Piers Morgan Uncensored - "You’re a CUCK!" Trump Global Chaos Debate | With Dave Smith & Michael Knowles
Episode Date: January 15, 2026Are Donald Trump’s big interventions in Nigeria, Syria, Venezuela, Greenland, Mexico and Iran in the US national interest? Or is he changing the meaning of ‘America First’ at the risk of the ‘...peace’ part of ‘peace through strength? Joining Piers Morgan to debate; Part of the Problem host Dave Smith, The Free Press’s Coleman Hughes, Secular Talk’s Kyle Kulinski and Daily Wire’s Michael Knowles. Piers Morgan Uncensored is proudly independent and supported by: Oxford Natural: To watch their full stories, scan the QR code on your screen or visit https://oxfordnatural.com/piers/ to get 70% off your first order when you use code PIERS. Cozy Earth: Start the New Year with real comfort. Go to https://cozyearth.com/PIERS for up to 20% off. Mando: Control Body Odor ANYWHERE with @shop.mando and get 20% off + free shipping with promo code PIERS at https://shopmando.com! #mandopod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Transcript
Discussion (0)
idea that we would go flirting with multiple wars of choice at this point.
It's not left wing or right wing, it's just reckless.
We're talking about regime change in Venezuela.
The regime is still in place.
What we did was depose the leader.
We left the vice president in place and we said,
act in a way that is appropriate in accordance with the law and our interests,
or we're going to kill you.
He just did the regime change in Venezuela.
He bombed Yemen and Somalia and Nigeria and Iran.
He's threatening Greenland and Panama and Canada and Cuba and Mexico.
And you sit there the whole time and act like it's okay.
Is there anything Trump's?
do, Michael Knowles, that you would say, I condemn it and you hop off the Trump train,
or are you going to tickle the taint for the rest of your fucking life?
We have a military base, we have mineral connections, and so the idea of taking Greenland
by force against the will of the people who live there is absolutely ridiculous.
If we were to purchase it, it'd have to happen with their consent.
Michael, if you want to come on my podcast, I'll do two hours on the Barbary Wars with you.
The point is that we're trying to talk about the five conflicts going on right now.
Last time President Trump faced an outpouring of angst over the apparent.
demise of America first, he made it very clear that it really means whatever he wants it to mean.
Funny enough, it was air strikes on Iran, which triggered that debate.
At the time of the recording, this, of recording of this, looks entirely possible that recent history will be repeated.
Ever since Trump became president, most foreign policy bigwigs have written many mournful
op-eds and essays about American isolationism and its shrivelling influence on the world.
Now the feverish talk is of an imperial Trump building an American empire with dominion of the
America's and tentacle stretching to Tehran.
So if the Don Roe doctrine, as people are calling it,
means doing anything that's in the US national interest,
the question is whether big interventions in Nigeria, Syria, Venezuela, Greenland, Mexico,
and Iran are in fact in the US national interest.
What happened to just worrying about the price of eggs?
And where does it leave the many people who thought that the peace part of peace through strength
really was in the US national interest all along?
Well, during me to debate all this,
is Dave Smith, hosted part of the problem.
Coleman Hughes, hosted conversations with Coleman at the free press.
Kyle Kalinsky, aka secular talk.
And Michael Knowles, host of the Daily Wise Michael Knowshow.
A truly stellar panel, even given the caliber of the stellar panels we have,
which I think you were discussing with Theo Von, in fact, Dave Smith, in a complementary way.
So thank you.
And happy new year to all of you.
Dave Smith, let me start with you.
Welcome back to Unsensit.
Thank you.
There's a lot going on. I decided to have a week off after Christmas. Big mistake. Never have a week off in the Trump administration. It seemed like all hell was breaking loose. And yet, if you park the rhetoric, which could be very eccentric on all sides, and you cut to the presumed ideology of what Trump is trying to do here, I do see the argument. I may not agree with all of it, but I see the logic of what he's trying to do and why he thinks it's in America's
interests and that applies to whether it's Venezuela and getting rid of Maduro or whether it's the
Iran situation and so on. Do you see the logic, even if you don't agree with it all?
No. Okay. I mean, no, I mean, Pierce, it's a, as you said, you know, Donald Trump can say
America first means whatever I say it means, but if America first meant one thing to everybody who's
ever uttered the phrase and then he wants to change that to mean America first.
means regime changes all around the world, huge, enormous, unthinkable bloated defense budgets like
he just requested from Congress. And if he's going to think that none of his supporters are going
to have a problem with that or that they're all just going to change their views because he decided
to change his, I think he's going to find out how well that works for him in the midterms this
year. And I think it's going to be a disaster. And, you know, obviously it's true, Pierce, as you said,
and we all know Donald Trump will say all types of crazy things and then never followed through with
that, but he also just asked Congress for a $1.5 trillion defense budget, and that to me does indicate
that he is anticipating a real deal war coming up, or at least the possibility of it. And if he's,
if he means the things that he says, I mean, I don't exactly know how you do that. I don't know how
you say we run Venezuela and we'll dictate who the next regime is and we'll dictate where the oil goes
without at least an effort of like 100,000 troops. I'm not even sure that would be enough to do it.
So it's unclear what exactly the next move is going to be, and that's really when we'll find out what, you know, what he's going to do.
But no, it appears the idea that we're 38 or maybe 39 by the end of the show, trillion dollars in debt right now, we have major, major problems in this country.
And we have a hot war raging on in Europe, which is a proxy war between the entire West and the biggest nuclear arm power in the history of the world.
The idea that we would go flirting with multiple wars of choice at this point,
it's not left wing or right wing, it's just reckless.
There's no wisdom in it.
Michael Knowles, I guess the argument against what Trump is doing
is that many people who voted for Trump brought into the concept
that what America first was take care of what's happening in your own backyard
and stop meddling in foreign affairs.
And now they're waking up almost on a daily basis.
to seeing Donald Trump proudly and aggressively talking
about meddling in all sorts of foreign affairs.
Is there a contradiction or hypocrisy
or even a betrayal of voters going on here?
Not at all.
First of all, Venezuela is in our own backyard
and it's been the policy of the United States in 1803
to manage the Western Hemisphere.
