I say that we are going
to hear the voices of ordinary people, and some of those voices are saying ordinary and slightly
crude things. So I would suggest that you have a listen before letting any little ears take part,
because there is going to be some tavern talk.
With that in mind, Tom, welcome to Gone Medieval.
Thanks so much for having me on.
I'm really excited to have you here today
because I feel that this is a real gap in my own knowledge
and I think a lot of people's actually
because if you don't have time to sit down and study runes,
they can be a bit of a monolith, a little bit opaque, you know, for us.
So I suppose the best place to start,
is at the very beginning. Can you describe for us at the very most basic level what runes are,
you know, what do they look like? What do they represent? Because I think that people have this
tendency to think that it's a sort of one for one for the alphabet, but that's not exactly it is it.
Exactly. Yeah. Yeah. So runes very simply, they're the individual characters of the runic
alphabet. And that's a slight misnomer because, you know, alphabet is based on the first two letters of the Latin
alphabet or the Greek alphabet. And runologists tend to refer to the runic writing system as the
Futhark, which is based on the sequence of runes in that writing sequence. But it is alphabetic.
It's an alphabetic writing system, just like Roman or Greek or Cyrillic, and it belongs to
that family of writing. And there isn't a one-to-one correspondence exactly between the scripts,
and there are some differences with runes that are quite important, and I'm sure we'll get on
to talk about those later.
But essentially it functions in exactly the same way as the Roman writing system.
You know, the primary function of each run is to represent a sound in the language.
And that's exactly the same in the writing system we're more used to today.
So that makes me feel more comfortable.
I love to be presented with something that I need to sound out.
That's great. That's great.
You know, I'm always a little bit, I will just say that my kanji is lacking, right,
as a result of having to learn a bit more than that.
I'm hopelessly European in my brain.
But can you tell us a little bit about the origin of runes?
Do we have a particular time period when we see that they are developed and spread,
or is it a bit more complex than that?
Yeah, so this is one of the trickiest questions, really,
in the field of runology is where did ruins come from?
Why did they come about?
We can kind of pin a few things down.
So the earliest inscriptions in Rooms are from about the second century.
CE, so there's some debate about how much earlier the system would have been developed based on those earliest finds.
But I think there's a kind of consensus that it was in the first hundred years of the modern era probably.
And where, again, we don't know exactly, but probably southern Scandinavia, that seems to be where most of the inscriptions come from.
the earliest inscriptions anyway.
There are also people who say it might have been northern Germany.
There's some recent evidence that might suggest that Norway was one of the earliest places using Roons.
But I think for me, it makes the most sense that Roons came from the Roman script.
That was the kind of primary influence on them.
And that they developed in the place where there was closest contact between Germanic tribes and the Roman Empire.
And that would be kind of along the northern frontier of.
of the Roman Empire, where there were a lot of mercenaries kind of being recruited into the Roman
legions, where there was a lot of trade, a lot of contact. And it would make sense that some people
who returned to Scandinavia bought that kind of tradition of writing with them. But why they
decided to develop their own script and not just copy the Roman script, which had all this
prestige, you know, and was used across Europe. That's a big question. And again, there's a lot of
debate about it, but it probably had something to do with distinguishing themselves from Rome and
saying, you know, we have this prestigious technology. We can use writing, but we're going to do
it differently. We're going to have our own thing. So I think the ruins were consciously deviating
from that kind of imperial script. And they did that in various ways by rearranging the order of the
letters, by, you know, using new characters. The script is very angular. That's probably the first thing
that people notice about it. And that makes it look exotic and that kind of plays into this
idea that it's a fantasy script, you know. But that probably comes from materiality, you know,
the fact that straight lines are easy to carve with a knife onto wood or onto stone and you avoid
the kind of tricky curves. And then also the runes were given individual names, which is, of course,
something that the Greek tradition has, although those names, which came from Phoenician,
didn't actually mean anything in most cases in Greek. But the runic names for the
letters, although they refer to the sound value, they do actually mean things in Proto-Scananavian.
