Inquiry with Kelly Chase - [The UFO Rabbit Hole] Ep 24: UFOs & High Strangeness: The 6-Layer Model by Vallée & Davis
Episode Date: August 31, 2023Today’s episode is an important one, because it’s going to lay the groundwork for a lot of the things that we’re going to be discussing moving forward. In the weeks and months to come, this is a...n episode that I’ll likely be referring back to often. And that’s because today we’re diving into an article written by two heavyweights of ufology that serves not only as an essential framework to support our understanding of the complexities and nuances of the UFO phenomenon, but that also—in a very real way—helped to lay the foundation for the recent push for UFO disclosure. In short, it’s not only important that we take the time to really understand the ideas presented in this article—but to understand where it fits into the history of modern ufology. The paper to which I’m referring is Incommensurability, Orthodoxy, and the Physics of High Strangeness: A 6-Layer Model for Anomalous Phenomena written by Jacques Vallée and Eric Davis. Most people will already be very familiar with those names, but just in case they are new to you, you can find links to their bios and other work in the episode brief. What is so significant about this paper is that it seeks to create a framework by which we can begin to analyze and integrate the parts of UFO encounters that rarely make it into sci-fi media, and even more rarely make it into serious discussions about the phenomenon itself—which is the undeniable and pervasive occurrence of events and effects that are traditionally relegated to the realms of high strangeness and the paranormal. If there’s nothing else that you take away from this episode it should be this—encounters with UFOs and non-human intelligence are much, much weirder than you've probably been led to believe.NEW Class from Dr. James MaddenUnidentified Flying Hyperobject: UFOs, Philosophy, and the End of the WorldFour-week online class via ZoomWednesdays, March 27 – April 24 (skips April 10), 20247 – 9 pm ETLearn More About the ClassSign Up Now EPISODE BRIEFBECOME A PATRONPatrons get lots of great perks like early and ad-free episodes, access to the private The UFO Rabbit Hole Discord server, and twice-monthly Patron Zoom calls with Kelly Chase. Memberships start at just $5/month.GET THE BOOKGet a SIGNED COPYGet it on AmazonFOLLOWWebsiteTwitterFacebookMUSICTheme: Cabinet of Curiosities by Shaun FrearsonFeatured Song: Jacques Vallée by _shipTIMESTAMPS00:00:32 Introduction00:06:53 Problems with the SETI and UAP Paradigms00:07:25 —SETI & The Assumption of Mediocrity00:12:19 —Anthropocentric Bias in SETI00:14:54 —Anthropocentric Bias in Ufology00:16:27 The Need For A Unified Approach To UAP Studies00:20:01 The Six Layers of UAP Analysis00:20:30 —Layer I: Physical00:21:45 —Layer II: Anti-Physical00:23:00 —Layer III: Psychological00:29:53 —Layer IV: Physiological00:32:19 —Layer V: Psychic00:34:19 —Layer VI: Cultural00:37:10 Possible Nature of UAP Technology00:39:48 The Incommensurability Problem00:45:42 Semiotics00:51:35 High Strangeness & The Abduction Problem00:54:12 Conclusions00:56:23 Garry Nolan and Talking To Ants01:00:26 Whitley Strieber and “The Visitors In the Trees”01:12:42 Jacques Vallée by _shipMUSICTheme: Cabinet of Curiosities by Shaun FrearsonFeatured Song: Jacques Vallée by _shipBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-ufo-rabbit-hole-podcast--5746035/support. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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Back to the UFO Rabbit Hole podcast.
on your host, Kelly Chase.
Today's episode is an important one, because it's going to lay the groundwork for a lot of the
things that we're going to be discussing moving forward. In the weeks and months to come,
this is an episode that I'll likely be referring back to often. And that's because today
we're diving into an article written by two heavyweights of uphology that serves not only as
an essential framework to support our understanding of the complexities and nuances of the UFO
phenomenon, but that also, in a very real way, help to lay the foundation for the recent push for
UFO disclosure. In short, it's not only important that we take the time to really understand
the ideas presented in this article, but to understand where it fits into the history of
modern uphology. The paper to which I'm referring is incommensurability orthodoxy and the physics
of high strangeness, a six-layer model for anomalous phenomena, written by
Jacques Valet and Eric Davis. Most people will already be very familiar with those names, but just in case
they're new to you, you can find links to their bios and other work in the episode brief. What is so
significant about this paper is that it seeks to create a framework by which we can begin to
analyze and integrate the parts of UFO encounters that rarely make it into sci-fi media,
and even more rarely make it into serious discussions about the phenomenon itself, which is the
undeniable and pervasive occurrence of events and effects that are traditionally relegated to the realms
of high strangeness and the paranormal. If there's nothing else that you take away from this episode,
it should be this. Encounters with UFOs and non-human intelligence are much, much weirder than
you've probably been led to believe, as are the psychological and physiological effects on witnesses
that often last long after the encounter is over, sometimes for the rest of their lives.
The details of actual UFO encounters, as opposed to the sanitized versions that the public
is typically most familiar with, are full of profound absurdities and contradictions that are
impossible to reconcile within the frameworks of our consensus reality. This has led many to
simply ignore these features of the phenomenon in favor of a more traditional nuts and bolts approach,
or more commonly to deny the reality of the phenomenon entirely, writing witnesses off
as being either hoaxers or mentally ill.
And yet, when you look at the decades of data,
these elements of high strangeness
are perhaps the most consistent feature
of encounters with UFOs and NHIs.
If one is to throw out the high strangeness baby
with the bathwater, in a very real way,
you're no longer talking about the phenomenon
as it actually exists.
What you're left with is a contrivance
constructed to keep people from feeling uncomfortable,
which ultimately bears very little resemblance to the actual facts of the situation.
In this paper, Valais and Davis show no such squeamishness.
Drawing on thousands of witness accounts collected over decades,
they offer us a six-layer model that allows us to begin to get our arms around the complexities
of this phenomenon and offers insights into the path we must take
to begin to make progress in our understanding of this challenging field.
I'm really excited to dive into it, but before we do, I just want to note that in many ways,
this episode serves as a prologue to the next big series that I'm working on, which will focus
on Skinwalker Ranch, and more specifically to its connection to ASEF, the predecessor of ATIP,
and many of the leading figures in the current push for government disclosure, including
Luis Elizondo, George Knapp, and many others.
The reason that this paper is so relevant to that discussion is because it
articulates some of the most critical conclusions of the experts who helped to shape the strategy
behind OSAP's investigations, as well as the reason why Skinwalker Ranch was identified as a place
of significant interest. And if you're not entirely sure what all of that means, don't worry. We'll get to
the history behind all of that in an upcoming episode. For now, this is the main takeaway. A popular
narrative within the debunking community, perhaps most popularly articulated by Stephen Green Street in a series he did
for the New York Post, boils down to the idea that the current push for disclosure is being led
by a bunch of crackpots and grifters who tricked some gullible folks in Washington into giving
them money back in the late us to pursue their paranormal pet projects. And the basis for this accusation
inevitably comes back to their connection to Skinwalker Ranch. As we'll explore more deeply
later on, Skinwalker Ranch in Utah has long been reported to be a location besieged by paranormal
activity, of which UFO sightings are just a very small part. The phenomena reported on the ranch
include cattle mutilations, poultergeised activity, the appearance of portals, apparitions of strange
cryptids, mysterious injuries to people on the ranch, and the notorious hitchhiker effect,
wherein visitors to the ranch seem to take some of these strange phenomena home with them.