So that's a cornerstone of American foreign policy.
I think it is charming that Dave is defining America first
in the way that he prefers.
And I think there are plenty of people who wish to do that.
But Dave, though a very popular podcaster, never won a presidential election.
And Trump has been clear on what he means by America first, the political movement that he
built, that people voted for in his coalition since the beginning.
President Trump campaigned the first time around on destroying ISIS.
So obviously that does not mean that America is only going to look inward.
President Trump has carried out attacks, military operations that were extremely successful
in Iran, in Syria, in Afghanistan, obviously in Venezuela.
He's been talking about taking Greenland and even invading America's evil top hat Canada,
though I think he's mostly joking about that one, since the beginning.
So that's what that means.
And what it comes down to is that America is a global empire.
We just are.
People can be upset about that.
But unless your geopolitics comes strictly from Reddit, you know, if your geopolitics actually
comes from history, you recognize that we've been an empire since the Louisiana purchase, okay?
and we've been a muscular global empire since the Second World War.
So President Trump's vision, I think, actually rejects two extremes.
It rejects a conservative isolationism, and it rejects a liberal internationalism,
and it posits a conservative imperialism that says that we are going to recognize our role in the world,
but we are going to pursue that role in limited ways with America's interest at heart.
So there's been no regime change in Venezuela.
We're talking about regime change in Venezuela.
the regime is still in place. What we did was depose the leader. We left the vice president in place,
and we said, act in a way that is appropriate in accordance with the law and our interests, or we're going to kill you.
That's very different than a bushy-era neocon regime change in Iraq. Even when we're talking about Iran,
the Trump administration has not gone in in a particularly overt way yet, but even there,
we would be talking about a restoration of the Pahlavi regime, most likely, that goes back to 1925.
So I grant there are all sorts of risks to interventions, but we're the global empire, you know, and frankly, even the American Revolution comes out of wars of global empire.
It comes out of the Seven Years' War, which itself was a derivation of the war of Austrian succession.
To pretend that we don't have a role in geopolitics is to ignore all of American history.
Okay, Carl Kaczynsko, I can see you grimacing through a lot of what Michael was saying there.
You said Trump says the U.S. will run Venezuela and he threatens Colombia and Mexico arrest this psychotic motherfucking.
And before I get you to expand on that thesis, I mean, the point I was making to Dave, if I want to elaborate on where I sit with this,
because I've had a bit of time to look at this, play out, is you look at Maduro.
Everyone thought, my God, this is going to be World War III.
Actually, Maduro is going to end up in a New York courtroom, and he's been got rid of.
Everyone seems to agree that's a good thing for the not just of Venezuelan people, but the world.
no American troops died in what was an incredibly efficient surgical military strike to get him out of there.
And if you have a more compliant leader of Venezuela, albeit part of the same regime, that can probably only be a good thing.
If you look at the argument about Greenland, for example, I'd be struck by some of the people that I didn't expect to think this was a good idea.
A British general last week talking about this, saying that from a strategic security point of view, it would make Perthum.
sense for America to have Greenland. And is there a deal to be done? He didn't think invading
it was the right thing, and nor do I. But is there a deal to be done with 60,000 people who live in
Greenland that could actually improve the security of the United States and the West against
the obvious threat from China and Russia and so on? And I can go through the others. Iran,
you know, getting rid of the Ayatollah and the Muller's is, and I'm questioning to be a good thing
for the world. It's how you do these things. And whether you plan and prepare properly,
for what follows next,
that I think of the debatable points.
And history says that's normally,
unfortunately, been very badly done.
But this is what I meant when I said to Dave
that I understand the argument.
I may not agree with all of it,
but I do understand the logic
to what Trump is doing here.
Do you?
No, because we don't have a right
to act like this around the world.
We're supposed to be a nation among nations,
not a nation above nations.
And they used to at least lie to us in the past
and say that this is good for the world
and we're spreading freedom and democracy.
Now they don't even bother to lie.
Now it's naked, rank, disgusting imperialism
where they say, we're going to take the oil,
and the point is that we're going to take the oil.
We're going to take the minerals.
We're going to take the precious metals.
We're doing this for our corporations.
We're doing it for the Epstein class, the billionaires.
And this, to piggyback on what Dave Smith said,
is frankly, not what many of the MAGA voters
thought they were signing up for.
They thought America first actually meant America first.
By the way, you also replaced the Maduro regime
with the Maduro regime.
congratulations on that. It's also been now a week straight of pro-regime protests. Now you have roving
gangs of Venezuelan militias that are kidnapping Americans. But again, I come back to the fundamental
point, which is if you sign on to stuff like this, you're saying might makes right and the
law of the jungle is back. What you're saying is China has a right to go into whatever smaller
country they want and depose the leader and say we're doing it because we can and we have the right
to do it and we have bigger guns and there's nothing you can do to stop it. So they're never going to
address that fundamental question, which is why do we have a right? Do we actually believe in
international law or was that all a joke? Are we rolling the clock back to the 1700s and the
1800s? And we're going super primitive style here. And I think the answer to that is yes,
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International law goes back to antiquity. It's not some creation of modernity, whether we're talking about the 1700s or the 20th century.
The Geneva Conventions? The Nuremberg Tribunal? Excuse me? The Geneva Convention and the Nureberg Tribunal?
Yes, those exist. But international law, as the Euse Gensium goes back to Antiquels.
However, unfortunately, a lot of our liberal friends think history began a few decades ago.
The League of Nations was useless. It fell apart. And that's why we had the UN. That's why we had the
Genie Convention. Right. I'm talking about millennia ago, not merely a century ago. But it's true.
Woodrow Wilson failed with the League of Nations. We looked at piles of millions of dead bodies and
said, that's a bad idea. Let's not do that anymore. Let's actually have a framework and rules and
laws. And Trump is blowing that up. By the way, he bombed fishing boats from Venezuela,
Trinidad and Tobago and Colombia. He just did the regime change in Venezuela. He bombed Yemen and Somalia and
Nigeria and Iran. He's threatening Greenland and Panama and Canada and Cuba and Mexico. And you sit
there the whole time and act like it's okay? Is there anything Trump could do, Michael Knowles,
that you would say, I condemn it and you hop off the Trump train or are you going to tick a taint
for the rest of your fucking life? No, there have been plenty of Trump policies that I've criticized
because he's only right about 99.78% of the time. So the first step act I thought was a
step. But I would say the rest, excuse me, I would say the rest of the
The administration has been very successful.