So to give you an example, the first letter of the alphabet is recorded in Old English as being
Feoch, meaning wealth. And the important thing about that is that it starts with the first sound,
so it shows that that's the sound designation of the letter. But it also means wealth or
cattle. Runes could be used to demonstrate the sound value, which is how they were used in the vast
majority of cases, but then there are a few cases where they seem to be used to represent the
whole word as well, the concept designated by their names. So there were several ways then
that the runic script kind of consciously departed from the Roman alphabet. And I think that's one of the
most intriguing things about it, is that its beginnings were all about differentiating themselves
from the kind of standard way of doing things in Europe at the time. I hope that's the case.
anyway, because I think that's, it's really interesting to me when we see these examples of
cultures that are consciously rejecting the homogeneity of the Roman Empire. And it also makes
sense because, you know, what do empires do? They're this sort of totalizing entity that
eats areas and makes you subject to them. So why on earth would you make a conscious decision
to say, yes, well, we're going to just adopt that alphabet system because it's almost like
doing their job for them.
We romanticize the Roman Empire now, you know, to an extent.
And we forget that there are all these people who would really rather not be crushed
under that particular machine, I think.
Exactly.
But it's very curious, though, because a lot of, there are clearly a lot of influences, you know,
one of the early object types that runes appear on are bracteats.
They're the kind of, they're these golden amulets, disc-shaped amulets.
And they seem to have been based very, very closely on Roman,
medallions and coinage, but with the addition of runes sometimes and with the addition of
kind of Germanic motifs. So they were kind of always borrowing, always taking these
influences, but then reshaping them. So they made sense within their own cultural context.
And so they said, yeah, we are not Rome the same time as taking a lot from them.
Many such cases.
Yeah.
But, okay, I guess I have a question then. So what are our oldest ruins that we ever discovered?
Do we have anything that we can definitively say is probably right there at the beginning?
Yeah, we have a comb from a bog deposit in Vimos in Denmark on the main peninsula on Jutland.
This is a bog deposit, so it's probably a votive offering to whatever deity they were worshipping at that point.
And it was found along with weapons and things that were clearly war booty and had been offered up to the
to give thanks for having won and strip their enemies of the battle trappings.
But there's one runic inscription amongst all those objects,
and it's on a very personal object, which is a comb.
And it says Haria, which might be the name of the individual who owned the comb.
And for whatever reason, this comb was included in this war booty and deposited in the bog.
That's one of the earliest inscriptions that we have.
There are a couple.
There's one in northern Germany, which kind of has pseudo-runs on it.
It's a fibular, I think.
But there's kind of not consensus about whether those are actually Rooms or not.
There was a very recent find actually in Norway, in Central Norway.
And it's several inscriptions on stone.
And they seem to date from a very, very early period.
So 10 years ago, we'd have said, you know, definitely runes originated in Southern Denmark
and the illest inscriptions are found in the bog deposits.
But now we're finding things on stone in Norway.
which may date from a similar period.
There aren't a lot of inscriptions from this early period.
No, I think there's 400 from this first phase of the script,
which lasts from about, say, 100 C to 700 C.
And that's not a lot of inscriptions, you know.
So we have to be very careful about what we say about the tradition
from that very limited evidence.
But they do seem to be on mostly on kind of personal objects.
the inscriptions tend to be very short.
And what's really curious to me
is that there's a lot of things missing from the record
that you'd expect from a culture that was adopting writing.
So there's no record keeping.
There's no real recording of literature or of history.
There are no administrative uses of ruins, as far as we can tell.
They all tend to be these really short, like personal sequences.
A lot of what has been called nonsense writing as well,
which I think isn't the right term.
I think it's writing that we don't necessarily understand the significance of.
But there are a lot of inscriptions that are inscrutable to us today as well.
And in some of those cases, it may be that it was simply about demonstrating that you could write
or that you had some kind of control over writing, right?
So we have to have to be very careful about what we do with the early evidence.
But there are also some longer inscriptions, which are really curious.
and they can tell us about the earliest uses of runes.
And this is a period of history that we know very little about in this area of Europe.
So they're particularly important, I think, as kind of firsthand evidence of these cultures.
I think this is incredibly interesting because it really is a more challenging conception of who is literate or not, right?
You know, ordinarily when we talk about someone being literate or literacy, we are talking about literature.
You know, we're talking about things being written down or recorded, as you say.
And, you know, this comb, this is a personal item.
So I guess my question is, what does this tell us about who is using Roons?
Because I hesitate to even say, what does this tell us about who is literate or isn't?
because if we've got an offering in a bog, to me this is sort of indicative of a particular
class of individuals who have the wherewithal to be sacrificing, I suppose.
Yeah, so they were probably quite high-ranking individuals in society, I suppose,
based on the kinds of goods that were being deposited.
And we also find that a lot of the, yeah, a lot of the object types are associated with, you know,
the upper levels of society.
and it may be that this was, this literacy was kind of a closely guarded technology of the elite.
