No Lie with Brian Tyler Cohen - Republicans cave in Todd Blanche confirmation
Episode Date: August 2, 2026Todd Blanche issues an announcement to salvage his confirmation. Brian interviews by former Obama communications director Dan Pfeiffer and former national security council spokesman Tommy Vie...tor.Order THE DAY AFTER: https://www.harpercollins.com/pages/thedayafterWritten by Brian Tyler CohenProduced by Sam GraberRecorded in Los Angeles, CASee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Todd Blanche issues an announcement to salvage his confirmation as the Attorney General,
and I've got two interviews, former Obama Communications Director Dan Pfeiffer,
and former National Security Council spokesman Tommy Vitor.
I'm Brian Tyler Cohen, and you're listening to No Lie.
So we have got a stunning new announcement from Todd Blanche,
Donald Trump's embattled acting attorney general,
who's doing his level best to salvage his failed confirmation.
He issued a statement saying, in part,
the Attorney General's May 18th, 2026 order,
establishing the anti-weaponization fund is rescinded and shall have no force or effect.
Okay.
So here's what you need to know about this.
And I'm going to try to simplify this as much as possible.
Blanche's new order rescinds the implementation of the $1.8 billion slush fund,
but not the overarching settlement agreement out of which the slush fund was born.
In other words, the underlying settlement agreement itself is still intact,
which means that while this specific $1.8 billion slush fund goes away,
there is nothing stopping Blanche or Trump
from standing up a brand new slush fund
five minutes after Blanche gets confirmed.
Like, if Blanche was looking to truly rescind
the settlement agreement
that the $1.8 billion slush fund was born out of,
those terms can only be changed
with a written agreement
between the Trumps and the government.
And this rescission order was signed
only by Todd Blanche,
not by Trump, not by his sons,
not by the Trump organization.
So if the settlement agreement
needed to be rewritten,
you would expect that Trump's side
would have signed off on it, but they didn't, because what got killed was just this specific
fund mechanism, not the contract at the heart of the matter, meaning that the underlying settlement
is still on the books. What's dead for now is just the particular $1.8 billion implementing
structure. Whether Trump's team could push the DOJ to stand up a differently named or differently
structured fund under that same settlement agreement is exactly why the whole thing is a farce.
And yet, apparently, it being a farce is perfectly acceptable for John Corny and Tom Tillis.
Those were the holdouts who demanded a written confirmation that none of this would go forward.
And yet, even despite this flimsy offering by Todd Blanche, both Corny and Tillis decided to cave.
Cornyn tweeted a statement basically saying that he was completely satisfied with this flimsy offering by Todd Blanche
and that he and Tom Tillis were looking forward to advancing Blanche's nomination out of the Senate Judiciary Committee.
That's going to happen on Tuesday morning.
So my question to Cornyn and Tillis is this.
Did you truly want this slush fund to go away?
Or were you just looking to put up a pretend fight so that you could cosplay for a weekend as independent fighters?
Cornyn knows that this fund is not dead because he himself questioned Blanche on this exact point at his confirmation hearing.
He is fully aware that the settlement agreement isn't dead.
only the specific fund itself,
and that Trump can and will resurrect it
the second he has the chance.
So are Cornyn and Attilus okay with being rolled?
And the answer is, as the answer always is, yes.
Because as far as Republicans are concerned,
you must always grovel at the feet of the God King,
even if he himself is responsible for your demise.
If you want to exist in this ecosystem
after your time and office,
you have to kiss the ring always in forever.
So Cornyn and Tillis need to fold like cheap lawn chairs
if they want to go on TV in the future, or become lobbyists in the future,
or in any way stay in the good graces of this right-wing ecosystem.
Meaning, cowardice isn't some fluke.
It is a feature of today's GOP.
In fact, if you need proof that Trump has zero intention of letting this go,
this is what he said after Todd Blanche's confirmation looked like it was dead.
Is the $1.8 billion DOJ fund dead or is it on hold?
It's, uh, I'd have to ask the lawyers.
I don't know.
I know one thing.
The weapon is.
Are you talking about the weaponization fund?
Yeah, what's your decision?
The weaponization fund, as far as I'm concerned, was a beautiful thing.
It was something I didn't make it, but I was, I heard that.