What's your problem?
My problem is that you're a cuck and you're a hack and you're not an independent thinker
and you're meat riding Trump.
Why do you say that?
I know that what he's doing in materialism and you don't care.
I just answered your question.
I corrected the mistake.
You rented your brain to a war criminal pedophile rapist.
I hope you're happy.
A war criminal pedophile rapist?
You brought up international law and you made a very false point, a dumb point,
which is that international law began.
only a few hundred years ago.
I corrected you and I pointed out that the international law is part of the Western
tradition that excuse me one second it goes back to antiquity it's a principle of the
use gentium and you said well international law has failed because of the League
of Nations failure which I think is actually undermining your argument and proving
my point and proving Trump's point because the liberal internationalism that was
established by people like Woodrow Wilson did in fact fail which is why we need to
restore an older and more classical conception of the the international order
which is precisely what Trump's doing.
So I think you've hoisted yourself with your own partard.
Might make a try.
And then you just make a lot of,
you're sort of non sequiters
because you don't have a leg to stand on.
All right, let me bring in...
Hang on.
Here's, let me ask him a question real quick.
Tell me the name of the Minister of Defense in Venezuela.
I don't know.
Whatever his name is.
And that's the problem is that you're advocating for a regime change.
You don't know the first thing...
I didn't.
I just said the opposite.
You're advocating against the regime change.
Kyle, you have to get the potment out of your ears.
I heard Michael...
I just want to correct someone.
I heard Michael...
Michael and they'll say the regime remains there, right?
So he said the opposite, in fact.
I want to bring in Coleman.
No, no, but he wanted to take out Maduro.
Don't give me that cutesy little BS.
Yes, but he made the point of the regime is still,
he made the point the regime is still there,
and the vice president appears to be much more compliant
with running Venezuela the way America would prefer
for its national security than Maduro.
So that's what Michael said.
He didn't advocate regime change.
Let me bring in Coleman.
Colman.
Kidnapping the president is not a regime change.
Well, hang on, hang on, Carlman, has that a word yet.
Coleman, what's interesting about you, I think, with this is you've been, I think, striving to be quite nuanced with your take on all this stuff that's going on.
And that's kind of where I found myself is that sometimes taking a beat, looking at it from just a step away,
and trying not to be too knee-jerk about all these things.
Often, A, can be beneficial to your mental health, but actually can probably be better, I think, represent what is really going to.
on here. Everyone wants to go to extremes very, very quickly about everything and take a very tribal
position. I've been struck by your, I think, quite intellectually honest attempt to be more
nuanced. So what do you think about all this? Thank you, peers. I try to not think about these
issues in terms of left versus right or Trump versus the opposition and try to take each issue on
its own terms. So let's do that. Venezuela, if the policy here is actual regime change,
In other words, not just decapitating Maduro and replacing Maduro with a second worst alternative.
If we were to actually affect regime change in Venezuela, that would almost certainly be a good thing for the people of Venezuela and for American interests.
Now, if we're going to do this half measure where we just decapitate Maduro and replace him with someone just as bad and then get a bunch of oil,
well, that would at best be probably neutral for the Venezuelan people.
it would be an enormous waste of U.S. military resources, and I would be very critical of the Trump
administration. The truth is, I don't know which path we're going down, right? It's very early.
Right.
We're getting different signals from Trump, depending on the day, different signals from Rubio,
and anyone who's confidently prognosticating that they know which path we're going down probably
doesn't know what they're talking about. As for Greenland, I think, you know, the truth is,
Trump is is extraordinarily reckless in his rhetoric here.
We have a situation where we have an ally in Denmark, a NATO ally.
We have deep relationships with Greenland already.
We have military base.
We have mineral connections.
And so the idea of taking Greenland by force against the will of the people who live there is absolutely ridiculous.
Now that said, if we were to purchase it, I think that would be a good thing.
It would have to happen with their consent.
They would have to want it.
And I would welcome them as an American.
but we absolutely should not, cannot take it by force.
Right. You see, that to me, Day Smith, is part of the interesting part of all this,
is that it's how this plays out.
It's what actually Trump really wants to do.
If he doesn't economic...
Take for example what China has been doing in Africa for the last 20 years.
It's been going around Africa pretty quietly, actually, unless you're actually in Africa,
and it's been doing endless commercial deals with African countries,
where they go in, they spend a lot of money on infrastructure
and hospitals and bridges and roads and all these things,
and in return, they get access to huge amounts of minerals.
And that's been going on for 20 years.
And that's a kind of economic imperialism.
I see no ideological difference between that
and what Trump is potentially talking about with Greenland,
which is clearly incredibly important strategically,
from a security point of view,
from a mineral point of view and so on.
And there are only 60,000 people who live there.
And it may well be that they're happy to do a deal if the price is right.
In which case, what's the difference?
Yeah.
Well, I'll say I pretty much agree with Coleman, I guess, on that.
Like, if it's voluntary, then okay.
I don't really know enough about Greenland to really speak on it intelligently.
But I could not disagree more with the take on Venezuela.
And I think it's crazy.
Pierce, I also think, you know, just after the last 25 years,
and I'm not saying they're exactly the same,
But the idea that we're just talking about regime changes in Iran and Venezuela and saying it would undoubtedly be a good thing if this regime were to fall.
Well, maybe, but there's a really important question of what comes next.
And if you want to say that, like, you know, I mean, we've had a long history of regime changes in Latin America that have been disastrous too.
We overthrew a communist government in the 50s in Guatemala led to a civil war where hundreds of thousands of people died.
So the idea that it's just, it's a guarantee that it would be a good thing if either one of these regimes fell.
We certainly don't know that.
And one of the other things we know is that you really don't get much of a say in what replaces the regime that falls unless you're willing to militarily occupy the country.
And we've had regime.