So perhaps they borrowed that from Rome as well, you know, saying that we are the guys who are in charge, you know, and we know how to use writing.
And it's inscrutable to you, but you can see the power of it, you know, and it allows us to do things that you can't do, like record names for posterity and communicate without making sounds, you know, which would have been almost,
almost magical, I suppose, if you were illiterate.
So I think based on the kind of, yeah, the limited number of inscriptions, the fact they're
often on high status objects, there is this sense that it might have been a kind of elite,
elite form of literacy, which is definitely not the case later in the runic tradition.
No, this is only about the earliest, earliest period.
But you make the point in your book, however, that maybe we don't actually know how much
runic restriction is happening, because of course, maybe.
things were being written down on wooden articles and wood decomposes. So perhaps we're missing
a whole set of texts or, well, I mean, I suppose not texts, but things, objects that might
have had runes on it. And I find that quite interesting because we talk about and think about
source survival all the time in terms of books, but we could also be talking about almost
anything, I suppose, in this case. Absolutely. Yeah. And there's a huge bias.
towards stone, towards precious metals, you know, which would take a lot of effort.
And, you know, the precious metals are obviously high status items, but things carved in stone
as well.
You know, you need an artisan to do that.
And there were probably monuments were raised, that stone had to be sourced.
They're kind of upper class objects, I suppose.
But yeah, absolutely, there's virtually no wood in the record from this date.
So things could have been carved in wood all the time.
There's some reference in a classical source to the kind of painting of runes on birch wood.
And that's a very curious reference.
And if there is some validity to that, it might hint at, you know, a practice that wouldn't have survived in the record.
And we have a lot of wooden inscriptions from the kind of high medieval period from towns where, you know, the preservation conditions are much better.
And that might tell us something about, yeah, what's missing from these earlier periods.
So, yeah, there's huge gaps in our knowledge.
And I think I cite in the book, the Belgian runologist René Derelle, who said, you know, at a kind of very lowest estimate,
there must have been 40,000 inscriptions written in order to sustain this written tradition.
And we found, like, less than 0.1% of them, you know, and that's a very, very conservative estimate.
So if we find new things, it could completely turn the history of the runic script on its head.
And that's something I find really fascinating about this subject is, unlike most of medieval studies,
there are new things being found, particularly with metal detecting.
But stuff is popping up all the time, you know.
And I mentioned the runestones in Norway that have cast out on the earliest places that
runes were written.
But, you know, there are things turning up, which I'm not at liberty to talk.
talk about, but that really, you know, tell us things about cultural contact that have implications
for early medieval English studies, for example, and connections with the continent. So there's stuff
turning up that like blows holes in all the, and I'm sure my book is going to be out of date
within a few years, you know, because of these new finds, really. Okay, well, that was incredibly
tantalizing. Thanks for that, Tom. But I suppose any good book, you know, really excited. In an exciting
field, things do move on and things are moving. But I guess that brings me to my next question,
which is what can we know about tribal culture and trade networks using these ruins and the
finds that we do have that you're allowed to talk about at any rate? I think the bracteats
are a very good example of what we can learn from the runic tradition about cultural contacts. So
one of the earliest inscriptions in England is from East Anglia, from very close to the coast. And it's
Abraxiat, one of these gold amulets that was probably made in the Netherlands or in southern Denmark,
and imported to England, probably with the first settlers.
So that's kind of material evidence for that first wave of emigration to England.
And they seem to be part of an exchange network that crossed Scandinavia or across northern Europe generally.
And the designs are remarkably similar.
We have this tribal society that, you know, geographically very separated,
but that had these, firstly, a really consistent writing tradition for hundreds of years
that was used, you know, even when the languages started to separate and deviate and develop,
the script was remarkably consistent across this huge area.
And also these traditions, you know, like the use of bracteatians,
was consistent across these different tribes.
So I think we have to think a lot more, based on the runic evidence, we have to think a lot more about these links between peoples and the kind of extensive trade, the extensive exchange that was going on, including between the continent and England, you know, from a very, very early period.
I suppose I can't let you get away from this earlier discussion without talking a bit about standing stones and runestones, because I think untrained individuals such as myself.
You know, that's what I tend to think about from the earlier period.
And I suppose that's probably down to the fact that this is the sort of thing that one sees in museums.
You know, there are a few of them about.
Do we have any examples of these from the pre-Viking age at all?
Or is that going to come later?
Yeah, we do.
We have, particularly in Norway, we have a very early tradition of raising runestones,
probably from the very, very earliest periods.
And there's one particularly interesting one.