For those in the demunking community who are furthering this narrative, anyone involved with the
decades of investigations at the ranch are clearly compromised. They're either crazy or they're
selling something. After all, anyone who would consider that these stories could have any truth to them,
much less report having experienced them for themselves, must have a screw loose, right? It's an easy
conclusion to jump to. All it requires is that you ignore literally all of the data about these
encounters that has been collected for decades, not just at Skinwalker Ranch, but around the
world. What I've looked to demonstrate through our discussion today, as well as in episodes to come,
is that this simplistic understanding of the UFO phenomenon is based on a profound lack of
education about the reality of these encounters and is more about propping up the least
challenging version of consensus reality than it is about engaging objectively and
fearlessly with the actual facts of the situation. So without further ado, let's dive into it.
In this paper, Valé and Davis frame their core arguments through a discussion of the orthodox
approaches to both SETI and UAP studies. In both cases, they argue that the orthodox approach
is flawed, and ultimately inadequate to truly grapple with the complexities inherent to
understanding any kind of advanced non-human intelligence. In understanding what's wrong with
the traditional approaches and methodologies in these fields, we can begin to plot a new and more
objective course forward. Let's start with SETI. SETI stands for search for extraterrestrial
intelligence and refers to all of the collective scientific activities undertaken to search for
intelligent extraterrestrial life. SETI efforts involve the use of astronomical techniques
to search for evidence of technology or artifacts indicating intelligent life beyond Earth,
most commonly in other solar systems. SETI uses several common common techniques. SETI uses several
common techniques to search for signs of intelligent life beyond Earth. One of the primary methods
involves scanning the skies with large radio telescopes for narrow-band radio signals that are
unlikely to be produced by natural celestial phenomena. Optical telescopes are also used
to search for laser signals and other potential artificial optical emissions. Some researchers
analyze the atmospheres of distant exoplanets looking for chemical signatures that might
indicate the presence of life, or even pollutants that could be the result of an industrial
society. In their paper, Valé and Davis argue that most of the techniques traditionally
employed by SETI are based on what is ultimately a fundamentally flawed assumption,
specifically the assumption of mediocrity. The assumption of mediocrity posits that the earth
and human civilization are not special or unique in the universe, but rather typical or average.
This idea has its roots in the Copernican Revolution, which began in 1543,
when astronomer Nicholas Copernicus published his paper on the revolutions of the heavenly spheres.
In this paper, Copernicus proposed a heliocentric model, where the sun, not the Earth, was the center of the solar system.
This challenged the prevailing view, which had been accepted for centuries.
This was a radical shift in perspective for the human race that impacted much more than just our view of the motions of the human race.
celestial bodies. Instead of being God's most prized creation having dominion over a planet at the
center of the universe, we suddenly had an awareness that we were simply smaller players in a much
larger reality, and that everything might not be about us. The shift away from Earth's centrality
in the universe led to a philosophical shift as well. The prevailing wisdom became that our planet,
and by extension humanity, is not privileged or special in the cosmic sense.
scheme, and therefore our observations of the universe from Earth are not made from a unique
or special vantage point, but rather one that could be considered typical or average.
This idea was only further reinforced as our understanding of the cosmos expanded in the
following centuries. As we've come to terms with the sheer vastness of the universe,
it has only contributed to the notion there's nothing particularly special about humans
or the planet on which we find ourselves. And our approach to SETIOSN,
over the past several decades has been deeply informed by this assumption of mediocrity.
It's been used to guide our search strategies and methodologies as we seek to find other
intelligent civilizations. For example, we assume that other planets that harbor life will look
more or less like Earth in terms of their size, atmosphere, and chemical composition.
We define the so-called habitable zone around other stars to be the zone that could support life
as we know it.
And we assume that advanced civilizations would have evolved within a technological paradigm that is similar to our own.
And that's not necessarily a bad thing.
When you're looking for signs of life in the universe with what are necessarily limited resources,
you have to narrow your search down to the places where you think it would be most likely that you'll actually find it.
And to narrow that search down, you need to create a set of reasonable parameters based on what you already know.
And since Earth is the only planet that we know of that has life, much less complex life
forms or a technological civilization, it makes sense that we would use that as our starting
point to define the parameters of our search. And yet, as we've begun to discover in catalog
planets orbiting other stars, what we found should give us cause to re-evaluate our initial
assumptions about the averageness of our planet and our solar system. Of the nearly 5,500 exoplanets
that we've discovered thus far, only 200 or 0.04% of them might be similar to Earth.
And two new studies released this year indicate that the structure of our solar system,
with smaller planets orbiting closest to the sun and getting larger the further out you go,
is actually the rarest classification of solar system that we've found.
It's still early days, but the evidence that we've collected thus far
seems to indicate that we might not be as average as we thought. And as Valé and Davis argue in their
paper, it's not just assumptions about planets and solar systems that may be hindering our search
for extraterrestrial intelligences, but our assumptions about the nature of those intelligences as well.
The ironic thing about the assumption of mediocrity is that it ultimately leads us to adopting
a view of reality that overly privileges the human perspective. And here's what I mean by that.
The discovery that the Earth wasn't at the center of the solar system, and that our solar system is just one of countless solar systems in a vast universe.
Led us to the humbling realization that there might not be anything particularly special or unique about our existence.
However, in assuming that we are mediocre or average, we end up assuming that other intelligent species in the universe would likely be more like us than not like us.
This creates what is referred to as an anthropocentric bias, or a tendency to view reality
including the universe through a human-centered perspective.
And as Valais and Davis argue, it's very likely that this anthropocentric bias is more of a
hindrance than a help when it comes to identifying other advanced intelligences in the universe.
And this argument makes a lot of sense.
As we discussed at length in Part 3 of the Waking Up Inside the Cave series,
the senses of any living organism don't evolve in a way that is uniform across species.
Rather, they evolve to give each species the ability to collect the information from their environment
that is most relevant to their ultimate survival.
The difference in the sensory experiences, even between animals that live on the same planet
and within the same environment, are vast.
Therefore, we can expect that an intelligent species that evolved on an entirely different planet
and within a completely different environment would have a sensory experience that would be very alien to us.
And this inevitably means that they would be very different from us in a lot of other ways as well.
The technology that they developed would work very differently.
They would likely have entirely different scientific paradigms, different cultures and values,
and would construct their civilization in ways that would likely have very little resemblance to our human experience.
And so it's very possible that in designing our setty efforts around the idea that a technological extraterrestrial civilization would look and operate much like our own is misguided,
and that it's causing us to filter out evidence that doesn't fit within that paradigm.
Valet and Davis argue that this sort of amphibocentric bias has inevitably made its way into uphology as well.
This is primarily due to the fact that the default within the field has long been the extraterrestrial
hypothesis or the belief that the UFO phenomenon represents a highly advanced civilization
originating on another planet.