We might be able to affect a full regime change without a military occupation, as we did in Libya, as we did in Syria.
But, you know, those are not great examples where the country worked out.
I mean, Syria is hanging on by a hair.
and Libya is an absolute catastrophe.
And there's no, so it's just like, it's very reckless when you start playing.
You know, you start dropping bombs on human beings.
You start toppling governments.
You start kidnapping or, you know, taking, you know, leaders of countries.
There's unintended consequences that come with all of these things.
That's probably the one lesson in all of this military history is that nobody is smart enough
to predict exactly what's going to come next.
And so I just think it's, you know, I see this with the situation in Iran.
I say Michael Knowles are there.
It's like, guys, it's like you hoist up the mission accomplished banner two days after the strike.
We have absolutely no idea what's going to come of this.
Obviously, in the situation in Iran, just right in front of all of our eyes, Pierce.
What?
The goalposts have moved from 60% enriched uranium, which is what me and Coleman were arguing about a few months ago.
That's out the window now, right?
Nobody even cares about or is pretending there's a nuclear threat.
Donald Trump's bragging about how it's obliterated.
then both Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump moved the goalpost to intercontinental ballistic missiles,
and then that was the war propaganda for a couple months there.
Now it's over whether they shoot protesters or rioters,
not even like an accusation that they're committing a genocide or a threat to another country.
They invaded their neighbor, nothing like that.
So I would just say I think one of the most important lessons,
and Michael, who's a history buff, would know that every last one of the founders of this country
talked about this all the time, is that
you want to be sober and calm and rational.
You want to not intervene when you don't need to.
There's all types of unintended consequences
that can come from these things.
And that's why the advice of the founders was
be friends with the world, don't get into entangling alliances,
don't search for monsters to destroy,
to fight unnecessary wars.
These are all wars of choice.
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Well, speaking of the founders and the American relation to foreign affairs,
what was our first big international war?
Was it the Iraq War?
Was it the Gulf War?
You're talking about the Barbary pirates or whatever.
I don't know.
You're right.
I'm talking about 1801.
David.
And it was actually our founding fathers who made a war.
Okay, but Dave, you go back to the war.
Whatever, we don't have time to get into that.
But sure, we got five wars here to discuss.
We have plenty of time, but you don't want to get into it because it undercuts your argument.
No, I'm happy.
Michael, if you want to come on my podcast, I'll do two hours on the Barbary Wars with you.
The point is that we're trying to talk about the five times.
Going on right now.
Sure.
Let me address you can as well a point, Dave.
Sure, let me say Coleman might have something smart to say.
Yeah.
So you're totally right.
There is always a risk to regime change, and I don't mean to downplay that.
But you have to find.
factor in there is a risk to letting rogue regimes that, for instance, in the case of Venezuela,
invite Hezbollah into the country, buy weapons from all of our adversaries, Iran, China,
Russia, et cetera, a regime that has literally run this country, which used to be one of the wealthier
countries in Latin America, into the ground, to the point that people are literally eating wildlife.
They're breaking into zoos, eating cats and dogs, because this regime has totally
destroyed the country, there is a risk to allowing a country like that to just continue doing
whatever it's going to do. And so the idea that inaction has no risk is one thing I want to flag as
a false argument. And the second thing I want to say is you're quick to reach for analogies
to the Middle East. And I understand that. I mean, the American public has been really, has lost so
much faith in the American political class because of our interventions in the Middle East.
And the lesson I think you've drawn and other people have drawn is that therefore regime change is always wrong.
I don't think that that's the right lesson.
I mean, to me, that's analogous to taking the lesson from World War II that regime change is always right because it worked in Japan and Germany.
The truth is it's different depending on the situation on the ground.
In most of the middle, you're talking about Iraq, Syria, Yemen.
You're talking about deeply sectarian countries with deep divisions, countries that are essentially civil wars waiting to happen.
if the lid comes off.
Venezuela is not a country like that.
Again, the risk is not zero,
but it's not a sectarian country.
It was a functioning country for a very long time.
And so the risk of civil war-type outcomes
like Syria and Iraq is just much lower
than it is in the Middle East.
So what about Colman?
Can I respond to that?
Hang on, hang on.
Yes, please.
I want to just center it actually just on this point.
Let's bring it right up to date with Iran,
Coleman, if I may.
Because, you know, depending on who you listen to,
there's a revolution going on
driven by the people
to depose an incredibly unpopular
regime that's been there since 1979
are we seeing the potential
for civil war there? Are we
seeing a revolution that should happen
organically without any interference
or aid? Is Trump
right to say we're going to stand up
for protesters who want freedom and
democracy against a tyrannical regime
and so on? In other words, all the things
that we've been discussing about
other scenarios. Let's bring it to Iran. What's your view of what's happening there?
Well, Iran is, I think it's, you're asking me, Pierce? Yeah. I think we should support the opposition,
absolutely. You know, I don't think we should put boots on the ground. I think, I agree with Dave.
Our record in the Middle East recently, I think precludes that for many reasons, just practical reasons,
but we absolutely should support the opposition. Iran was a country that was a semi-functional democracy
for a very long time.
In a lot of ways, it's a more coherent country,
a more coherent body politic than Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, et cetera.
So, again, I think the odds of success for a revolution there are higher,
but that's not saying much considering that the region is extremely volatile to begin with.
So I totally support the opposition.
I want to see the Islamic regime go down on their terms.
And we should do what we can to support that short of full-scale military and
Okay, Michael Knowles, what do you feel about Iran?
Oh, come to you, Pierce.
Let me respond to that.
Okay, okay.
Okay, I'll come to you, Michael.
All right, Dave, you respond, then I'll come to Michael.
Well, yeah, because I mean, there's just so much there.
And like, look, I mean, even if you're going to say that, like, well, we have a bad track record of regime change in the Middle East, I mean, I think I've made this point.
I think I saw your point coming.
That's why I said, yeah, we also have a terrible track record of regime change in Central and South America.
And that's why I gave the example of Guatemala.
We can look at Nicaragua.
We can look at all types of different interventions that just got to have a lot of different interventions that just got to
a whole lot of people killed and didn't do anything for the people or for the country.