Toonstone, which refers to three daughters, the most distinguished of heirs, preparing the
stone for their deceased father. And this is a kind of memorializing use of ruins that continues
and that is really expanded in the Viking Age, but this is an early example. And it's very
interesting that it references these daughters as being the most important people in this
kind of document of inheritance. So it kind of sheds light, I suppose, on, again,
group that might not be very well represented in other sources or in histories of the period as well.
You know, it tells us something about inheritance law at this time.
And it shows, I think, one of the earliest kind of functional uses of ruins, I suppose,
was to document inheritance, to memorialize, but also to say something about who came afterwards.
So the formula that kind of becomes standard in the Viking age is to say so-and-so raise this stone after so-and-so, and basically, yeah, I have a right to inherit what this person had.
And often you get the run carver mentioned as well, and we have that in the early period as well, so-and-so carved these runes, so kind of the artificer getting their name in there as well.
And yeah, absolutely, that is a pre-viking tradition.
it just so happens that in the Viking age, this explodes, you know,
and particularly in Sweden, towards the end of the Viking Age,
we have thousands and thousands of these standing stones,
which is what people tend to think about when they think about
the Scandinavian runic tradition,
is these amazing, painted, you know, elaborate carvings
within the body of a serpent, you know.
But there were much earlier examples before the Vikings, yeah.
No, I'm guilty of thinking of that, yes, that's me.
I'm the one thinking of those
when I think of that room
when we get into the Viking age
as you say we have this huge explosion
of materials
I mean not least because it's just closer in time
to us I suppose
but we do see that we have the number
of runes
in the alphabet
reduced right
do we have an idea of why that happened
that's probably the second great mystery
in runic studies
after the you know where did ruins come from
Yeah, why did they reduce the alphabet by a third?
You know, what was the reason for that?
It seems like a crazy thing to do.
And a third is a lot.
A third is a lot.
It's a lot.
Yeah, yeah.
And especially as that the language was changing drastically around this period.
And particularly because in England, they did the opposite.
They expanded the alphabet to try to take account of the new sounds that were entering the language.
So it's radically different to that approach as well.
But there are several suggestions about why that may have happened.
And one is that it seems a strange thing to do from the perspective of readers
because what you end up having is like one rune representing several different sounds,
which can make it a bit difficult to read.
But if you're someone learning runes for the first time, I suppose,
having a third fewer runes to learn to carve might have been advantageous, you know.
And the second thing is,
that a lot of runes kind of dropped out organically from the script as the language developed.
They became not particularly useful.
Some sounds weren't used very often at all, and the runes just dropped out.
Some runes were used for more than one sound in an earlier period.
So it wasn't just that they woke up one day or tried, woke up one day and said,
right, we're going to slash the number of runes.
And they had, some had dropped out.
but there was a point where a conscious decision was made that, you know, we're going to move from this earlier system to this new system.
And again, I think coming back to that point earlier about these connections, these remarkable connections between drastically dispersed tribal groups, you know, this was adopted kind of simultaneously across this very wide area.
And again, it suggests that there was a kind of ruling elite that had control over this writing system that they were able to,
to comprehensively change it and for ruin writers to adopt this new system across northern Europe,
really, with the exception of England.
Well, this is kind of my next question, because we have this huge area where we find
runestones and ruins in the Viking Age and in this period.
But do they tend to group up in any particular places?
Is there one area where we tend to find more than others?
I mean, England notwithstanding, I suppose.
Yeah, so England actually has very, very few runic inscriptions comparatively, even though I think some of them are the most interesting inscriptions of all.
And I hope we'll have a chance to talk about the English tradition a bit more later on.
But yeah, one of the biggest clustering from the Viking Age certainly is in kind of central Sweden, central and southern Sweden, where you have these, yeah, these traditions of raising stones.
And it seems like everybody was doing it at a certain point in the 11th century, that it was just, yeah, it was.
just how you memorialised your dead. And, you know, there are clusters as well at an earlier period
in parts of Denmark and at an earlier period in parts of Norway. And then in the medieval period,
because we have a lot of evidence from Norwegian towns, it kind of looks like the tradition shifts to
Norway. And that may be just because of the, again, the preservation conditions. Or it may be that
Norway, you know, the runic tradition just flourished in Norway in the later medieval period, partly because
of trade, partly because, you know, a lot of prior to the Hansiatic League, you know, a lot of
traders were using, we're using runes in their everyday life. But then we also get groups of
inscriptions in Greenland, for example, from the North settlers there. And that tradition seems
to have been all about continuing something that came from the Norse homelands. And it has its
own particular flavour as well. You know, there are a lot of crosses, for example. Almost all
the Greenlandic inscriptions have a kind of Christian dimension to them.
