History Daily - The Camilla Massacre
Episode Date: September 19, 2025September 19, 1868. White supremacists attack a peaceful march protesting the expulsion of Black legislators from the Georgia state legislature. This episode originally aired in 2023. Support the show...! Join Into History for ad-free listening and more.History Daily is a co-production of Airship and Noiser.Go to HistoryDaily.com for more history, daily.
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Oh, how much is it?
I'm pretty bad.
What?
What you laid out to say to leaven up?
I laid this one elamuxen and then
a pair oflachortia.
Maista.
Vaasan Club.
Osta Vaasan tuotteita,
and runnasta palkintoa.
It's September 20th, 1863,
on a battlefield near Chickamauga Creek in northwest Georgia,
two years into the American Civil War.
18-year-old Thomas Cole wipes sweat from his brow
as he sets down the last cannon in a group pointing downhill.
Though he's from the south, Thomas is a black union soldier.
Just days ago, he escaped his Alabama slaveholder.
But before he could cross over to the north on his own,
he ran into two union spies who helped him enlist with the Union army.
Now Thomas happily assists his fellow troops
prepare for battle against the Confederates in Georgia.
As he surveys the line of cannons he helped arrange,
Thomas breathes a sigh of relief.
It's been a hard day's work, but his job is done, and he can finally take a break.
He begins to walk away from the cannon and head back to camp,
but the sound of gunfire suddenly halts him in his tracks.
He looks around frantically until down the hill he spots the soldiers of the Confederate Army
marching toward the Union line.
The cannons around Thomas boom as the soldiers tried to stop the advance.
And with bullets flying from every direction, Thomas drops to the ground,
trying to keep himself safe.
But one of the Union soldiers orders him to get back to work, loading the cannons.
Thomas pulls himself up, summons all his bravery, and tries to keep his stomach as men all around him fall, sometimes in hideous explosions of gunpowder and blood.
The hill is littered with pieces of what once were whole men, and Thomas can't help but wonder if he escaped to freedom just so he could die on the battlefield.
Thomas Cole stays at his post all through the night, but the next morning the rebels break through the Union battle lines.
Thomas and his fellow Union soldiers are forced to retreat.
The Battle of Chickamauga, as this skirmish will come to be known,
will be Georgia's biggest battle during the American Civil War
and the second bloodiest of the whole conflict.
While Confederate troops will eventually prevail at Chickamauga,
ultimately the Confederate Army will surrender to the Union in May, 1865.
Thomas Cole will be just one of almost 200,000 black soldiers
who will contribute to the North's victory
and thereby help bring an end to the institution of slavery.
But abolition of forced servitude will not mean the end
of oppression for black Americans. As the Civil War closes, a new conflict will emerge on how to
bring the South back into the United States political system. Central to this fight will be the debate
over whether to grant emancipated black men full and equal rights as citizens. While many will argue
in favor of this, they will be met with fierce resistance and violence from white supremacists,
who will wage one of their bloodiest attacks almost five years to the day after the Battle of Chickamauga
in the town of Camilla, Georgia on September 19, 1868.
Oh, how much been it,
I'm going to be a while?
What's you laid out of the leavening up?
I laid down one elamics, and then parli lachy card.
Maista.
Vaasan Club.
Osta Vaasan toottees,
kerap, and lunasta palkintoes.
From Noisor and Airship, I'm Lindsay Graham,
and this is History Daily.
History is made every day.
On this podcast, every day,
we tell the true stories of the people and events that shaped our world.
Today is September 19, 1868, the Camilla Massacre.
It's shortly after midnight on March 30, 1868, in Columbus, Georgia, more than four years after the Battle of Chickamauga.
Inside a boarding home, George Ashburn prepares for bed.
It's been a long day for the 53-year-old judge.
Earlier tonight, a huge crowd of black and white Georgians gathered to support Judge Ashburn's candidacy
for the U.S. Senate, and he's still coming down from the excitement.
Integrated public events like this one are still uncommon in the South.
Just three years ago, the end of the Civil War and the passing of the 13th Amendment
heralded the end of slavery in America.
But racial discrimination and violence has continued, especially in the South,
where white supremacist groups like the Ku Klux Klan are most active.
As the nation negotiates how to rebuild its divided society,
undergoing a period known as Reconstruction,
Judge Ashburn hopes he can play his part in helping America redress the lasting impacts of slavery.
And that's why he decided to run for the Senate.
Though he's a white man from the South, Judge Ashburn fought for the Union during the Civil War
and is part of a new faction of the Republican Party called the Radical Republicans.
Judge Ashburn and his radical peers advocate for an aggressive approach to reconstruction.
Opposed to slavery and committed to civil rights,
they believe that the Confederate states must be punished for their perceived rebellion
and that the federal government must intervene
to ensure abolition and civil rights survive in the South.
Judge Ashburn knows that his support of equal rights for black people
has angered many in his state.
He and other southern white supporters of black enfranchisement
have been derisively coined scaloags by their opponents.
Some white conservatives have attempted to tarnish Judge Ashburn's reputation,
calling him a man of low moral character and far worse.