I thought that was the greatest thing because people like you have abused our people so badly.
The fake news like CNN, like the New York Times and like others, have abused our people.
Wait a minute, be quiet.
Does that sound like a guy who has no intention of resurrecting the slush fund?
Come on now.
I mean, this is what Trump was.
saying even after Todd Blanche's confirmation hearing looked like it wasn't going anywhere.
If ever there was a time for Trump to at least pretend that these people don't deserve to
be paid out of a slush fund, it is at that moment.
And yet even then Trump couldn't bring himself to just lie.
You don't even have to think about this from a legal perspective.
Just use common sense.
That is not a man who has any intention of giving up on paying out violent insurrectionists
who do his bidding.
And that right there is the point.
Trump and Blanche want this because it is their way to send a message to Trump's support.
that you will not only not face consequences if you commit violence in his name on his behalf,
you'll be rewarded, handsomely rewarded.
You'll be pardoned and then paid.
You will become a millionaire, as so many other Trump allies already have.
He wants to create a permission structure to incentivize people to take matters into their own hands
to help him consolidate power for himself.
That is why it's so important to keep this fund in place.
And that is why it's so disgusting, so disqualifying,
that Cornyn and Tillis are so predictably folding and allowing this to happen.
Words to live by, you will never lose money betting on the cowardice of today's GOP.
Next up are my interviews with Dan Pfeiffer and Tommy Vitor.
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I'm joined now by the former communications director for Barack Obama and co-host of Podsafe
America, Dan Feiffer.
Dan, you wrote something that caught my attention in a pretty big way.
I'm going to put it right here on the screen.
If you're a Republican on the ballot, this is the number that should scare the shit out
of you.
And so what you were referring to was the fact that Trump's job approval among non-college
white voters in 2018 was nine points in the state.
the positive in 2020 was eight points in the positive in 2025 was 24 points in the positive.
Now that number as of July 26 is negative eight points, eight points in the negative.
So we're looking at a 32 point swing from just when Trump was elected two years ago.
Talk to me about that number and why that number in particular was such an important metric
for you to comment on.
Sure. To give you one other stat with this, according to Ex-Polling Trump won that group of voters
by 34 points.
Like white non-college educated voters, white working class voters, are the core of MAGA.
They are his base.
They have been his most loyal voters.
They're the ones who have stuck with him through two impeachments and insurrection,
mounds of corruption.
And it seems like they are beginning to sour on him.
And that has dramatic effects on what the MAGA coalition looks like, how big it is.
But what would really worming with Republicans is these are the voters you have to turn out.
And if they are not going to turn out, if they are not excited about Trump, if they are pissed at Trump, if they think they broke her promises, that is bad news for particularly Republicans in places like Wisconsin and Michigan where white non-college educated voters make up a huge swath of the population.
And made as well.
I made on that list.
And so that's the point I want to dig into here because this is Trump's approval rating.
So how do you reconcile the correlation between Trump's approval rating and the other Republicans who are not named Donald Trump who are going to be on the ballot?
I mean, do they get any leeway?
Or is Trump's approval rating going to be directly correlated with how poorly his own party does?
I mean, I suspect if Republicans on the ballot cannot outperform Trump's approval rating, which is 32%, then they're going to lose in every seat in the country, basically.
Yes, they will outperform Trump.
But the way to think about it is is every point that Trump's approval rating goes down, particularly among this group, the white non-college educated voting,
who make up his base, that is more of an anvil on the shoulders of these republics.
It makes it harder for them to win.
It is, they are swimming upstream against it.
And so an unpopular Trump and a Trump who's, like there's a world in which Trump's, you know,
is at 37, 38, but the bulk of it is independence, Democrats, some of these 20, these voters who
will vote in presidential elections and not vote in midterms.
This group right here, these are the people, these white non-collegiate voters, are the ones
he needs to turn out and they are unhappy with him right now.
Well, you know, the irony of this is, like, you look at one of the most criticized moments
of Kamala Harris's campaign.
It was on the view.
She was asked what she would do differently than Joe Biden.
She refused to break with him on anything.
She refused to even put forward one single idea that she broke on him with.
And so, you know, in effect, Biden's unpopularity became her unpopularity because she refused
to put any space between them.