So there's these little kind of pockets.
And then Iceland has virtually no inscriptions, you know, or very few inscriptions.
And those inscriptions tend to be from a much later date.
So there's these areas of the Viking world as well where the tradition doesn't seem to have been adopted.
Orkney is a place where there's, again, a lot of inscriptions clustered in one place in Mayshao.
And they may have been Norwegians who were stopping off in Orkney on the way to, on Crusade, for example.
But they left this kind of repository of inscriptions in Orkney.
So, yeah, and then there are these sporadic inscriptions from places like Ireland, you know, a few inscriptions from Shetland and the pharaohs and so on.
But yeah, I think in the later medieval period, Norway is really the kind of heartland of runic writing.
And what are we tending to see when we find these groups of runes?
What are they communicating in particular?
Is it a lot of things or is this just largely memorialization?
The Mays Harrow group is a really interesting one to look at.
So this is a Neolithic chamber tomb that seems to have been used as a shelter during the Viking Age and the later medieval period.
So essentially, Vikings broke into the tomb.
They decided to stay away from storms.
And this is recorded in the sagas as well as the evidence of them having been there from writing runic inscriptions on the walls.
But there are lots of inscriptions there.
And some of them are just about putting your name on a wall, you know, that it's often described as graffiti.
So not really memorializing, but I suppose kind of self-memorializing in the same way that someone might write their name on a tree at a famous landmark or something, you know.
But then there are also inscriptions which give us more information.
So there's references to bury treasure.
There's references to Jerusalem fairers, so to crusaders.
There are people saying, I wrote this inscription up high, like a kind of boast about how tall they are.
There's references to deviant goings on in the how.
There's someone who says, I carve this inscription with the axe that Gauker Trondelsen had in Iceland.
There's kind of inscriptions that just say, read these runes, you know, and then give you no other information.
There's reference to an inscription carved by the housekeeper of the earl.
So an inscription by a woman showing that, you know, women were actively using runes at this period and were part of this kind of dialogue.
And I almost think of Mase Howe as a kind of like a discussion board from the medieval period
because people were kind of writing and responding to other people's messages and kind of
trying to outdo each other, I think, in the kind of coded writing they did.
So there's so much happening just in this very small context.
And again, it makes you think what's been lost, which I know is something we always think
about in medieval studies, but this wasn't suddenly people didn't become literate and start
responding to each other in this one context,
it's just that this is a place where it's been preserved in a Neolithic tomb,
you know,
so there were these very,
very lively discourses going on in ruins elsewhere in the Viking world that have just been lost to us, you know.
So it's kind of like the tip of the iceberg that you see with these surviving contexts.
Well,
how did they then differentiate between the English inscriptions that we have?
Because now my interest is peaked, I'm afraid.
So the English inscriptions, first of all, there were a couple of kind of changes in individual characters of runes, which might have happened in kind of either side of the North Sea or of the English Channel.
So one of those was the breakdown of the A run to represent three separate sounds with three separate characters.
And that was a very distinctive kind of English development.
and further things developed, new characters were added,
there was some rearrangement of the order of the letters.
So from quite an early period,
we can distinguish English runes from those on the continent.
But something also happened in England quite early,
which was that the church seems to have taken the runic tradition
and made it its own.
So from about 600 onwards,
we get runic inscriptions,
which have a kind of Christian dimension
to them and that are really integral to the kind of identity, I think, of the church in the north
of England particularly. So English inscriptions tend to be from the north and east of England.
There's very few inscriptions in what would become Wessex, and they tend to be, well, there's definitely
a tradition of raising run stones, and the Ruthwell Cross is that, and the Buchast Cross are great examples
of that, incorporating them into religious objects. So,
St. Kuthbert's coffin, you know, which was like the the most sacred object in the north of
England, is carved, you know, the apostles' names are put in runes on the coffin. So that shows
you just how kind of integrated they were in the literacy of the early English church. And we get
this kind of parallel tradition to the development of English literature as well, which I find
fascinating because it's kind of overlooked. Like we've got all this story of Cardman's hymn, you know,
and the kind of origins of the first literature in the vernacular.
But then people were writing things in runes, including poetry, you know, in ruins around the same time.
And it's just not really talked about, you know.
So there's a, the Franks casket is an object that Sydney most scholars of early medieval England will be very familiar with.