Now, I'll pause here to briefly say that although this is still typically the assumption of
the mainstream, we've made a lot of progress in uphology in the 20 years since this article
was written.
I'd say that most people who have even a casual interest in the field today are much more
likely to be familiar with the many various hypotheses for the origins of the phenomenon and tend to
take a more agnostic view as to which one is most likely. But certainly, this was not the case when
the paper was written back in 2003. However, we still have a long way to go in pushing back against
anthropocentric bias. Even among those who allow for a wider range of possibilities for the origins
of the phenomenon, you'll still see a tendency to assume that whatever non-human intelligences were
interacting with, would behave in ways that are more or less intelligible to us. We talk about their
motivations in terms of human motivations, and we talk about their timelines in terms of human timelines.
We wonder why the others don't just make themselves known and tell us what they want. Rarely do we
consider the vast chasm of meaning that likely lies between us, or how difficult it might be
to construct a message that wouldn't get lost in translation. Keeping in mind the lessons from SETI,
the overlapping insights about UAP studies, Valet and Davis argue that we need a new, unified approach
to researching the UFO phenomenon. And for this investigation to be successful, we'll need
an approach that takes into account the full scope and complexity of these encounters,
while recognizing the truly alien nature of the intelligence that lies behind the phenomenon
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slash special offer. Valjean Davis further argue that given the inability of our current paradigms to
explain these baffling complexities, we need to be prepared to formulate scientific hypotheses with
regard to the nature of UFOs that might be contradictory. This is something that sometimes
happens in science when our current models break down in the face of new discoveries and
emerging paradigms. They explain this situation in the following way, quote, in any scientific
question, it must be possible to ascertain to what extent a hypothesis when tested and proven to be
true actually explains the observed facts. In the case of UAP, however, as in physics generally,
a hypothesis may well be proven true, while an apparently contradictory hypothesis is also proven true.
Thus the hypothesis that the phenomenon of light is caused by particles is true, but so is the opposite
hypothesis that it's caused by waves. We must be prepared for the time when we will be in a position
to formulate scientific hypotheses for UAP, and then we may face a similar situation, end quote.
This point is really important to be able to move forward with a deeper understanding of the UFO
phenomenon. The seemingly contradictory nature of UFO encounters and the seeming ability of these
craft to operate outside of current scientific paradigms is often pointed to as proof that there's
nothing more to this phenomenon than modern folklore. And it's why, even among those,
who are willing to engage with the possibility that this phenomenon is real, so many have trouble
moving beyond the traditional nuts and bolts framework that regards these objects as physical
craft and nothing more. And in this way, the example of the dual nature of light, offered
by the Ley and Davis, is an apt one. As we've discussed in several previous episodes,
despite the fact that quantum mechanics is one of the most empirically successful scientific
theories in the history of physics. Any physicists will tell you that we're still not entirely
sure how it works. We just know that it does work and with stunning accuracy.
Nobel laureate Richard Feynman once famously said, if you think you understand quantum mechanics,
you don't understand quantum mechanics. And yet, for the past century, we've been able to use
this theory to make staggering breakthroughs in technology, giving us everything from computers and
smartphones, to lasers and telecommunication, to atomic clocks and GPS.
In short, Valé and Davis argue that the absurdity and contradictions that reveal themselves
in our analysis of the data around UFO encounters is not worse than the scientific
puzzlement with regard to the most baffling aspects of quantum mechanics like particle
wave duality and quantum entanglement. And this contradiction is not the result of some
misinterpretation of the data, but the inadequacy of our language.
and current models to grasp a phenomenon that defies our attempts at classification.
With this important point in mind, Valais and Davis propose a six-layer model of UAP analysis.
Drawing on thousands of cases from Valet's decades of research, as well as from the National
Institute of Discovery Sciences database, this six-layer model categorizes the commonly recurring
aspects of UAP encounters, while allowing for the seemingly contradictory elements to co-eastern
exist. Let's talk about what each of these layers involves. The first layer is the physical
layer. This is the layer that deals with the nuts and bolts of the actual craft and all of the
data that tells us that UFOs do have some kind of a literal, tangible existence in the physical
realm. For example, UFOs have commonly been reported to occupy a position in space consistent
with geometry, move as time passes, interact with the environment through thermal effects,
exhibit light absorption and emission from which power output estimates can be derived,
produce turbulence, leave indentations and burns when they land from which mass and energy
figures can be derived, give rise to photographic images, leave material residue consistent
with earth chemistry, and give rise to electric, magnetic, and gravitational disturbances. These
are the aspects of UFOs that are most familiar to us and can be most easily and directly investigated
by known scientific means. Although the other five layers deal with the aspects of the phenomenon
that are more mysterious and less aligned with our current paradigms, the physical layer of UFOs
suggest that, at least sometimes, these craft are operating in physical space and time as we understand
it. The second layer is the antifysical layer, and this is where things begin to get weird,
because although we know that UFOs can operate in a manner that's very similar to the kinds of physical craft that we're familiar with,
they do a lot of strange things that suggest that they are at times and in a variety of different ways,
operating outside of our current understanding of space time.
For example, UFOs have commonly been reported to, sink into the ground,
shrink in size, grow larger or change shape on the spot,
become fuzzy and transparent on the spot? Divide into two or more craft or merge into one object.
Disappear at one point and appear somewhere else instantaneously. Remain observable visually
while not being detected by radar. Produce missing time or time dilation. Appear as balls of
colored intensely bright light under intelligent control. And produce topological inversion or space
dilation, which is when a craft is reported to be bigger on the inside than it appears to be on the
outside, Tartis style. This suggests that what we're dealing with is a phenomenon that doesn't
interact with the physical world in a way that is aligned with our current understanding of physics.
The third layer is the psychological layer, which has a lot to do with both the psychology of the
witnesses and the social conditions that surround them. This is the layer about which the authors
say the least, just a few sentences.
They point out that human observers tend to see UAP within their normal social context,
and that in these cases they often perceive the objects as non-conventional,
but then try to explain them away as common occurrences,
and less faced with the inescapable conclusion that the object is truly unknown.
I'd like to expand on this point a little bit,
because it represents what I would argue might be one of the most interesting
and hardest to study aspects of the phenomenon.
and having experienced a version of it myself, I find it endlessly fascinating.
In the first episode of this podcast, I shared an account of a UFO encounter that I had when
I was a kid while on vacation with my family in North Carolina's Outer Banks.
It was pretty standard stuff.
But after I've been doing the podcast for about a year, I came to a startling realization.
I'd actually had another UFO sighting that was much more profound and happened in broad day
light. Now, I don't want to get too bogged down in telling the whole story here, but I have told it
before on the Somewhere in the Skies podcast, and I'll link that up in the episode brief if you're
interested. For our purposes today, I'll just share the highlights. When I was 21, I was sitting
on a hill with a friend at Virginia Kendall Park just outside of Akron, Ohio, in the middle of a sunny
afternoon, when we saw something very strange appear in the sky just about the tree line. Everything
about this object was disorienting. First of all, it seemed to come out of nowhere, as though it came
out of a hole in the sky itself. From our vantage point on the hill, we had a clear view of the sky above
the tree in all directions, but we never saw it approach. It was just there. The object was large.