Now Republicans are falling for the exact same phenomenon where, you know, they have refused to
serve as a check against him on anything, except for, you know, John Cornyn and Tom Tillis, both of whom
don't have a job after this term. But the rest of them have hugged him. They haven't run away from
him. And so in a way, even after having watched Kamala Harris fall for this exact phenomenon,
they're doing the same. They're repeating her mistake in this election cycle where his unpopularity
is weighing all of them down. It's interesting because the dynamics are both similar and different,
right, where these Republicans on the ballot are
dealing with an unpopular president of their own party. Kamala Harris was dealing with an
unpopular president of our party. Now Kamala Harris outran Joe Biden's popularity by you know 15 points or
so. He was in the maybe about maybe about 10 to 11 points I guess is probably where Biden was at the
end. Yeah. And some of these Republicans will outrun Trump by at least that. The reason why they're in a
bigger pickle than Harris was is that Biden was there was there was not a ton of strong enthusiasm.
for Biden among Democratic voters.
She had a freedom to break with him that these Republicans feel like they do not have
because the there are a couple, like when you look at polls, you can cut these in several ways, right?
You can do it by education and race that we're talking about here.
Another way to do it is you get the Republican sample and you say, do you consider yourself
a member of the MAGA movement or not?
MAGA voters still love Trump.
His numbers are in the 80s with them.
Now, that group is getting smaller as people are leaving that group.
But the problem for Republicans is they need those quote unquote MAGA voters to turn out
for them. And if they
come, if they break
with Trump, he will punish them publicly
in a way they could further diminish
turnout against their base. They really are in a situation.
I imagine in 2024,
Kamala Harris could have broken with Biden
on some issues like Gaza or
the border or inflation.
And it would not have affected Democratic turnout
in any measurable way. I think here
these Republicans are really weighing what to
do. You stick with Trump.
You pay the price with swing voters and
soft Republicans. You
break with Trump, you pay the price with turn out MAGA voters and there's no good answer there for them.
Why now? Why are we seeing this exodus away from MAGA at this point after all of the
depraved shit that's happened at the hands of this president and this administration? I mean,
we have seen endless, endless corruption. We saw, you know, obviously the January 6th insurrection,
the self-dealing. We saw a first term where COVID was handled abominably, where the only
legislative priority was a tax cut that disproportionately favored millionaires and billionaires.
He's never been a populist, even though he's claimed he has. But why this moment in particular
are we finally seeing some people get fed up and leaving the coalition? It's prices.
The high inflation and high prices has been the driving force in American politics for five
years now. It is why Biden's numbers went down. It's why Trump got a second chance at the
presidency. And it's why Trump's numbers are going down now. And it's particularly magnified because
of the war in Iran, which everyone thinks is stupid, it wants to be over, and makes Trump look weak
and at the mercy of events instead of in control of events, and it's forcing gas prices up.
And so when prices go up, Trump's numbers go down. And that's where we are.
So I guess the flip side of that question is recognizing that there are fractures for the first time
in his coalition. Why is Trump acting this way? Why does he continue to engage in a war that's just
killing himself in his party. Why does he continue to suppress, well, I mean, I know why he continues
to suppress the Epstein files, but the broader point, why does he continue to commit these actions
and engage in behaviors that is so aggressively unpopular that it's taking people who were die-hard
MAGA voters and supporters for the last decade in driving them away? I think he does not care
about the midterms. I think he, ideally, he would like to win the midterms. I think he, somewhere
deep in his soul dreads the investigations that will come.
Yeah.
But he is unable or unwilling to do the things that would at least improve the chances of
Republicans.
He probably can't get out of this war in any terms that work for him.
Right.
He has no magic levers to pull that will lower prices.
I mean, he could stop raising them by putting tariffs in place.
I mean, couldn't he just end the war tomorrow and pull out?
Yeah, he would have to suffer, you know, the indignity and embarrassment of,
a war that America isn't winning, but is it any worse than, then, you know, the continued pain
that he's enduring and that the rest of America is enduring by virtue of continuing it?
I feel like I'm swimming in Tommy Vitor and Ben Rhodes's pool right now, but the, I think the
challenge for Trump is, if America were to say, we're stopping bombing now, Iran still controls
the straight of Formos.
Yeah.
And as long as Iran controls those straight to form, something I will note, they did not control
before this.