But the inscription on the front of that, which talks about a whale and refers to the whalebone caskets, it's an object that was probably a reliquy.
it refers to the fish having been beached, you know, in the flood, and it names the whalebone.
That's written in good alliterative verse, you know, in good old English verse, and, you know, has some case for being one of the oldest pieces of old English literature, but it's never kind of compared to Cardin's hymn.
And then there's another, there's an inscription from Whitby, a bone comb, which was found in a rubbish heap, which is also, you know, it seems to be a prayer, but it's also illiterative.
It's probably from a period around the whole Cardman's hymn business was going on in Roons,
in a kind of parallel tradition, and again, ignored for a long, long time.
So there's this kind of fascinating parallel tradition of runes.
They were really, really important to the early English church.
And we keep finding new inscriptions, which can shed light on the literary tradition even.
So there's an inscription that was found a few years ago from Baconsthorpe in Lincolnshire,
and it refers to reading runes, you know, to Beio having written the runes.
And this is like a parallel to the riddle tradition, you know, read who so may,
Bayo wrote the runes.
We have another clip from Honington, which is a paraphrase of the canticle of the three youths
from the poem Daniel, you know, and from a sort of reference in Azarias.
So these are direct connections to the literary tradition and they're popping up all the time,
really. I mean, this one is particularly special, but again, like, I think we kind of ignore the
runic tradition at our peril as medievalists, as early medieval scholars, because, you know, it has
so much to tell us really about that kind of mainstream source of history.
Yeah, I think that this is an incredibly important point, because what we see as a result of it
is that we have these runic inscriptions and this runic tradition existing side by side with the
Latin alphabet, which is in common
usages this time, because if you
have Christians, which we can
see from these inscriptions,
these are people who consider themselves to be Christian,
then they have
Latin, probably
at the time as well. So
to what extent do we
see this kind of
attempt to
accommodate, I suppose, both
Roonic and
Latin alphabets happening at the same
time? Yeah, so
that there's in the kind of coin evidence, there's some suggestion that there was a kind of
distinction made between the Roman script for the authority of the king or whoever the coin
was being issued on behalf of, and then the runic script used for the moneya, so for the kind
of artificer. So that isn't as clear cut in other areas. But like, yeah, on the, on the Franks
casket, there is some Roman script as well, you know, which is written in the kind of mimic
of an insular hand and it's referring to episodes from Roman history as well, you know. So I think
there there's a kind of distinction again being made between like the sources of these literary
or writing traditions. But then in other cases, there's not that distinction made. You know,
there's, so I mentioned the St. Cuthbert's coffin earlier. And one of the evangelist's names is
written in in the alphabet and the rest are written in ruins, you know, and there doesn't seem to be
any distinction made there particularly.
In the literary tradition,
it definitely seems that runes become associated
with an earlier period of the English people.
So they're associated with antiquity,
with the deep past,
with something, again, that wasn't coming from the classical tradition.
I think there was a real awareness of that.
But then runes were incorporated as well in the alphabet,
the alphabet that was developed for the writing of Old English,
you know, incorporated the W-Rune, the W-Rune, and the Thorn Rune.
And in Iceland, the Thorn Rune is still being used, you know, in the alphabet today.
So they kind of were incorporated directly in that way.
And they were also used as abbreviations by some scribes, you know,
and they kind of, even when they stopped actively being used, I suppose,
as a script for writing on objects, they still found these kind of niche uses in the,
in the scriptorium.
and even in kind of charms
and there's some evidence
coming out recently
of the tradition of writing
runes on lead tablets
which may have persisted
into the conquest period
and again a very niche use of ruins
but they seem to have survived
in that particular context
and in fact we found two inscriptions now
which refer to the dwarf being dead
dead is the dwarf they say
so these were probably amulets
saying that we've defeated
this particular illness associated with the dwarf.
And I think in some of the other sources
that that illness might be like a carbuncle
or a kind of a growth
and these lead amulets were supposed to stop that coming back
or something of that sort.
But the fact we found two of these lead inscriptions
referring to the same thing,
suggests there was a kind of tradition
in the late Anglo-Saxon period
of using lead tablets specifically to ward off illnesses,
which again is not a tradition
we'd have had any awareness of really even 10 years ago?
I think that it's so interesting because I guess I don't really think about runes in any context with England,
which shows what I know, I suppose.
You know, I think that there is this tendency to sort of differentiate,
at least as we get into the period of Christianization between Vikings,
who we would think would use runes and then the English.