I estimated it to be about the size of the Goodyear Blimp, which is stored nearby and is a common
sight in the sky on a clear afternoon in that part of Ohio. But it was more cigar-shaped,
than blimp shaped. And although it moved slowly above the tree line in a manner that reminded me of the
blimp, this was very definitely not the Goodyear blimp, or any other similar kind of airborne craft that I'd ever seen.
The object was brownish, and although it was very large and no more than a couple hundred feet above the
tree line on a clear day, it was somehow blurry. I really don't know how else to describe it. It had a distinct
shape and size, but its edges were unclear. It was hard to tell exactly where the open air stopped,
and it began. It was strangely difficult to even look at it directly. Looking at it made me feel
uneasy like I wanted to turn away. It drifted above the trees for a short time, maybe only a
minute or so, before it disappeared in the same strange manner that it appeared, as though through a
hole in the sky itself. My friend saw it too, and we both sat there for a while trying to make
sense of what it was that we'd seen, but nothing seemed to fit. And interestingly, we never once
considered that it could be a UFO or something of otherworldly origin. Maybe that was because it didn't
look like any UFO that we'd seen in movies or on TV, or maybe something else was at play there.
But for whatever reason, we eventually moved on to talking about other things, and as far as I can
recall, we never talked about it again after that. I knew I'd seen something, but I just didn't know what.
and that mystery didn't seem to have much relevance to my actual life, and so I just filed it somewhere
in the back of my mind and moved on. The fact that it took me over a year of in-depth research and
devoting myself full-time to a podcast on the subject of UFOs, before I uncovered that memory,
was and is surprising to me, and more than a little disturbing. I hadn't forgotten that it had
happened, my brain just never made the connection. The dissonance of that still sometimes
makes me feel queasy if I think about it too much. Could my experience have been a result of the
psychological layer of UAPs that Valé and Davis point to? I'm honestly not sure, but it seems possible.
In the last episode, where I interviewed director of the experiencer group Jay Christopher King,
he shared a couple of different stories where people in his life who had been present for some
of his anomalous experiences had either forgotten those incidents only to recall them decades later,
or where multiple people had shared an experience, yet only half of them remembered it the next day.
In his phenomenal book entitled Them, Contact D. and Experiener, Whitley Streber, shares insights into his
impressions of the others, based on his years of interactions with these beings.
One example that he uses throughout the book to illustrate the strange way in which the phenomenon
seems to slip through the cracks of our perception is the famous monkey business illusion.
For anyone who hasn't seen it, I don't want to give it away, but I'll have it linked up in the
episode brief so that you can check it out for yourself. It's a short video, but it requires
your full attention. So if you're driving or operating heavy machinery, come back to that one.
It can wait. But it is worth your time if you haven't seen it yet. The thing about the
psychological layer of UAP analysis is that it's extremely difficult to study it directly.
Like the field of psychology itself, it deals with a person's subjective experience and relies on
self-reporting. There is no way to empirically access the contents of someone else's experience.
And even if you could, how would you identify something that had entirely escaped their notice?
It's a slippery business. And yet, it's hard to deny that there is something to it.
Probably most of you listening have experienced something similar, even if you've never had a
UFO sighting or other anomalous experience, just the fact that you are engaging with these ideas,
whether or not you fully believe them, gives you a window into this aspect of the phenomenon.
If you've tried to tell friends and family about the latest UFO hearing
were the other startling revelations coming out of Washington over the past several years with
regard to this phenomenon and seen how little interest most people have in something
that is so undeniably interesting and profoundly weird, then you know what you know.
what I mean? The phenomenon is slippery. It's seemingly very good at evading detection because it's
very good at evading our notice. And if meaningful disclosure does come, it's likely that in future
centuries, we'll look back at this time period with a greater awareness of just how strange
that aspect of the phenomenon is, and wonder how we didn't see it. The fourth layer of UAP analysis
is the physiological layer. This layer deals with the ways in which the phenomenon
interacts with our physical bodies and our senses. The phenomenon is reported to cause things like
sounds, including beeping, buzzing, humming, whistling, swooshing, roaring, or the sound of a storm.
Vibrations, burns, partial paralysis, extreme heat or cold sensations, odors often described with
words like powerful, sweet, strange, rotten eggs, sulfurous, pungent, or musky. A metallic taste in the
mouth, prickling sensations, temporary blindness when exposed to the object's light, nausea, bloody
nose and or ears or a severe headache, difficulty breathing, loss of volition or the ability
to act according to one's will, and drowsiness in the days following a close encounter.
What's particularly interesting about the physiological layer is that many of the sensory
phenomena described by those who have had UFO encounters overlap significantly.
with those reported by people who have had what we would tend to classify as paranormal experiences,
as well as with those reported in more recent years by people who have suffered from Havana syndrome.
In folklore, particularly in cases describing encounters with beings that might be considered to be demonic,
you find countless reports of strange sounds, burns and wounds of unknown origin,
a metallic taste in the mouth, strong odors like sulfur or rotten eggs, and a loss of volition.
And the symptoms of Havana syndrome include piercing sounds, strange vibrations and prickling sensations
in the body, nausea, headaches, difficulty breathing, and drowsiness in the days following the onset of symptoms.
Now, to be clear, I'm not suggesting here that these things all have the same origin.
Although I'd argue that we can't rule it out, the reality is that we don't know for sure.
The fact that the physiological effects of these different phenomena overlap, but don't
don't entirely converge seems to suggest that they don't have the same origin.
And despite their similarities, they may not be related at all.
But perhaps the overlap between the physiological impact of these different strange phenomena
might one day provide us with the key to discovering their cause.
The fifth layer of this model is the psychic layer,
and it describes aspects of the phenomenon that are most commonly associated with parapsychology.
These include impressions of communication without a direct sensory channel such as telepathy,
poltergeist phenomena, motions and sounds without a specific cause which can occur outside the observed presence of a UAP,
levitation of the witness or objects and animals in the vicinity,
maneuvers of a UAP appearing to anticipate the witness's thoughts,
premonitory dreams or visions, personality changes promoting unusual abilities in the witness, and healing,
Layers 4 and 5 are particularly challenging because they fall so far outside of our existing
paradigms and are associated with phenomena that we've been taught to doubt and ridicule.
There are many who come to the study of UAPs being unwilling to entertain these stranger
aspects of UFO encounters because they're already prejudiced to believe that these things
are impossible, if not outrage, silly.
But the reality is that when we look at the thousands upon thousands of UFO encounters,
recorded by serious and reputable researchers, these are the patterns that emerge.
And we can't just throw out the data points that we don't like or that don't comport with our
current understanding of reality, especially when they appear again and again and again.
Just as with the strange and seemingly impossible aspects of quantum mechanics,
it is possible to form extremely accurate models of how a phenomenon behaves
without necessarily knowing why it behaves that way.
In short, if we ever hope to attain greater insight into the true nature of the UFO phenomenon,
we're going to have to get over our squeamishness regarding its strange and contradictory aspects
and take the data points as they present themselves.
If you want to do uphology and you want to do it right, you have to be willing to get weird.
The sixth layer is the cultural layer, and this layer is too complex.
for us to dive fully into it in this episode.