And Coleman, yeah, fair enough, there's a risk to inaction the same way there's a risk to
action, but the risk to action is to our boys and our budget and bankrupting our country.
And so it's just a totally different risk that you take on when you intervene than when you don't.
And, you know, I got to say, Coleman, these are the same arguments that were used in Iraq.
What you said about Nicaragua, I'm sorry, what you said about Venezuela and Iran.
This is why the neocons said we were going to be greeted as liberators.
Chalabi had assured them that the people hated Saddam
and they were going to be pro-American.
And you said there's not sectarian conflict in Venezuela.
I mean, Venezuela, no, of course there is.
It's the mixed European elite class
and then the majority of natives.
And that's who Chavez and Maduro always carried.
At least I know in Chavez's election, that was always his base.
And I agree with you, man.
Like, it is true that that government has ruined that country.
I hate socialism as much, if not more,
than anybody on this panel.
But the thing is, like, it was a communist government
in Guatemala, too.
And the civil war that killed hundreds of thousands of people
there didn't make it better for them.
And so I just think that, like, the idea
that we're so confident we should back the,
we should back the resistance in Iran.
Well, we also had regime changes in that region
that didn't require, like, huge numbers of boots on the ground.
And they were catastrophes, too.
And to hear you guys talk about the most likely thing
is that, because now you understand
we have to spread hereditary,
monarchy, we're not bringing democracy anymore.
The idea that the Shaw's kid is going to walk in there
and take power. I say, of all the crazy things
Donald Trump has said, that was one thing that I think
he got right. Yeah, I don't think he's got the juice.
And the options of what would arise
in either of these conflicts, there's at least a strong
possibility that there'd be tons of conflict
and a worse government, if not just as bad a government at the end
of the day. Okay, Michael Knowles, the latest
polymarket odds on Iran.
US strikes 77% likelihood.
Homanie, the Ithola, out by end of January,
I think is now up to 24%.
Fall of the Iranian regime by 2028, 47%.
So the money is moving in the predictive world
to suggesting that this is the beginning,
as the Chancellor of Germany says,
this is the beginning of the end of that regime.
But we have been almost rodeo a few times in Iran,
and it's been brutally repressed in the past.
What do you think is going to happen here?
And in terms of that point Dave makes,
when things happen organically,
the fall of the Berlin Wall,
we all remember watching that and how good that felt.
And it didn't need outside direct military intervention.
Is it not better for America to sit back
and watch the Iranian people determine their own future
in the way that appears to be happening
than potentially cause mayhem
by directly interfering on their behalf?
Well, I think those are two separate points,
and I think my friends on this panel are taken
with a lot of abstract ideology,
whether it's libertarianism or leftism.
I'm a little more interested in practical politics.
So what I think is most important here
is that Iran remains orderly
and does not descend into total chaos.
Iran is a real country with more of a unified history,
and also that the Iranian people do better.
Obviously, the Islamic Revolution was terrible for them.
It destroyed their material.
conditions led to a huge erosion of their rights and liberties. And so it's worth remembering that the
policy of the United States has been for regime change in Iran since 1979. So the Iranians have
been undermining our interests all around the world for a very long time, not just looking at the
recent Iraq War where they killed over 600 Americans, but going all the way back to the 1983
Beirut Barracks bombings, going back to the attack on U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia in 1996.
You know, I think we would all agree, I hope we're all mature enough to agree, that nations have interests, especially when you are a major power or a hegemonic power is the United States.
We have interests around the world. Dave keeps pointing to his displeasure over one intervention in Guatemala.
The United States has intervened for 150 years 88 times in Latin America. It's usually worked out very well. Sometimes it hasn't worked out well.
But what would have been worse is if we had let during the Cold War, the Soviets get hold in Latin America.
What is worse is allowing communists to run roughshod, both from the perspective of the people there, as well as from the interests of the United States.
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So, Michael, let me ask you this,
because at this point resonated with me this week,
which I thought was a powerful one.
If America looks like it's just ignoring international law,
if it thinks it can just go into Venezuela,
kidnap the president, put him in a courtroom in New York,
act with impunity, take Greenland if it wants, etc., etc.
What is to stop America's enemies
using the exact same argument to do what the hell they like?
For example, for example, Vladimir Putin must be sitting there going,
well, hang on, every argument about why invaded Ukraine,
that's just gone up in smoke, isn't it?
I mean, it's the same argument.
I wanted to do it.
It's in my national security interest.
You've got President Xi probably looking at it going,
well, why can't I take Taiwan then?
If the Americans can take Greenland
because it's in their national security interest,
then I want Taiwan.
And how difficult does it then become
for the West and America leading the West
to take any high moral ground
or to stop it happening in any way
if they've already trampled on
international law themselves?
I think that my, first of all, I disagree with the premise, but second of all, I think my
ideological friends on this panel seem to be quite mistaken about a basic premise here,
which is they seem to believe that the United Nations or something is what keeps our enemies
from running roughshut over the world, American interests and other peoples. That's not true.
You know what stops our enemies? We do. The might of the United States is what stops us.
Now, the reason I disagree with your fundamental premise is I don't think that we violated
international law and the removal of Maduro. First of all, the Monroe Doctrine, now the Don
Roe Doctrine has been the cornerstone of American foreign policy basically since the beginning.
But two, there was a legal predicate for the removal of Maduro that goes back to a court order
in 2020. And this has really gone back about 25 years now. Let us not forget. It was the Biden-Harris
administration and Tony Blinken, the Secretary of State, who called for the arrest of Maduro
and actually offered $25 million to anyone who could advance it. So the only difference between
the Republican action here and what the Democrats called for just one year ago is that Trump was
actually able to do it and he saved 25 million bucks doing it. Why should I? But by that logic,
that's the argument. But by that argument that Trump got Biden's policy done.
By that logic, Michael, why should President Xi not be able to go into Taiwan and take the leader
and put him in a Chinese courtroom? By that logic. Can I address that here? He's got no answer,
I'm happy to answer. I'm happy to answer.
Well, Michael, I'll stop interrupting before. Yes. So the the reason, the only, the only
The only reason that she has not gone into Taiwan so far is because the United States has told she not to.