Right.
that is going to have that is going to affect oil prices if we gave up and we stopped bombing would oil
futures go down and maybe there be some gas relief price relief maybe but all it takes and this is the
there's like this asymmetric nature of this war which is all it takes is one missile or drone
from iran to hit a ship or threaten a ship and that will once again slow traffic to a trickle
he has no real ability absent a massive ground invasion of iran
to regain control the straight in a real way.
And so he's stuck, at least for the time being,
in a world of oil prices much higher
than they were before this war started.
Could they condemn a little bit?
Might that help them on the margins?
Maybe.
But the fundamental dynamics are what they are
and they're going to be that way for a while now.
But there are domestic priorities too.
I mean, him sacrificing the prospect of Todd Blanche
becoming his attorney general
because he wouldn't offer in writing an end
to some of these egregiously unpopular policies, like giving himself protection from audits for him and his family,
this $1.8 billion slush fund that's so corrupt, even Republicans aren't willing to stomach it.
Like even right now, he's continuing to fight this stuff in the courts,
won't offer any written confirmation that this fund is actually dead.
These are easy wins for him to do.
And yet even on this stuff, he's not relenting.
Yeah, no, he is thoroughly self-obsessed and megalomaniacal.
Like, he can't get out of his own way here.
And, you know, all the things he's doing, like, whether it's, you know, obsessing about the
reflecting pool, the arch to Trump that he wants to build, the putting his name on the Kennedy
Center, the ballroom, all of that stuff.
Each individual thing is, doesn't matter to voters that much.
Like, they think it's probably stupid.
they, you know, if there's taxpayer dollars and all, they don't want it wasted on that.
But what they all do together is they tell a story about the things that Trump cares about
besides helping you, besides lowering your prices.
These are the things he is doing.
The war is the biggest one, but all this other dumb stuff that seems like it shouldn't matter.
It matters to him because the thing that I tell every Democratic politician I talk to
is the way to think about this is everything's an affordability issue.
The Epstein files and him fighting about the stupid top-blank thing is an affordable.
issue because that's what Trump's doing when instead of doing something to help you or even
talking about how much he wants to help you. He's talking about things that you do not care
about that affect him. It's about him, not you. So the way I've thought about this is the fact that
Trump continues to engage in this behavior and do these things is really just, you know,
there's one part of me that's like, oh, he's clearly given up on the midterms, but I think that
he's given up on the midterms in a different way. He's given up on the midterms in terms of trying to
win them on the merits. But he hasn't given up.
given up on the midterms in terms of trying to just rig the rules of the game in his favor.
That's why he's expending all of his political capital, not on passing the housing, signing the
housing bill or, or, you know, dropping this absurd idea of the slush fund or the protection
from audits, but instead trying to pass the Save America Act. I mean, he was literally willing to
exploit the corpse of Lindsey Graham and be like, the last thing he said to me on the phone was that
he wanted the Save America Act pass. So clearly this is a priority for him. Do you view this as the
same way as he's done trying to win the midterms on the merits, but is now throwing all of his
weight behind just trying to win them in a different way by rigging the rules of the midterms
in his favor? It's just hard to know what actual information and data Trump has about how bad
his political position is. You know, his MAGA PAC has $400 million in the bank. There was
reports this week. They're going to start deploying that money to help Ken Paxton and Texas. So there
are some things happening on the margins.
If Trump can steal the midterms, he will steal the midterms.
I want to remind him, but that's a much harder prospect than I think he wants people
to know.
Like even put it, let's say he signed the Save Act tomorrow, right?
Senate ends the filibuster.
They pass it.
House passes it.
It goes to Trump.
He signs it.
One, almost impossible to implement before the midterms.
Right.
Two, and even more important than that, almost certainly hurts Republicans more than
Democrats because of the people most likely to have a passport or the birth certificate on hand
are more likely to be Democrats than Republicans. And so he's just, he's kind of just focused on
himself, casting about, spent most of his time on making monuments to himself and lining his
pockets and the rest of it's kind of noise. So this is a question kind of going to what you just
mentioned about the financial advantage that Republicans had. It's a question that I explored a little
bit with Tommy on Thursday. But, you know, we found out that Elon Musk's pack is going to donate
between $100 and $120 million. Obviously, there's a massive disparity in terms of what the RNC has
versus what the DNC, I would say has, but doesn't have. Yes, exactly. How are you thinking about
the financial advantage and the impact that that's going to have? And I asked this question on the
backdrop of the fact that we're in this cycle right now, where Republicans have this financial
advantage right now, and yet in the off-year elections, in the special elections, and in polling,
Democrats have continued to enjoy, you know, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 point overperformance from
24, even amid this backdrop of the financial disparity.