The cultural layer is concerned with society's reactions to the reported encounters with
UFOs themselves, as well as the way in which it both creates and responds to secondary
effects, such as hoaxes, fiction and science fiction imagery, scientific theories, cover-up
or exposure, media censorship or publicity, sensationalism, etc.
As well as to the attitude of members of the given culture towards the concepts that
UAP observations appear to challenge. So obviously it's a lot that we're talking about here,
and it's a ball of yarn that is far too big for us to untangle today. In their paper, Valé and Davis
only spend a few sentences on this particular layer of the model. Their main point is that the
greatest impact of the phenomenon has been on the general acceptance of the idea of life and space
and a more limited but potentially very significant change in the popular concept of non-human
intelligence. Although the authors don't go further in this article, I think it's worth our time to
take a moment and look at the cultural aspect of the UFO phenomenon in the context of one of
Valé's most enduring and challenging hypotheses, which is that the UFO phenomenon acts as a sort of
control mechanism that influences human beliefs, perceptions. According to Valet, the recurring
patterns of UFO encounters, as well as their elusive and contradictory nature, are more
consistent with a control mechanism designed to shape human consciousness than with the activities
of visiting aliens. This system could be likened to a thermostat that monitors and adjusts
human beliefs and understanding, creating stimuli that caused societal shifts. Whether these adjustments
are aimed at enlightenment, disinformation, or something else entirely is unclear, and Valet himself
doesn't definitively identify the source or purpose of the control system. What makes folks
The interleys concept so compelling is that it seeks to examine the paradoxes and inconsistencies
within UFO sightings and encounters. Rather than tangible evidence of extraterrestrial
visitation, the phenomenon might be purposeful manipulations, guiding or reacting to human
development and cultural evolution. Some have interpreted the control's system idea as implying
a sort of cosmic trickster that operates through deception, creating illusions to achieve
its goals. Others see it as more of a benevolent guide, nudging humanity along a particular path.
It could be either both or neither, we just don't know. But it's an intriguing idea, and it suggests
the possibility that the purpose and mechanisms of the phenomenon might be much more vast and
complex than we can imagine. So, taking all of the six layers that we've discussed into account,
what can we postulate about the possible nature of UAPs? Valet-in-S. Valet, and
Davis proposed the following, and I'm just going to read this part directly from the paper because I
think it's important. Everything works as if UAPs were the product of the technology that integrates
physical and psychic phenomena and primarily affects cultural variables in our society through
manipulation of physiological and psychological parameters within the witnesses. This single
statement can be developed as follows. One, the phenomenon is the problem. The phenomenon is the
product of a technology. During the observation, the UAP is a real physical material object.
However, it appears to use either very clever deception or very advanced physical principles,
resulting in the effects that we have called antiphysical, which must eventually be reconciled
with the laws of physics. Two, the technology triggers psychic effects, either purposely
or as a side effect of its manifestations. These consciousness
phenomena are now too common to be ignored or relegated to the category of exaggerated or ill-observed
facts. All those who have investigated close-range sightings have become familiar with these effects.
And three, the purpose of the technology may be cultural manipulation, possibly but not necessarily
under control of a form of non-human intelligence, in which case the physiological and psychological
effects are a means to that end. But the parapsychologist with a Jungian framework may argue that the
human collective unconscious is also a potential source of such effects without the need to invoke
alien intervention. So, as we can see, this model can help us to make some progress with regard to
understanding the nature of the phenomenon, but we're still ultimately left with more questions than
answers. But it's clear that the author's intentions with this article wasn't to leave us with
any easy answers, but rather to challenge us to push our thinking further into the zone of uncertainty
in order to allow ourselves to grapple more fully with the full implications of the phenomenon.
Because after presenting us with the Six-Layer model, Valet and Davis proceed by presenting us with
two other concepts that they argue are key to understanding the scope of the challenge with
regard to UAP studies, the incommensurability problem, and semiotics. Let's start with the
incommensurability problem. One of the biggest challenges that we have in understanding the UFO
phenomenon comes down to our ability, or more accurately, our inability, to decipher the meaning of its
behavior and communication. And the concept of incommensurability gives us a window into how truly
challenging that can be, in the case of our interactions with non-human intelligence.
Incomensurability is a complex idea that has its roots in both the philosophy of science
and the philosophy of language. In essence, it refers to the inability to measure or compare
two systems if there's a lack of common standards or terms of measurement between them.
To better understand this, let's take the example of the Rosetta Stone. As you probably
already know, the Rosetta Stone is an ancient stone slab that was found in 1799, inscribed with
three versions of a decree issued in Memphis, Egypt in 196 BCE. It is written in three scripts,
ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, demotic script, and ancient Greek. The stone's discovery allowed scholars
to decipher the hieroglyphs, which up until that point had been largely a mystery to us.
The Rosetta Stone gave us a set of common standards that allowed us to decode what the hieroglyphs meant.
By comparing the texts, researchers were able to match the symbols in the hieroglyphic and demotic scripts
with their Greek translation. This paved the way for a deeper understanding of ancient Egyptian
language and culture. Without a common set of standards to help us decode the hieroglyphs, in this case
the Greek script, all of that would have been lost to us. But it's important,
to keep in mind that the gulf of culture, context, and meaning that existed between the scholars
who first used the Rosetta Stone to decipher ancient hieroglyphs and the Egyptians who use them
is nothing compared to the gulf that almost certainly exists between humanity and whatever
intelligence lies behind the UFO phenomenon. In short, we know very little about the intelligence
behind UFOs. We don't know where it comes from, what it wants, or what it values. We don't know
how its technology works or its scientific models. We don't know what its sensory experience is like,
nor the extent to which that sensory experience might, or might not, overlap with our own.
And it's very likely that in all of our attempts to try to conceptualize what this intelligence
might be like, we are grossly underestimating how truly alien it might be to us,
and unintentionally projecting our own anthropomorphized view of reality onto it.
Valais and Davis frame the problem in the following way, quote,
At the core of the incommensurability problem is the view that no intelligent species can understand reality
without making certain methodological choices, and that these choices may vary from civilization to civilization.
If ETs and UAP entities have different biologies and live in considerably different environments from humans,
they may well have different goals for their science and radically different crafts.
for evaluating the success of their science. Their explanatory mechanisms, their predictive concerns,
their modes of control over nature might all be very different, and their means of formulating
models of reality should be expected to differ drastically from ours, end quote. In trying to
communicate or even to understand the motivations of a non-human intelligence, we're likely to run
into a variety of barriers that would make it nearly impossible for us to make sense of these
interactions. First and foremost, we'd likely have communication problems. Humans and any non-human
intelligence would almost certainly have entirely different modes of communication. Language, whether
spoken, written, or symbolic, is deeply tied to the ways in which a culture perceives and
interacts with the world. If the non-human intelligence operates with a completely different
sensory and cognitive framework, it might be impossible to translate human languages into their
communication systems and vice versa.
Even if some basic level of communication is established, there may be profound differences in
underlying assumptions, ways of thinking, values, or even fundamental concepts like time, space, or
consciousness.
These differences can create a barrier to understanding that goes beyond mere language translation,
rendering certain ideas incommensurable between the two species.