From the point of international law, there is also another confusion because international law is a real thing.
Many of my fellow conservatives want to pretend that there is no such thing as international law and that might merely make right.
But that's not true. Law is an ordinance of reason, so we can actually know something about it and it objectively exists even though it's not material.
However, what passes for international law these days,
specifically over the last hundred or so years,
is a bunch of liberal gobbly-goop nonsense,
which even my friend here, Kyle Kalinsky,
points that doesn't work,
which is why the League of Nations failed
and the UN has largely failed.
So there is such a thing as natural law,
but it is effected through political powers.
And right now, the only thing stopping Xi from going into Taiwan,
the only thing that has stopped Vladimir Putin
from running rough shot over Ukraine
is not some abstract concept in the clouds.
It's the might of the United States Empire
our allies around the world. And that is what will continue to stop them.
But I don't think, I don't think, I don't think, I'll bring you in now, but I don't think
that it has stopped Putin running roughshod over Ukraine. He just invaded it. He hasn't taken
the country yet. Well, he invaded it. It took as much as he could, but the Ukrainians have put
up a much bigger fight and he thought they could. I don't think, I don't think it's, I don't
think Putin's intentions have been remotely thwarted. I don't think America's down.
Well, he only invaded because of Biden. So frankly, had Trump stayed, I don't think he would
have even invaded. But it's true. He did get. He did get.
He was able to run some rough shot over it during Joe Biden.
But there was no floating international law.
Let's not forget he invaded before the supposedly awful attack on Venezuela.
But he has, I mean, look, yeah, but the thing is, Michael, he has continued to act with total impunity in Ukraine,
regardless of anything Donald Trump has said publicly, either in a friendly or unfriendly manner.
He doesn't seem to care.
I think if Putin could take the whole of Ukraine tomorrow, he'd take it.
I think that's always being his ambition.
That's my point, I guess.
That's my point. I don't think that America's very successful strike on Venezuela is going to do one thing.
It will not change one iota of Putin's calculation.
But that's my point. My point to you is that when it comes to Taiwan, I'm not sure that American power is the limiting factor for the calculations by people who run countries like Russia and China that you seem to think it is.
Because I think, gee, well, I looked at Ukraine and thought, well, what's America actually done to stop Putin taking as much as he can?
International law is going to limit Chairman Shee?
Well, no, I don't actually.
I do think the concept of international law has been twisted and torn apart so badly that I'm actually uncertain what it really means anymore.
Because people don't seem to...
I mean, if you look at what Israel's done in Gaza, I would say they've trampled over international law with utter impunity and they don't care.
Reasonable minds can differ, but I agree that's a good point on the murkiness of international law.
Yeah, okay. Carl.
Yeah, well, I mean, I find this whole conversation preposterous because the obviously.
that we're the moral arbiter of anything is honestly laughable. Trump is himself a criminal.
He was best friends with Jeffrey Epstein. He's covering for a billionaire pedophile cabal as we speak.
We armed and funded a genocide in Gaza. We also armed and funded a genocide committed by Saudi Arabia
in Yemen. If there's any country on earth where there's some semblance of a sound argument to do
regime change, it's our regime being changed. So I don't want to open the door to this might
makes right law of the jungle nonsense. And everybody else, except Dave seemingly on the panel,
in favor of that.
And I want to live in that world.
But America,
there's going to come a time.
We're not the most powerful country.
Carl, hang on.
America has a mechanism for regime change.
It's called the election every four years.
And the truth is Americans had a good, long, hard look at Trump.
You're making my point.
Well, no, I'm not.
This is my point.
I'm not.
Yes, you are.
I'm saying you live in a free democratic society
with free democratic elections.
That's why Trump won in 2016.
That's why he lost in 2020,
whatever he wants people to think.
And that's why he won again.
in 2024. That is regime change how it should happen. We back 73% of the world's dictatorships.
The idea that we say, here's the dictator we don't like, we're going to overthrow them,
is ridiculous. By any objective standard, Net Yahoo is worse than Maduro, and we're not
overthrowing him. So the whole conversation is absurd. We're in no position to be the world police
or the moral arbiters. In fact, Trump himself literally says, this is about the oil. It's about
the natural resources. It's about stealing that for the corporations and the billionaires. So the whole
conversation about, you know, other high-minded ideals, it's useless.
Okay, look, I think Venezuela can be about a number of things at the same time.
That's why I think nuance is an important factor in these things.
It can be part.
Hang on, hang on, hang on, Kyle.
Can it just be pointed out?
It could be about oil.
It could be about majora being a gangster.
It can be about a number of things.
This was sold to us.
Trump's a gangster.
All right.
This was, isn't it funny that we have this whole conversation?
And while you're saying it could be about all these things, you know what?
No one's bringing up drugs.
and that's what it was sold to us as.
Just like all these other wars, they just lie through their teeth.
Has nothing to do with the drug problem?
It's a tiny fraction of it.
And nothing to do with the fentanyl problem, which is the real crisis.
It's a total pretext for war.
And, you know, I got to say, man, by the way, I kind of agree with Michael on the concept of international law.
But the thing about it is, is that this is totally illegal by our own law, by the Constitution of the United States of America,
which every politician puts their hand on a Bible.
and swears before all of us to God
that they will do everything in their power
to defend and execute.
There was no imminent attack here.
Donald Trump had all the time in the world
to go to Congress
and get permission for this.
And they just didn't want to.
And if you want to just say,
by the way, it's funny
because you point out,
I'm a libertarian or Kyle's a leftist,
ironically, we're the only ones
taking the conservative position here on this.
We are not an empire.
Is that so?
Actually, the Supreme...
Yes, yes, that's actually right.
There's a long tradition.
Do you know your history on this?
There's a long tradition
of libertarians telling conservatives.
of what we believe.
And I'm sick of it for one.
No, no, no, no, no.
There's a long tradition of the best conservatives
having the exact same foreign policy I do
and then a bunch of former communists
who were atheists convinced you guys
that it was right wing to support wars everywhere.
By the way, the Monroe Doctrine...
They convinced Thomas Jefferson in 1801.
No, I'm not...
I don't know about that.
No, no, no, no.