So I think there are a couple of things going on here.
The, and it's worth noting that Democratic candidates themselves are massively outraising
Republican candidates.
and candidate dollars go much further than SuperPack dollars
because at least when you're talking about television ads,
TV stations are legally required to charge candidates
the lowest available rate.
They can gouge living daylights out of Super Pax.
So one television ad from a campaign,
you know, like John Ossoff, Rui Cooper, Sherrod, Brown,
Maripotilla, all massively outraising their Republican opponents.
I mean, James, James, Alarico has like,
George Lerner just raising money like you can't even imagine.
Yeah.
And so one, in terms of dollars, depending on the market, one ad from James Tala Rico is going to be worth three.
They're going to have to basically pay two to three times what Tala Rico is paying for ads.
Now, the fact that Republicans have more money means they're going to be, we are not going to be able to force them to make real decisions about where to run.
They can probably spend all the money they need in Maine, all the money they need in North Carolina.
Maybe they'll spend money in church.
I don't know.
but they're just going to be able to, it's going to be harder to sneak one past them.
We're not, by being competitive in as many places as we are, Republicans will have the money
to spend to do that.
Like that that is a real consequence of the fact that Democratic large donors are not giving,
not just the DNC, but to the DSEC and the DCCC at the same rate the Republican donors
are giving to their Republican version of those committees.
All right.
I want to end with one last question.
I'm not going to ask you to predict anything, but I am going to ask for, given this moment, a snapshot in time, would you rather be the Democrats or the Republicans in the House and the Senate?
I would almost certainly rather be the Democrats. Democrats are an incredibly well position. The Republicans have a very narrow majority.
The Trump is very unpopular. We have some very good candidates.
And this includes, by the way, the Senate, not just the House.
And that's what I feel about the House. I'd rather be the Democratic.
Democrats and the Republicans for sure. I think we have a, we are very, very well positioned in the
in the House. We are a better position than we had any right to be hopeful for in the Senate.
Yeah. But it remains an uphill battle. We need a lot of things to go right for us, right?
What, you know, Michigan, Iowa, we have to, we basically have to draw an inside straight to do it.
We have the chance to do it. We have the candidates to do it, but we need, we need a little political luck.
Right. And Trump seems to be wanting to give that to us. So we'll take it.
And this is, exactly. This is the political environment to do it in.
to that end, a good way to continue winning this uphill battle in large part is to subscribe
for those who are watching right now to Dan's newsletter message box. I'm going to put that link
right here on the screen and also in the post description of this video. It is something that I read on a daily basis.
Could not recommend any substack or newsletter higher than the message box. So if you're not yet
subscribed, please do yourself a favor. Subscribe, sign up and I promise you will not regret it.
Dan, as always, thanks so much for the time.
Thank you, Brian. Great to talk to you.
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We have some major news as far as Todd Blanche's confirmation's concern.
This thing is on ice right now, and it looks like Trump has accepted the fact that John
Cornyn and Tom Tillis are not going to be votes to advance Todd Blanche's nomination
out of the Senate Judiciary Committee.
So I got to ask, Tommy, first and foremost, as we kind of watch this shocking process play out where for the first time that I can remember, it looks like Republicans not only had a spine momentary, though it may be, but are actually holding steady on this front.
Do you think that Todd Blanche's confirmation is actually DOA?
Oh, man.
I will never bet against Republicans eventually caving to Donald Trump.
I wish I could be a little more optimistic.
It is, look, can we just imagine a world?
for a second where you didn't have to resign your seat to then find political courage.
Imagine if they'd all just decided to like gut it out early on.
And it shows they all know better.
Like the fact that it keeps happening over and over and over going back to like John McCain
and Jeff Flake and and now, you know, Bill Cassidy and John Cornyn and Tom Tillis,
it is always the people who lose their jobs who then suddenly find some modicum of a backbone.