But Judge Ashburn is determined to keep fighting.
He may have critics.
but he has supporters too.
And tonight's gathering was well attended,
an energetic rally that was a reminder to Judge Ashburn
that he's not alone in this struggle,
a thought that should allow him to rest easy.
But as Judge Ashburn gets ready to turn out the light,
he hears a loud banging on his front door.
He peeks out his window to find out what the commotion is
and sees a crowd of white men wearing masks and holding pistols.
Judge Ashburn has only one guess as to who it might be.
This spring, the Georgia chapter of the KK.K.
K was started. The group is dedicated to the defeat of the Republican Party and their reconstruction
as goals, making them fierce opponents of Judge Ashburn's. He surmises their members have come at this
late hour to try to intimidate him. But Judge Ashburn is prepared to show them that he can't be
scared so easily. As the masked men force their way into his house, Judge Ashburn rushes to find and
load his pistol. When his bedroom door slams open, he steals himself and brandishes his weapon,
ready to make a stand. But the masked men don't hesitate before opening fire. Judge Ashburn falls to the
ground as bullets tear through his body, unable to fend off his attackers. Their assassination complete,
the masked men make their escape. The murder of Judge George Ashburn is the first public act of the
KKK's Georgia chapter. Judge Ashburn's allies are shocked and terrified by his killing,
but local authorities are reluctant to investigate. The judge's work and activism has made him
many enemies in Columbus and throughout the state. And those foes work hard to cover the nature of the
crime. They spread rumors that Judge Ashburn was murdered by a jealous member of his own party,
and the local newspaper prints editorials that cast doubt on the very existence of the KKK.
Even as his opponents create a cloud of uncertainty over his death, though, the effort to bring
Judge Ashburn's killers to justice continues. General George Mead, the man in charge of the
military occupation of Georgia after the Civil War, hears of Judge Ashburn's death and orders his
officers to look into it. But their investigation does not go far. Though Judge Ashburn's murder
had many witnesses, they were all too terrified to name culprits. The general tries to coax people
to come forward by offering protection. But despite his efforts, no witnesses do. The guilty parties
remain free, forming a looming threat to reconstruction efforts in Georgia. This heinous murder would be a
brutal blow to Georgia's radical Republicans, but it won't stop their efforts at progress.
Soon after Judge Ashburn's death, Georgia will ratify a new state constitution, one that provides
voting rights for black men. It will be a major victory for the Republicans, and it won't be their
only triumph. Their party will also win the governor's seat, and 33 black Republicans will
be elected to the state House and Senate. But Reconstructionists' work will still be far from
complete, and their conservative Democratic opponents will do whatever it takes.
to undo their progress.
It's been a day.
It's the moment.
What you laid out to say
on the oven.
I laid up myelieu.
I laid up one
elamics and then
a pair of
lariocortia.
Maista.
Vaasan Club.
Osta Vaasan
Tuotea,
and get paste
and lunasta
palkintoia.
It's the morning
of September 19th,
1868 in Georgia,
almost six months
after Judge George
Ashburn's murder.
On a road
running between the towns
of Albany and Camilla,
Philip Joyner
walks proudly
with dozens of other
marchers. In July, Philip and 32 other black men were elected to the Georgia legislature.
But immediately, the historic appointment was met with resistance. Their opponents began a campaign
to expel Philip and his black colleagues. They claimed that while the new state constitution
gave voting rights to black men, he did not grant them the right to hold office. Philip and the others
tried to fight back. They countered that they had every right to represent their fellow Georgians
thanks to the state's recent ratification of the 14th Amendment,
which granted citizenship to black Americans.
If anyone should be disbarred from office, they argued,
it's the ex-Confederates who fought against the Union.
But the black legislator's case fell short.
Despite their protests,
a small number of white Republicans united with conservative Democrats
and removed Philip and the other black lawmakers from office.
So today, Philip and a group of allies
are marching to protest this injustice.
The plan is to hold a rally
and Camilla. There will be music and speeches. It will be an energetic assembly and hopefully
a peaceful one. Most of today's demonstrators are black, aside from two white men who Philip
is grateful to have by his side. Philip is a freedman now. In many ways, he's supposed to be equal
to the white men who used to enslave people like him. But that promise hasn't been realized yet.
While Philip and others have been trying to bring equality to Georgia, the threat of violence
has always been present. That's one reason why Philip is glad to be
joined by these white men. They're called carpetbaggers by some, because they're northerners who
have come down to the south to run for office with only meager possessions held in cheap carpet fabric
bags. But Philip doesn't care much about where they're from or what they carry. He just
hopes that their presence might keep him and his fellow protesters safe. As they approach the town
of Camilla, the marchers are met by a white man on horseback, holding a shotgun. The man addresses
one of the carpetbaggers before gesturing toward the band of local musicians that are part of the
protest. He warns that the demonstrators won't be allowed into Camilla if they're playing music.