I'm not talking about the Barbary Wars.
Okay, anyway...
Or the Monroe administration or the Roosevelt administration.
Do you even know what the Monroe Doctrine is?
You say the Monroe Doctrine means
that we get...
to run our hemisphere? No, it doesn't.
No.
The Monroe doctor...
Michael, let me finish a thought and then you can respond to it.
No, that's not actually true.
It meant that Europe couldn't have any more colonies here,
and in turn, we wouldn't interfere in Europe.
By the way, it's not a law.
It's something a president said once in a speech,
and it hasn't been the cornerstone of our farm.
It hasn't been.
Have we not interfered in Europe?
Have we not interfered in Europe for over 200 years?
Is that what you're telling me, Michael?
They begged us to.
And then we became the world empire.
Oh, right.
Exactly. So we abandoned the Monroe Doctrine. We never followed it at all.
It didn't abandon the law. And the Monroe Doctrine never said, they said that Europe couldn't establish more colonies. They already had several.
That they couldn't establish more colonies. It didn't say that if there's a country that does a mineral deal with a country somewhere else because we won't allow our companies to do it with them, that therefore we can topple the leader.
This is completely illegal by our own constitution. I'm happy to explain this, it's true. In 1823, the Soviet Union did not yet exist.
and other adversaries around the world did not yet exist.
We have expanded the notion that European powers,
which were a threat to us,
should not interfere in the Western Hemisphere,
to those other adversaries as well,
who you recognize are adversaries.
It seems to me where the big difference here on the panel is,
is that you, Dave, at least,
will acknowledge that America has interests
and there are bad regimes.
You're making some crazy claims
that the Constitution doesn't allow the United States
to be commander-in-chief of the Army.
You're making a crazy claim that Congress...
No, not. I'm saying it doesn't allow them to declare a war.
You're making a crazy claim that it was excused.
excuse me, excuse me, you're making a crazy claim that it was somehow illegal to follow a court
order from 2020 to take out Maduro and arrest him. Anyway, you're making all sorts of crazy
is that how we do for policy by court order? One second, guys. One second. I'm happy to,
the difference here is, Dave, you at least acknowledge America has interests and you're saying
because we sometimes make mistakes, hold on one second, I'm just trying to get my point out.
Because we sometimes make mistakes, you're saying that we should not pursue those interests
or you're saying that the consequences could be worse. The point that Kyle is making is actually
different from yours. Kyle's points that America has interests and we should oppose those interests
because he thinks that America is the great Satan or something.
That's not what I'm saying at all.
Thank you for the strong man. I'm actually making it.
We're running a bit out of time.
Hang on a second, Carl. Thank you very much.
I think we've covered this well. I do want to move to before we run out of time.
I want to move to Minnesota and I want to start with you, Coleman, if I may.
This has been another huge story in the last week and it goes to domestic law.
It's, I think, a complex story, again, that requires a nuanced view.
And I'll lay mine out, Coleman, just for the record.
I've watched this video a dozen times or more from every potential angle.
And it is my belief that it is utterly ridiculous to categorise what this woman,
René Good, was doing as domestic terrorism.
I see somebody who got a little panicky as the I see.
guys came to water and decided to drive away and that the ice guy in front of her car,
who coincidentally, a few months earlier, got dragged by a car for a sustained period of time
and had injuries as a result, potentially affecting his judgment in a similar situation,
I suspect will be a key part of this.
He reacts in an equally panicky way and shoots her three times.
And I don't see him as a cold-blooded murderer who did.
this deliberately as a way to murder somebody for the hell of it. I don't see her as a
completely blameless part of this. I think she took decisions which led her down a path,
which I think were extremely unfortunate and as it turned out deadly for her. In other words,
I think it's quite a complex story, which if you freeze frame it right down to every grab
we've seen, I just, anyone who thinks they have an absolute certainty about what happened
here, I think he's lying. And I think they're just, again, moving to the tribal place,
this has to be this, because my side believe this, or it has to be this, because my side believe that.
Am I, am I wrong? I couldn't agree more, peers. I want to separate two issues really quickly.
I'll get to the tragic death of Renee Good, but first, I want to separate the issue of how ICE
officers are behaving in Minnesota in general, right? Right now, social media is being flooded with videos
of ICE officers needlessly escalating situations, questioning U.S. citizens who legally do not have to
answer any questions. Some ICE officers seem to be under the impression that you're not allowed
to film them. You are allowed to film them. And even, you know, the worst part of this is that
the Trump administration, the Department of Homeland Security, seems to have indicated to ICE
officers that filming them is the same as doxing them, which it's not, right? So there is obviously
I think there's probably tons of ICE officers not getting videoed that are doing their jobs responsibly,
and it's a tough job and it's a dangerous job, and I respect that.
But there's a lot of ICE officers that are just running roughshod over all of their responsibilities as officers.
And they're being fanned on by the administration.
I think that's really important to say up front, that that's a real phenomenon and needs to be talked about.
Now, let's separate that from the issue of Renee Good, who was tragically killed by Jonathan Ross.
Now, he appears you're right to point out there are so many critiques of how this officer and his partner handled the situation.
Why are you, you know, officers are trained not to be in front of a car to begin with, right?
That's one on a laundry list of ways in which this was terrible policing.
However, a lot of prominent Democrats are saying that this is murder.
Murder.
That is a legal term with a legal standard.
Now, if this goes to trial, you know, it's likely to get removed to a federal court.
it, which is going to be favorable for the officer. And what the jury is probably going to be
instructed is if this officer had reason to believe he could have suffered bodily harm, he or his
partner could have suffered serious bodily harm, then by statute, he's authorized to use
deadly force. The jury is going to be instructed if he felt he was in serious danger. Now,
we get the benefit of seeing five different angles on the video in slow motion over and over and
over again. So we can come to the conclusion that, yeah, he was out of sight of, he was out of
line of the car after those, during those second and third shots. But he didn't have that advantage.
He experienced that in real time, in the blur of real life. The whole interaction was less
than two seconds. And he had one shot at it. Not only that, his partner had his hand through
the window, which, as you said, is precisely the situation that had put him in the hospital six
months prior. Yeah. It's going to be tough to convince a jury that he didn't have reason to believe
he was in risk or his partner of Syria.