But like did these people not know about this beforehand?
They knew better, but it was just more politically expedient to stay in Trump's good graces.
And so only until the moment that they no longer have their jobs, will they count out of Trump?
Yeah, they were with him when January 6 happened.
And then he pardoned all the people who committed violence.
And then suddenly they were gone when there's a weaponization fund to pay off those people.
Like, I realize that's a bridge too far for everybody.
And it's a terrible thing.
It shouldn't happen.
But like, you shouldn't have gotten this far.
I, look, I, my gut, I think Todd Blanche is going to find a way to massage.
this to put something in writing that doesn't make Trump upset.
What I don't understand is if he's ruled it out verbally, why won't he just put it in writing?
Go on.
Explain.
Well, the reason is because they had no intention of actually doing it.
There's no, there's nothing binding blocking the resurrection of the $1.8 million,
slush fund if you just said it.
But they could just lie in writing too, right?
No, I think it's, I think it's more difficult once you have this, once you have a written confirmation that it's actually dead, that it won't be
I don't know. Like so many Trump's nominees is just locked. Because remember, it'll be challenged in court. And then when they have this document saying that this thing is officially dead, then then that's going to be, that's going to be what's binding, not just, you know, some verbal confirmation in a conference in a conference hearing where everybody lies all the time. Yeah. It's just like we're living in a world right now, right? Where there's, we're having a war in Iran that Trump says ended because of the ceasefire. And now there's a new conflict that has restarted that they're calling like overseas operations or something.
Same people.
They're literally listing casualties from the same conflict, but calling it a new war and saying it wasn't like Operation Epic Fury.
I'm just saying like this feels like a paperwork thing and these guys are just liars in their core and they'll just rename the weaponization fund or trying to like reappropriate the money somewhere else and just ramp it back up if Trump wants.
I actually completely agree.
It's a great point that I hadn't even considered.
It's like are they going to even let some signed paperwork stop them from yet again jumping back in?
They're like constitution?
Yeah.
Like, they don't give a shit.
But I do think it's, you know, the most striking part of all of this is like, this is all about Trump.
Like, all of this is about one guy.
This is not in deference to like millions of people or tens of millions of people or hundreds of thousands of people.
This is about an issue where the beneficiary is a slush fund that Trump gets to wield so that he can pay off people who did his bidding.
And also protection from tax audits for him.
and his family. That's what all of this is about. That part is astounding. I mean, like, this,
this whole thing is because Trump wants to make sure he can continue to derive maximum political and
financial and personal benefit for himself. And his family. And his family. This is Donald Trump
acting on behalf of Donald Trump. And this whole fucking circus that we're engaged in right now is all,
like all just filters down to the continued benefit of one man. That's it. And like, what's interesting
about Trump is he's fighting for these staffers who are just,
not impressive people. You know what I mean? Like, part of it is Trump will give no quarter,
right? Like he thinks if you ever back down, if you give an inch, they'll take a mile, right?
That's like the lesson from the first term. So, but in practice, it means he ends up fighting
for guys like Cash Patel who are clowns who are bad at the job and who cause him political
problems day after day after day. But I think ultimately, like the reason you install someone like
Todd Blanche is because you're installing your personal lawyer who's going to protect you personally.
And that is in service of this broader corruption project that you were talking about, which is one, you know, getting out of tax audits going forward, but also making sure that no one, you know, that's an eye at the ongoing corruption like the crypto scams.
Did you see this week, apparently like the Kushner family might back this plan by FIFA to privatize and sell off pieces of the World Cup?
I wonder how that deal came together.
Right.
So it's like this constant grifting, billion-dollar process of Trump enriching himself.
And, like, the only reason you fight this hard for Todd Blanche is because you know he's never going to come after you.
Right.
I mean, that's why when you were saying, like you stick your neck out for these clowns like Cash Patel and Dan Bongino and Pam Bondi, like, yes, they are incompetent, but that's why they're there.
Like, if they were competent, they wouldn't be in a position where they would blindly defer to him.
So it is that very incompetence.
It is that very malleability that is so appealing to Trump.
Like if they were in any way not clowns, they wouldn't be in that job.
He's looking for people who are just going to be basically empty suits.