Incommensurability might also extend to ethical systems and cultural practices.
The non-human intelligence might operate under a scent of ethical principles that are radically different from human values.
Trying to understand each other's actions and intentions might be hindered by these fundamental differences.
Assuming the non-human intelligence is technologically advanced,
their scientific paradigms and technological approaches might be completely alien to human understanding.
Their technologies might be based on principles, methodologies, and even senses that are in place.
compatible with human science. The incommensurability problem highlights the profound challenges
that can arise when trying to understand, compare, or translate between different paradigms,
cultures, or even species. In the scenario of human contact with non-human intelligence,
incommensurability could pose significant obstacles to communication, cooperation, and understanding.
Addressing these challenges would likely require a highly interdisciplinary approach,
combining insights from linguistics, anthropology, philosophy, and more.
It might also necessitate profound humility and openness to completely unfamiliar ways of thinking,
living, and perceiving the world.
Valais and Davis give us another way to approach the complexities of the incommensurability problem
through an exploration of semiotics.
Semiotics is the study of signs and symbols and their use or interpretation.
It's not confined to written language alone, but extends to various forms of communication like
gestures, pictures, and sounds. In a broader sense, semiotics deals with how meaning is constructed
and understood. According to semiotics, anything can be a sign as long as someone interprets it
as signifying something. For example, the word dog is a sign that signifies the four-legged
barking animal that we all know so well. However, although I can say the word dog and you know
exactly what I mean, in reality there is no innate relationship between the form of the message
and the content born by the message. Dog is just a word that humans invented, and the only
reason that it means anything to us is because we understand and agree upon its meaning. We could
have just as easily called them schmoupes or bark you guys, and it would have worked just as well
as long as we all agreed upon the meaning. In semiotics, when the association between the sign and
the signified is arbitrary, as it is in the case for the word dog, and the animal that we
refer to as dogs, the sign is called a symbol. When we're talking about symbols, there is no
intrinsic connection between the form of the expression and what is being expressed. So obviously,
if we're talking about communication between humans and non-human intelligence, symbols, which
includes written and spoken language, aren't going to be very helpful. We just simply wouldn't
have the shared cultural, historical, and sensory context for us to be able to decipher any meaning
in the message. Just like the hieroglyphs before the discovery of the Rosetta Stone, these messages
would be meaningless to the party receiving it. An alternative to the arbitrary connection between
sign and signified that is seen in symbols is an icon. An icon is a sign that bears a physical
resemblance to the signified. So instead of the word dog, which is a symbol, you could use a picture of a
dog, which would be an icon. And it's important to note that icons can be used even when the thing
being signified is less concrete. For example, the scales of justice can be considered to be an
icon because there's a similarity between the sign of the scales, the balance two weights,
and the signified, the concept of justice, which involves a balance between transgression and
punishment. Although, obviously, in the case of communication with a non-human intelligence,
an icon of a dog wouldn't do much to help an intelligence who'd never encountered a dog
to understand what it is. And there's an even greater likelihood of meaning being lost in the more
abstract case of the scales of justice. So just because icons have a more direct relationship
between sign and signified, they still aren't very helpful in a case of communication between
intelligent species that don't have a shared cultural or sensory context. However, as I mentioned earlier,
icons don't just have to be visual. They could function in any sensory modality.
Valet and Davis use the example of a certain species of fly that beats its wings at a frequency
that is very close to the wing beat frequency of a very dangerous species of wasp.
As a result, when the fly is in the vicinity of a group of these wasps,
the fly gains some immunity from attack by insect-eating birds, who avoid it thinking that it's a wasp, too.
So basically, the flies defense strategy involves producing a vibrational icon based on frequency.
But even when we use icons, the problem that we still end up running up against is that we have
no real way of knowing what sorts of sensory inputs a non-human intelligence might have that might
allow them to decipher the icon. If they evolved on another planet or in another dimension,
or even deep within our own oceans, their sensory experience could have very little, if any,
overlap with human sensory experience. In the same way that you wouldn't be able to communicate
with a blind person by drawing them a picture, communications between humans and non-human
intelligences could be missing each other entirely. Given we don't know which sensory modalities
might be used by a non-human intelligence, our best bet would be to utilize a method of communication
that is not reliant on any particular sensory modality. For example, in SETI,
Electromagnetic radiation is often used as an iconic representation, allowing us to more directly
communicate concepts, including the chemistry of the Earth, the organization of our solar system,
human DNA, math, geometry, etc., in a way that doesn't require us to encode the message into a format
specific to a particular sensory modality. With this approach, we are hoping to point the potential
recipient of that message directly toward the thing that we're trying to describe,
instead of toward the models that we use to describe those things.
However, even this approach has major flaws and challenges.
No matter how directly we try to communicate our message,
the reality that we can't escape is that the sign and the signified
are always in a triatic with the interpreter of the relationship between the two.
The relationship between any icon and the thing that it's meant to represent
does not exist independently of the intelligence that is perceiving the similarity.
At the end of the day, similarity is in the eye of the beholder.
We can't assume that a relationship or a similarity that seems obvious to us
would be so obvious to an intelligence with a different biology, culture, and history.
Our carefully coded messages could just come across as noise,
and the same could be said for messages from them to us.
Based on the concepts of the incommensurability problem and semiotics,
Valen and Davis argue that although we may interpret
the behavior of UAPs as outlined in the sixth layer model as being absurd.
This apparent absurdity is likely merely a reflection of the cognitive mismatch between humans
and the phenomenon.
Valais and Davis explain their argument in this way, quote,
In this particular case, UAP are sending the messages and we are the recipients.
The messages they are sending to us are icons, icons fashioned by the phenomenon,
and sent to us via various sensory modalities.
The difference between our respective cultures, biologies, sensory modalities, histories,
dimensional existence, physical evolution, models of nature and science, etc., is directly
responsible for our lack of understanding of the phenomenon and its messages.
We cannot see what UAP believe to be iconical similarities in the message that is intended
for us. These stated differences directly impact our conventions of interpretation in such a way
as to impair our recognition of the similarity between the sign and the signified contained
within the icons of the UAP message.
The difference between the sensory modalities of UAP entities and humans is responsible
for our inability to properly detect the UAP message or icons and correspond with them.
This difference may also prevent us from correctly interpreting what their icons are if we do,
in fact, recognize them.
In this regard, recall that we will project our own species-specific experiences onto their icons,
thus manifesting the appearance of absurdity during the human UAP interaction, end quote.
Beyond the elements of what we would typically categorize as high strangeness and the paranormal
that are evident in the six-layer model of UAP analysis,
Valéin Davis further posit that UFO abduction cases may exemplify this cognitive mismatch.
The seemingly absurd scenes, activities, and behaviors that abductees report from their experiences
could be the result of some sort of misinterpretation or misunderstanding of the visual icons
used by non-human intelligence.
Or, perhaps more likely, the abduction events could merely be the iconical defense mechanism
that is deployed by the non-human intelligence in order to confuse and protect itself from the victim
of the abduction, much in the same way that a fly might protect itself from an insective.
insect-eating bird by mimicking the wing-beat frequency of a wasp.
So what conclusions can we draw from all of this?