This request seems odd to Philip. Clearly, the man is just looking for a reason to deter them,
but Philip and the others aren't so easily dissuaded. One of the carpetbaggers steps forward
to speak up for the group. He informs the man that they intend to hold a peaceful rally
and assures him they won't cause any trouble. The man on horseback gives a curt nod
before riding back toward Camilla. As the group moves on, there are murmurs of anticipation.
Some of the marchers are armed, but most of them don't have any ammunition.
They begin to worry that if they are met with force, they'll be unable to defend themselves.
But they don't want to back down either, so the march goes on.
By the time they get to the edge of Camilla, there are at least 150 men, women, and children walking alongside Philip.
And just as they enter town, Camilla's sheriff and a group of other white men arrive on horseback.
The sheriff warns them that they can't come into town if they're holding weapons.
On one hand, Philip is perplexed.
It is perfectly normal for men of any race to carry guns with them when traveling from town to town.
But Philip knows that black men in the South still aren't permitted to do things that are normal for white men,
especially if they're seen as a threat.
So once again, the marchers make it clear that their motives are peaceful.
They'll deliver a few speeches, play some music, then be on their way.
The sheriff lets them pass.
And as Philip and the crowd make their way to Camilla's courthouse,
they can feel the eyes of men watching them from every building.
Still, they press on.
When the protesters reached their destination,
the two white men in the group head to the front of the crowd to deliver their speeches.
But before the rally can begin,
the man who first stop them on the road returns.
And as he rides up, he fires his shotgun at the demonstrators.
Then a barrage of bullets begins flying from all directions.
Local men stationed around the courthouse opened fire.
The crowd dissolves into panic.
men, women, and children run for safety.
But although the rally has been stopped,
the white gunmen aren't satisfied.
They get on their horses and chase after the fleeing black rallygoers.
These white supremacist vigilantes will continue their pursuit of Philip
and the other black protesters into the night.
They will organize search parties and use dogs to hunt the demonstrators in the woods outside Camilla.
And when the bloodshed finally comes to an end the following morning,
at least a dozen will be killed and many more wounded.
Some of the survivors will be forced to assist with the burial of the dead.
But while the perpetrators will try to cover up their barbaric violence,
the truth will ultimately prevail.
Oh, how much so you laid up there?
I laid up to you hellaeroyed there.
I laido one elamuxen and then a pair oflachortia.
Maista.
Vaasan Club.
Osta Vaasan tootte,
kerapiste, and lunasta palkintoes.
It's September 20th, 1868, the morning after the Camilla Massacre.
21-year-old Daniel Howard stands in the middle of Camilla's courthouse square.
His head is pounding, and he's still in shock about yesterday's events.
Daniel is a black Georgian.
He lives about five miles outside of Camilla.
When he saw the march led by Philip Joyner and a couple of white Republicans, he decided to join.
He never imagined that the rally would turn into a mass murder.
Daniel was miraculously able to escape in the midst of the chaos.
He ran straight out of town, but was eventually found and captured.
One of his attackers knocked his head with the butt of his rifle.
Then they forced Daniel back to Camilla at gunpoint,
where they've ordered him to help dispose of the dead that were left lying in the street.
Daniel holds back bile as he looks at the carnage around him.
It's been three years since Union soldiers arrived in this secluded region of Georgia,
announcing the end of slavery.
When Daniel begins his inhumane task, carrying the bodies of slain protesters to a wagon,
it wonders what it'll take for black people to truly be free.
When news of the Camilla massacre first gets out, the local papers will attempt to portray it as a battle between Camilla's townspeople and a dangerous mob of armed blacks.
But Daniel and other survivors, including Philip Joyner, will tell their stories till the truth is finally reported by newspapers all over the country.
The brutality of that day will have repercussions far beyond Camilla.
Republican members of Congress will use the events to strengthen support for reconstruction.
But in Georgia, the attack will scare many black residents away from the polls.
When the next election comes, through fraud and intimidation, the conservative Democrats will
regain the power they lost in the previous election.
The fight for black civil rights will continue for years in Georgia, through Reconstruction,
through the Jim Crow era, and beyond.
All the while, some white Georgians will still try to suppress the story of the Camilla Massacre.
The events will remain taboo for 130 years, until 1919.
1998, when Camilla residents will publicly acknowledge the attack for the first time and commemorate its victims.
Almost 25 more years will pass until the town erects an official marker in an attempt to honor the lives of the black people who were killed while demanding equal rights on September 19, 1868.
Next, on History Daily, September 22nd, 1842, a young Abraham Lincoln meets his rival on Bloody Island to face off in a life or death duel.
From Noiser and Airship, this is History Daily, hosted, edited and executive produced by me, Lindsay Graham.
Audio editing by Mohamed Shazi, sound design by Katrina Zemrad.
Music by Lindsay Graham.
This episode is written and research by Ruben Abrams-Brosby.
Executive producers are Alexandra Curry Buckner for Airship and Pascal Hughes for Noiser.
I'm pretty good.
What do you laid out of the leavened?
I laid down.
I laid one elamics and then parliquhart.
Maista.
Vaasan Club.
Osta Vaasan toottees,
getpistees and lunasta palkintoa.