I mean, you remember the confirmation hearing for Jay Clayton, the DNI, who literally, like, I mean, you might as well have asked him to speak Mandarin with the question of whether Joe Biden won the 2020 election.
Couldn't do it.
This is the DNI.
This is the fucking director of national intelligence who can't answer a base.
question about who won the 2020 election?
Who, by the way, had a pretty serious job as a prosecutor.
It was the assistant U.S. attorney at the Southern District of New York.
That's a very important post.
They do a lot of counterterrorism prosecutions, et cetera.
I think he was what?
He was the chairman of the SEC before that.
Just beclowning himself.
This is a guy who was like in the kind of world in the orbit of Trump officials was seen
as credentialed, like actually someone that you could totally see getting nominated for
this job under other administrations and getting confirmed in a bipartisan basis.
compared to like Bill Pulte, right?
Who's this bozo who like he ripped out of the you know, the mortgage department.
Yeah.
Like overseeing Frannie and Fetty and put him in charge of the DNI, which makes no sense because he's whatever.
Because he's just weaponizing the DNI to go after Trump's political opponents.
But to watch someone relatively serious and credential like Jay Clayton just unravel and make a fool of himself over a question as simple as who won the 2020 election.
Just like tells you everything about the mindset and the mentality.
Yeah. Well, I guess they didn't have, you know, issues that difficult to deal with, like, who won the 2020 election when you were running the FCC, FEC, you know, or the SEC, rather.
But I want to move over to a different part of, of this whole Todd Blanche saga, and that is that Donald Trump just came out on true social and said that he's willing to pull the nomination temporarily until Cornyn and Tillis are out of office.
But that suggests that it suggests that he's going to have a Republican majority in the Senate moving forward.
And so I just think that that is, like you said, a risky bet because if it wasn't a big enough impetus for people to come out and vote against Republicans because of high prices, because of high inflation, because of high gas costs, because of the war in the Middle East that he swore would never happen, because of their refusal to release the Epstein files, because of the high price of groceries, because of health care getting gutted, food assistance getting cutted, you name it.
Now, on top of that, this election, he's making sure as a referendum on the idea that if you give him a Republican majority in the Senate, that that will mean our taxpayer dollars are going to go toward paying out insurrectionists from January 6 and protecting Trump from IRS audits for himself, his family and his businesses.
And I think that you're not going to find a single Democrat on the campaign trail that's going to bristle at the fact that he wants to make this election a referendum on that, yet another unpopular idea.
Well, that's really the key. I mean, I think it speaks to why. Look, I hope we win the House. I desperately want to block Trump's legislative agenda going forward. But I also would be even more excited about winning the Senate because we can block these terrible nominees too. And, you know, we've had this rough run in Maine where like grand platinum flamed out, disappointed a lot of people. Everyone's angry. The establishment's angry, but the lack of vetting. You know, the left is angry because they feel like once again, they're getting screwed by the establishment. And we need to make sure that in Maine Senate race is about.
Susan Collins is a vote for the Trump agenda in the Senate and passing people like Todd Blanche
and confirming a potential Supreme Court nominee if one of those guys resigned.
She already carries the baggage of confirming Brett Kavanaugh who promised that he wasn't going to vote to overturn Roe.
Susan Collins naively expressed concern, the requisite concern, but like, of course he voted to
gut Roe and now she shoulders the burden of having to deal with that on the campaign trail.
I'm curious on that point because we have new reports.
reporting that Elon Musk is through his pack, even though he's not willing to be front and center
anymore because he's so politically toxic, his pack is willing to donate $100 to $120 million
to Republican candidates in the 26 election cycle. What kind of an impact do you think that
that's going to have? Because we're already seeing a massive disparity between what the RNC and DNC
have. For example, how much does the RNC have? It's like 125 million on hand.
Versus negative 2 million on hand. No, there's other organizations, you know,
there's the D-Trip.
There'll be super PACs.
Yeah, there's super PACs.
And, of course, the candidates themselves have, have, you know, you and I were talking on our
episode of Liberal Tears on Pate of America's YouTube channel.
If you're not yet subscribed, make sure to subscribe about the massive sums of money that
candidates like James Telerico and John Ossoff and even Troy Jackson are making unact blue.