Valet and Davis end their paper by putting forward two main points.
The first is that we need to be thinking in much less conventional terms
about what the apparent absurdity of the UFO phenomenon may represent.
After all, with our own current technology,
we're able to create displays that produce three-dimensional images
with color, motion, and perspective.
We can assume that a more advanced intelligence
would be able to deploy similar display technologies
that potentially utilize a much wider range of variables
and sensory modalities.
Therefore, it could be that UAP represent physical craft
that have the ability to interact both with the surrounding atmosphere
and with the senses of observers in such a way
as to convey a false image of their true nature.
It's been hypothesized, for example,
that microwave devices might be able to create perceptual hallucinations and witnesses.
However, Valeng and Davis conclude their paper by arguing that even these potential realities
failed to fully explain all of the reported effects and subsequent behavior changes in people
who have close encounters with the UFO phenomenon. They write, quote,
we must assume something more, the triggering of deep-seated processes within their personality.
The question then becomes, to what extent are these effects evidence of purposeful action of the operators?
To answer this question and to test more fully the hypothesis that UAP phenomena are both physical and psychic in nature,
we need much better investigations, a great upgrading of data quality,
and a more informed analysis not only of the object being described,
but of the impact of the observation on the witness and their social environment,
end quote. Okay, so now that we've covered the full contents of the paper, I want to take a few
minutes to talk through what some of these concepts might look like in practice and how they're
currently being deployed by some of the top minds in the field of uphology to further our
understanding of the potential nature of the intelligence behind the UFO phenomenon.
Let's start with Dr. Gary Nolan. I'm sure that most of you are already familiar with Dr. Nolan
and his work. But for anyone who is newer to the world of uphology, Dr. Gary Nolan is an American
immunologist, academic, inventor, and business executive. He holds the Ratchford and Carlotta A. Harris
professor-endowed chair in the Department of Pathology at Stanford University School of Medicine.
In recent years, he's become a prominent voice in the field of uphology and a strong advocate
for UFO disclosure. According to Dr. Nolan, his involvement in the topic began in 2011.
when a few individuals from the CIA, as well as from a private aerospace company,
came to his office at Stanford and asked for his help in analyzing the medical records
of various members of the military and the intelligence community,
who had been seriously injured or even killed by close contact with UAP.
We don't have time to go into all of that now,
but I'll link up some of his interviews in the episode brief if you want to learn more.
But suffice it to say that as one of the world's preeminent scientists in this field,
who was not only had access to this kind of data,
but also prolonged interaction with members of the intelligence community
who were investigating the phenomenon,
he's gotten to see behind the curtain in ways that few other private citizens have.
In a few of his public interviews,
including the ones that I'll link up in the episode brief,
Nolan has said that one of the hypotheses being considered by the intelligence community
about the nature of the beings that are often associated with UFOs and abduction cases
is that they may be some form of avatars or drones that are being utilized by a non-human intelligence.
He points out that the humanoid appearance of these beings would be highly unlikely
if we are, in fact, dealing with beings that evolved on another planet
or in another dimension of some kind.
Basically, from an evolutionary perspective,
we wouldn't expect that another intelligent species that came from somewhere else
and evolved under very different conditions would look so much like us,
And yet, what is most commonly reported are beings that share our basic body schema.
They have two arms and two legs.
They walk upright.
They have large heads with two eyes and nose and a mouth.
And the possible explanations that he offers for why this intelligence might be using avatars or drones in this way,
closely mirror the arguments made by Valais and Davis.
First of all, it could be some kind of a camouflage that hides their true nature,
much in the same way that a fly might use a vibrational icon to fool an insect-eating bird into thinking
that it's a wasp. And as Nolan points out, it would make sense for them to send drones to deal with us
in much the same way as we use drones in dangerous environments instead of sending actual people.
But another possible motivation for using humanoid avatars could have to do with the incommensurability problem.
A particularly compelling example that Nolan uses to explain this,
comes in the form of a thought experiment.
Imagine that you wanted to communicate with a colony of ants that live in your backyard.
How would you do it?
And how would you explain to them what humans are,
much less explain to them about things like Walmart or Instagram or any of the other complex features of our daily lives?
And then, how would you translate that into the pheromones that ants use to communicate?
Nolan proposes that one way that you might do that is by sending an intermediary in the form of a drone,
of some kind that would look enough like an ant that an ant would recognize that it was potentially
something that it could communicate with, but also you would want it to look enough not like an
ant that the ants would be able to immediately recognize that the drone wasn't one of them,
but something distinctly other. Could that be the case with the humanoid beings reported by
abductees and experiencers? Perhaps. It's certainly an intriguing idea. And according to Dr. Nolan,
it's one that the intelligence community is taking very seriously.
However, while scientists like Gary Nolan can potentially help us to understand the modality of
communication that may be used by non-human intelligence, understanding the content of those
communications presents an entirely different challenge and one that is unlikely to be tackled
by science alone. In order to understand the content of these messages, we need to have a deeper
understanding of the cultural and historical references of these beings. We need insight into what
they value and the models that they use to make sense of their existence. For us to make any kind of
headway here, we'll likely need to use an approach that is somewhere between anthropology and
comparative literature. In short, the meaning of these communications is unlikely to be discovered in a lab,
but rather through the oral histories of people who have interacted with these beings, namely,
One such experiencer is Whitley Streber, who I mentioned a little earlier.
Streber is an American author best known for his works exploring his decades-long interactions
with non-human entities, including abductions.
His 1987 book Communion is largely responsible for introducing the abduction phenomenon
into the popular zeitgeist.
In the spring of 2023, he released a groundbreaking book, simply entitled Them, in which he
seeks to lay the foundation for understanding the intent of these strange visitors.
To do this, he draws upon thousands of accounts of close encounters shared with him by both
civilians and military personnel and draws upon the insights gained through his over 30 years of
experiences to attempt to draw some conclusions about what it all might actually mean.
I have to say that it's one of the most stunning and challenging books that I've ever read,
and I recommend it to everyone and anyone who wants to have a deeper understanding of the phenomenon.
Whether or not you agree with Streber's ultimate conclusions,
the approach that he takes is entirely novel in the field
and exemplifies the sort of anthropological and literary approach
that we will need if we want to progress in understanding who these beings are and what they want.
Perhaps not surprisingly, the foreword of this book is written by none other than Jacques Valet.
In this book, Streber first shares the accounts of experiencers as they were shared with him,
and then he follows up with his own analysis of what it might mean.
So I want to take a few minutes to relay one such story and then look at Streber's analysis
to see what this sort of process might look like.
The encounter that we'll be talking about today comes from Chapter 6 of them,
entitled Visitors in the Trees.
It comes from a letter that was sent to Streber and his late wife in the early 1990s.
In the letter, a woman relays the very strange events that were witnessed by her family at their house in the countryside.
It starts around 9 p.m. one evening when she's washing the dishes.
She sees what she thinks are bright headlights coming up the driveway.
But when she goes to look out the window, there's no car there.
She thinks nothing of it and goes to bed.
The next morning, after breakfast, she's standing at the sink again and looks out the window.
And this time, she sees a woman in a red windbreaker jacket and white pants.
entering the stables on her family's property.