And it just shows that the world is much more complex than that.
but I wanted to talk a little bit about the Bergen excavations because I thought this was so incredibly interesting because I'm quite interested in cities and I think that this particular hall tells us a lot about what is going on in cities where people are using ruins. Can you talk a bit about what was found there?
Yeah, so the main kind of characteristic of the Bergen inscriptions or the Brighun inscriptions from the wharf in Bergen is there.
is their variety. So you've got business correspondence, you've got love letters, you've got labels for
products, you've got curses, you've got religious statements. So I think it kind of shows the
richness of people's lives at this point. And the fact that Roons, you know, weren't at this point
in their history, they weren't, didn't have this kind of niche association, as I've said, might have
happened in England, that they were just used as you'd used the Latin alphabet. In fact, they were probably
more useful in a lot of contexts because you could scribble them quickly on a bit of wood.
You know, like to write the Latin alphabet, you'd need parchment, you'd need a quill, you'd need
ink. And to write a runic inscription on a bit of wood, you just needed your knife, which
everyone carried with them, you know? So the brigand inscriptions show us just how frequently
runes were being used for all these kind of everyday communications. So there are some,
I have some favorites amongst the Brighan inscriptions.
There's one bit of business correspondence to this poor guy
who seems to be really failing in his mission to acquire goods for selling in Brigham.
And he says there's no beer, there's no fish.
He suggests he's cold and he asks them to send gloves.
So you can imagine him being out in this kind of miserable back end of the world place.
And he can't get what he needs.
He's cold.
He says, don't let Thorstein.
know. So he's obviously this kind of rival or this person. And he says, don't beat me, you know,
when I get home for my failure. So you really get a sense of the kind of person or the personalities
behind these inscriptions. This is a particularly long inscription has to be said. But this is
letter writing, you know, this is business correspondence. Like it's a very, very different type of
inscription to the ones we talked about at the beginning, the earliest inscriptions. Another favorite is,
I don't know if I can swear on this podcast.
You can now.
But there's an inscription which seems to have been like three, three guys in a pub setting.
And the first one writes, John Silky Cunt owns me.
And the second one writes, Guthorma Cunt Licker carved me.
And the third one writes, John Bullcunt interprets me.
So they were trying to, like, each one was trying to elevate the crudity of their message.
There's all that kind of, there's those kind of.
boardy inscriptions, you know, those, those rude inscriptions.
There's, there's, on the other end of things, there's people, you know, expressing their love in very
romantic terms, you know, saying, my love burns hotter than, than fire.
There's some very nasty curses, curses against, there's one curse against a woman,
which is particularly nasty from someone who seems to have been jilted and wants to, to use magic to
bring this person around. But then there's also, there's one inscription that says,
Gither asks you to go home, you know, and it might be, again, you can kind of imagine that this was
sent to someone who was in the pub telling them that they had to get home now, like Gither was
angry. And that may have been written, that may have been written by Gither herself, you know,
so again, it gives us some indication that women were very much involved in this, in this
runic communicative tradition. There's another political message which suggests speaking to a woman
who's in a nunnery about this kind of political machination that's going on.
And that suggests that she could also write runes.
And for some reason, so this was an inscription that was carved on a beneath wax, you know,
to hide it.
It was on a wooden tablet, but a wax layer put on top.
So it was obviously like very sensitive political communication.
But someone threw it in a rubbish tip, you know, it was found in a midden in Bergen.
Instead of kind of burning it on the fire or breaking it even, you know, they just,
discarded it. So there's these tantalizing hints that not just the everyday life, but also these
kind of more politically charged moments in Norwegian history as well. It's brilliant. There are even
shoes with runes on in saying kind of Ave Maria. And you can imagine these kind of these merchants
like prancing around medieval Bergen with these ruin inscribed leather shoes. It's just a
brilliant image. Oh, I love that. This is really interesting because one of the things
that runes sort of allow, you know, as you say, because they are so angular, is this ease of
inscription? Because one of the big things that we tend to see, even among the literate across
the medieval period, is you might be able to read, but you probably don't know how to put a
quill to parchment necessarily, which is this really particular skill, but anyone can do it with
runes. It's not difficult to inscribe a run. But having said all of that, we definitely see
a point in time when
ruins sort of make it off
of gold and stone and they end up
on parchment.
What does this kind of
tell us about who's using
them and what they're using to
communicate, I suppose?
Yeah, so both in medieval Iceland
and in early medieval England,
scribal culture kind of picked up on
ruins and preserved them in a way.
So they preserve a lot of our knowledge
about the names of the ruins, for example.