But curious what you think, the impact that just the glut of money from these right-wing
billionaires is going to have on this upcoming election.
I mean, look, if Trump's approval is still like in the 30s, if gas prices are really high,
if inflation's still high, it's going to be hard for them to kind of like outspend that.
That said, $100 million on a bunch of Senate races or house races is a ton of money.
It's on top of a ton of money.
Trump is sitting on $382 million in his super PAC.
But what about like the diminishing marginal returns?
Like what is the difference between spending $200 million and $300 million, you know?
Yeah.
Look, you could just swamp people on TV.
You have a much bigger turnout operation.
Like, look, every rate, every election is one on the margins.
Right.
You know, they're all like tens of thousands, 100,000 votes.
I mean, we always see races in the aftermath of these cycles where it's like, oh, man, this race was like 400 votes between, you know, and now at a moment where the speaker of the House can be determined by, you know, five or six different votes, you know, different elections going a few, you know, going one way or the other in these legislative districts where, you know, maybe a thousand people more voted for the Democratic.
than a Republican or vice versa?
Like it, you know, it matters.
And the other thing about Elon dumping in all this money is it comes on the heels of
the Supreme Court essentially making big dollar donor money like that more valuable
because it used to be the Democrats had an advantage because our candidates would raise
more small dollars than the candidates themselves would buy TV ads at the end.
And they would get a better rate on those ads than the Super PACs and the RNC that came in late.
And this, essentially the Supreme Court ruling leveled the playing field there and said that
the R&C and other committees like that can directly coordinate with campaigns and now get the
same preferential ad rates. So that hurts us a lot. Yeah, 100%. And I feel like the exponential
increase in the amount of money that's getting done to politics, I feel like there something's got
to give because, I mean, you know, you go from like every campaign is the most expensive campaign
in history. And now, I mean, you have people out here that are paying five bucks and Elon Musk could
spend $10 billion on the 2028 campaign and it would make no impact on his financial situation.
It would be the equivalent of a regular person spending like a hundred bucks or a thousand
bucks. And I think you're right. But I mean, the disparity is so egregious now in terms of,
in terms of what small dollar donations can do, grassroots donors can do versus just the glut of
money that's coming from these billionaires. You know, I think that two things. I think obviously
we need legislation to completely overturn this. But all.
Also, you need to expand the Supreme Court because until and unless you expand the court,
this is the same court that just voted in FEC versus NRSC to eliminate that disparity.
And so this is a Supreme Court that is perfectly content to allow unlimited sums of money to influence these elections.
And so, yes, you have to pass legislation, which means you have to get Democratic majorities in the House, the Senate and the White House.
And I think that we're going to do that in 2028.
But on top of that, if you're just looking to get caught trying,
if you're looking to like etch symbolic victories and say, ah, we, we, you know, we got the legislation
passed and it lasted only so long as, as the Supreme Court was able to get their hands on it,
like, that's not going to be good enough.
So I think that you do need Democrats who are going to look at a more holistic approach to what
Democratic, small D, Democratic governance is going to look like.
And until and unless you have, you know, this glut of money out of politics and, and institutions
of government that are willing to protect that idea, then nothing is going to change.
The Citizens United ruling was one of the most damaging rulings in this country.
But only to one side.
I mean.
Yeah, but look, I just,
the system like,
it's terrible.
Yeah.
We should not be spending billions of dollars.
I say,
I say only to one side,
but the reality is,
like,
Republican voters are also contending with income inequality in this country.
Republican voters are also contending with cut health care,
cut food assistance,
higher gas prices.
The issue is the corporations just dumping money into these elections.
It's just,
it's awful.
Something's got to give.
There's got to be a better way.
But, yeah, it's a long road.
Well, look, I think key among all of the ways that we can move forward and try and usher in exactly that is to make sure that everybody watching right now can continue to support progressive independent media that keeps these issues at the forefront.
So if you're not yet subscribed to Pod Save America's YouTube channel, I'm going to put that link right here on the screen and also in the post description.
If you're listening on the podcast, I'll throw it in the show notes.
And if you're not subscribed to this channel, you can hit those subscribe buttons as well.
Tommy, appreciate your time.
Thanks, buddy.
Thanks again to Dan and Tommy.
That's it for this episode. Talk to you on Wednesday.
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