She asks her daughter to go outside and see what this stranger wants.
But when her daughter returns, she says that there was no one there.
The woman looks out the window again, and this time she sees a man jump off the nearby
pump house and then bound off into the woods.
She describes him as being very small with brown hair and says that he seemed to bounce
in a way that had no relation to gravity.
This is all strange, but she goes about her day.
and leaves to run some errands.
When she returns, her husband comes up to her outside and says,
There are people in the trees.
We've been trying to talk to them, but they won't answer.
She goes to the front porch, and her children are calling up to the people in the trees,
asking them to come down and promising not to hurt them.
But there's still no answer.
She looks up and notices that they have constructed some kind of a platform up in the branches.
Curious, she goes inside the house with her daughter and up to the second floor,
which puts them at the same level of these people in the trees to get a closer look.
She and her daughter both see two people in the branches,
but one of them has what appears to be a very strange, beaded antenna coming out of its head.
The other, she describes, as wearing a very distinctive piece of jewelry,
which looks like a band striped in different metals of all colors,
including silver, gold, platinum, green, red, purple, and black.
strangely, these people continue to ignore them.
She goes back outside and she sees what she describes as a woman wearing a Kelly Green
jumpsuit, but she notes that this woman is far too long and thin to be a human being up in the branches.
She runs back inside and upstairs to get a better look at this strange woman.
She says that she is impossibly thin and is wearing a fawn-colored leather flying hat,
much like the ones that pilots used to wear in the old-fashioned open cockpits of
early planes. She was wearing goggles that also appeared to be from that same era, but they were shaped
to fit her enormous slanted eyes. She appeared to be using some kind of a black filming device,
which she pointed at the woman through the window. Frightened, she closes the curtains as fast as she
can. Just then, her husband walks in and she asks him if he saw the strange thin woman in green.
He says that he didn't. Determined to learn more, she goes back outside and across her front lawn,
and then suddenly, three feet in front of her, she sees what she describes as the most incredible
being she's ever seen. She says that it was a silver, crystal moving mass of energy and light,
and that it was wearing the exact same striped band of jewelry that she'd seen on the person in a tree
right around the place where their neck might be. She reports that she and her family are pretty hazy
on the events of the day after that. They know that around 4 p.m. some friends came over, and they tried to
show them the people in the trees, but they were gone. Before concluding her account,
she notes that she got very ill after these events. She says that she lost 13 pounds in the
following week and had to go to the hospital where she got two liters of intravenous fluids.
She also had a sore throat, fevers, trouble sleeping, and nausea that lasted for a week.
Finally, she reports that her youngest child has ground her teeth down and pulls her covers
entirely over her head every night when she sleeps,
but that overall her family is more at peace with the situation than they used to be.
So what does Streber make of this very strange account?
As he begins his analysis, he notes that when he was first sent this letter,
that he had no idea what to make of it.
But that three decades later, he sees this seemingly arbitrary grouping of events
as a well-organized story with a very definite aim.
I'll do my best to relate his main points here, but I want to start by saying that any attempt to
recreate Streber's masterful prose and analysis will undoubtedly fall short. And I really recommend
that you read this book for yourself. I'll put the link in the episode brief. First of all,
Streber proposes that the appearance of the strange visitors at this family's property follows a very
clear and meaningful progression that both allowed them to slowly acclimate to the enormity of events
without immediate fear, in which also likely was intended to communicate something very specific.
Starting with the first part of that, the first thing that the woman sees is headlights in the driveway.
This is seemingly a subtle sign that someone or something has arrived.
The next morning, the first person that she sees is seemingly just a normal human woman walking to the stables.
This sight is so unremarkable and non-threatening that she sends her daughter down to see what the woman wants.
The next being that she sees is still seemingly human, but as he bounces strangely off into the woods as though he were less impacted by the force of gravity, it's her first hint that something stranger might be going on here.
But still, it is just normal enough for her to doubt what she saw and to feel comfortable going about her day as normal.
When she returns from the store, she has seemingly entered the second act of the story, where things have become decidedly more strange.
The people in the trees are not behaving the way that normal people would behave.
When she goes upstairs to see them better through the upstairs window,
the strange antenna sticking out of one of their heads is even more tangible evidence
that what they're dealing with here aren't, strictly speaking, human beings.
This is then immediately followed by her sighting of the long, thin woman with the large, slanted
wraparound eyes that are so familiar within our modern lore as belonging to alien beings.
This is definitely not a human. This is something else. And finally, there is the dazzling light
being outside that is by far the least human of all of these apparitions, seemingly existing
in a way that doesn't comport with anything that we're familiar with in our normal reality.
Not only does this slow and progressive ratcheting up of the strangeness of this encounter
seem to serve as a gradual initiation for the woman and her family that keeps them from
immediately panicking and shutting down to the experience entirely, but Streber hypothesizes that it may
also contain a message about the ultimate destiny of humanity and our relationship with the others.
He suggests that the progression from the visitors that are clearly human to very clearly not human,
and then finally to something that is perhaps entirely post-biological in the way that we think of it,
seems to suggest some kind of connection between us and them.
could they be related to us in some way,
or might this progression hint at our own future evolutionary path?
That's unclear, but Streber's novel approach to analyzing and seeking to make sense of the absurdity of these types of encounters
gives us a place from which we can maybe begin to have a better understanding of what our encounters with non-human intelligences may be trying to convey.
And for those who may be struggling with just how weird this story is,
there are two quick points that I want to make.
First of all, in his analysis,
Streber fully admits that he doesn't know whether or not this was a series of events that
literally happened or whether it was some strange shared hallucination by the family.
And if we think back to our earlier discussion about the nature of the phenomenon,
it's clear that the answer to that question is ultimately not all that relevant,
as the phenomenon is something that can manifest both physically and psychically.
And second of all, the subjective experience of other people is not something that we can ever have direct access to.
So if we find ourselves getting stuck on whether or not any individual person is telling the truth about an anomalous encounter,
we're ultimately wasting our time. That's not something that we can know for sure.
But that doesn't mean, as so many debunkers love to suggest, that we can't learn anything from these sorts of non-falsifiable anecdotes.
because sure, any one particular story could be a lie or a hoax or a case of misidentification
of prosaic phenomena. But just like the scholar who is engaged in anthropology or comparative literature,
we won't find the ultimate truth or meaning of this phenomenon by myopically obsessing
about the veracity of one story or another. Rather, we need to take a step back and look at
the anecdotal data as a whole and then attempt to pull out the patterns that emerge to examine them
more closely. This is the only path forward. We just have to be bold and objective enough to walk
it. So that's where we'll leave it for today. And playing us out is a song that I really love that
was sent to me by a listener named Jeff by his band Spaceship called Jacques Valle. There's links
to more of his music in the episode description. Until next time. I believe that synchronities are
messages. I think it's a message from the other, from the universe.
however you want to put it, to pay attention.
I tend to not see coincidence.
I look for the symbol in all things.
But especially when one is having a synchronicity storm,
I think it's the other telling us to try to pay attention.
And if we do, I think we'll find other strange things start to happen around us.
The more you pay attention, the more the other pays attention to you.
At least that's been my experience.