There's lots of runic alphabets
circulating and they were used as well. Scribes fairly often signed their names off in ruins
and that's a tradition that Cunewolf, the English poets used as well in his kind of the
colophons to the four surviving poems. So yeah, scribes preserved the tradition but also
made it their own, I think. So there's some question about how much this is a like an authentic
continuation of the runic tradition and how much this is just like antiquarians playing with a
script that they've inherited. And I'm in two minds about that, to be honest. I think scribal culture
probably was drawing on traditions that were already there, but also scribes love a bit of
esotericism, you know, and they love a bit of kind of playing with exotic characters. And I think
that plays into the way that runes survived in these contexts as well.
I have a very silly question. This is probably incredibly simple, but what do people using runes do for numbers?
You know, because from a medieval standpoint, in an ordinary way, I'm expecting to see Roman numerals.
What do you do when you're using runes?
That is a very good question. I'm not sure I know the answer to that.
I have a feeling that probably the number was sounded out, or that.
There were, so, you know, five would have been written as five.
But I wonder if lines are used sometimes in some context to indicate numbers.
That is a very good question.
And I can't answer you very well, I'm afraid.
Okay, well, that makes me feel better than actually, because I was like, this is probably
incredibly silly.
But, okay, I feel better.
Not a silly question at all.
Very good one.
Do we have any evidence that Rooms then are still kind of a,
a fully functional writing system later in the medieval period?
Or do we tend to see this sort of scribal play take over in the sources that we have?
Yeah, definitely in England.
The runic tradition peters out, you know, and it reaches its heyday and probably in around the time of Bede, you know, in the north of England.
And then it gradually declines until it's more or less a scribal tradition and not being used outside the scriptorium.
although these kind of lead tablets, these new finds are pushing the date a little bit later in the period.
But in Scandinavia, we get, again, this kind of flourishing in the high medieval period.
Lots of inscriptions in stave churches by parishioners.
Some of them are salacious gossip.
Some of them refer to pre-Christian traditions as well.
There's a reference to the norns in one of them.
But yeah, then as we move kind of into the reformation period, ruins seem to be used only in very particular areas.
certain parts of Sweden, they seem to have cling on to the runic tradition much later than everyone
else. Like, ruins were used in kind of calendars into the 17th, 18th century. And they kind of survived
in, yeah, again, in these very, very niche contexts. But the runic tradition itself, I think in the
face of the increasing literacy and in the face of the cultural prestige of the Roman alphabet,
they just couldn't, they couldn't keep going, basically. And I had a
certain point, although when they first come into contact with the Roman alphabet, it seems to spur this
kind of renaissance in runic writing, eventually like that, that is washed away as well by the Latin
tradition. And yeah, at a certain point, they stop being used. That's just the problem with
cultural hegemony, isn't it? You know, it's great to have an alphabet that is sort of universalized
that everyone can use. But on the other hand, you do lose the fun little minority pockets of
things. But I think this is an important point because I do think that we tend to think about
ruins, you know, as I said earlier, as sort of a monolith, it's like, well, that's what they are.
But really, what we see when we look at it is a lot of different people using them for a lot of
different reasons at very disparate times. You know, I didn't think before I had to look at your work
that I would ever think about ruins and the reformation in the same context at all. You know,
we do have this tendency to associate them with the late antique or the early medieval period,
and that just is not the case.
Yeah, yeah.
So, I mean, it's 1,500 years of history, really, you know.
That's something I wanted to get across in this book, because a lot of studies focus
on individual traditions for very good reason.
You know, they look at the earliest inscriptions or they look at a particular national context
like England.
But I wanted to kind of try and tell the whole story of this kind of rise and fall of this script,
which I think is fascinating because it does span all these different, all these huge cultural changes.
You know, it's amazing that the Roenic script survived really and evolved and, you know,
continued to be useful to the people that used it in spite of that cultural weight of the Roman alphabet
that was constantly kind of pushing from the rest of Europe.
So yeah, I hope it's a kind of fascinating tradition. Thanks so much. It was a real pleasure.
Oh, it absolutely is. And I mean, that really, really comes across in the book. So I cannot
recommend having a read of this enough if you are, like me, a bit of a nerd about languages.
And if you're interested in Nordic culture at all whatsoever, but, or English, for that matter,
let us not forget that the English are in there.
Tom, thank you ever so much for coming on to talk to us today.
Thank you.
My thanks again to Professor Tom Burkett, and thank you for listening to Gone Medieval from History Hit.
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