I think from a legal perspective,
I think you're probably right. And I think a jury
may well end up making that determination
based on the application
of the law. But Kyle, you know,
I talked about both sides taking
sort of implacable incendiary
positions. You compared ICE agents
to Nazis, described the officer
as an ice thug who murdered
a woman on camera by shooting her
in the face. I mean, you're determining
there that what we have watched with our own
eyes, because we got the benefit and seeing all
videos. Is somebody making a deliberate calculation to murder that woman for no reason?
I think you did. I think he did. Why would you do that?
I think if you study the video closely, well, I'll explain it to you. So first of all,
these guys are all roided up freaks. Let's point that out that these are like proud boys and
white nationalists and, you know, the dregs of society who have now been given a gun and a badge.
Well, that's a ridiculous generalization. And again, I don't think that helps.
Let me finish talking. But that kind of generalization doesn't help your argument.
It makes you sound equally deranged.
No, no, no.
I don't care about convincing you guys
with your cult of fake nuance.
I care about speaking to the American people
who saw with their eyes.
God forbid we should have a nuance.
Yeah, because it's fake nuance.
That's the problem.
You have J.D. Vance out there saying that this guy,
it should have absolute immunity.
Absolute immunity.
I don't agree.
Somebody he should be able to get off.
This is fucking ridiculous.
Absolute immunity.
I don't agree.
Nor do I think, Kyle,
nor do I think that René Good
was deliberately trying to run over this ICE officer.
I just don't think that.
Is there any evidence that she was trying to do that
or to cause him broadly harm?
I think it was quite clear from the wheel positioning
that she was trying to drive away.
And the guy was ignoring his training
to stand in front of her
and he had a past incident
which probably in the moment
made him fear the same thing was going to happen.
If you watch closely,
I just one little bit to check some back in one second, Kyle.
We just did one little correction here.
All right, don't talk at the same time.
The wheels were aimed at the cop
when she accelerated.
All right, Carl, Carl, I'll come back to you.
Kyle, I will come back to you.
Let Michael just interject on this one point.
This is really important because I, look, I feel sorry for the woman.
It's very sad that she died.
I'm not in any way happy that she died.
She was in that position, one, because her lesbian partner said,
drive, baby, drive, drive, drive.
The lesbian partner then said, it's my fault.
Why is it relevant that she's a lesbian?
Hold on one second.
Why is that relevant?
But Michael.
No, no, you interrupt you.
Kyle, don't talk.
Kyle.
Why is it relevant that she's out of you.
One second, Kyle.
I'm just trying to have a conversation.
I would say it's irrelevant that she's a lesbian.
Secondly, drive, drive can be an entreaty to drive away,
which is what I think she was doing.
Thirdly, the demeanor of René Good in the final video that came out
shows somebody pretty calm, certainly not confrontational,
certainly doesn't look to me like somebody intent on mowing down an ice officer.
I think she just wanted to get out of there.
Are you suggesting, Pyrrhus, hold on, are you suggesting that because a woman says,
I'm not mad. That means she isn't mad. I think anyone who's ever interacted with a woman
knows. That's not what that phrase means. Second of all, we don't have to just judge by her words.
She accelerated. You can look at it in the footage while the tires are aimed at the cop. And I just,
this is a message. I feel bad for her. She was, she was indoctrinated into thinking that you're
allowed to drive your car at cops or disobey police orders or block traffic and create a dangerous
situation. This is an important message to all the leftists out there who want to do this.
you cannot drive your SUV into a police officer.
If you do that, you will be shot in the face and deserve it,
and it will be very, very sad.
All right, Kyle, back to you.
I love that we're now doing,
I love that we're now doing character assassination
of a 37-year-old soccer mom who got shot in the face three times.
You're fucking disgusting for doing that,
and you know that you're disgusting for doing that.
And if you watch the video closely,
he switches hands with his phone to prepare to grab his gun
before he was in any danger whatsoever.
Okay, so this guy, he knew what he was doing.
He knew what he was getting himself into.
These people are looking for trouble.
They're going to Minneapolis.
They are cracking skulls.
They are rounding up innocent people.
These people are looking for trouble.
When they're trying to struck the enforcement.
All right.
Let me bring in Day Smith.
Day Smith.
What's your view of this?
Well, I got to say, as much as it pains me to say,
I really completely agreed with Coleman on that.
I'm just kidding.
I don't mind agreeing with Coleman.
No, but I thought that was a very,
I thought that was a very thoughtful take.
And I think I agreed with all of that.
I mean, look, like,
this is a really tragic thing
that happened. I also don't
think she was trying to run over the
officer. It seemed to me that she was trying to
peel out of there and he got spooked
and he shot her and look, however you feel about
this morally, the fact is
that in the United States of America and just about
every other government, if law enforcement
has you there and telling you, you just can't peel out.
I mean, it's just a really unwise move
to try to drive your car away and again,
you can feel about that however you want to,
much like the Iranians shooting
rioters who they think are going to topple the government
like any government's going to shoot rioters
that are trying to topple that government,
including ours.
And however you feel about it,
that's the way states work.
I do think there's like a broader thing
that I would really think that Trump supporters,
right-wingers in this country might want to think about.
And I say this is someone who's a,
I'm a real immigration restrictionist.
I mean, to me that I don't think everyone in the world
has a right to enter the United States of America.
I think that the American people have a right to take in
whoever we want or whoever we don't want
in the same way that I have a right to
to, you know, have whoever I want at my house for any reason that I choose to. And so anybody
who's here illegally, I think we have a right to remove them. But I do think you got to start
to ask some real questions about what type of juice we're getting for this type of squeeze
and real questions of what we're doing to our own neighborhoods here. I mean, you really do
have a situation, as Coleman kind of outlined, where, like, masked federal agents are kind of
acting like thugs, pulling out guns in suburban neighborhoods in front of, and for all of this,
for this big show of force that is such a provocation
of the radical left in this country
and getting them out on the streets.
You know, I've seen, the Trump administration
says 10 million illegals came in under Joe Biden.
I've seen estimates that are north of 30 million illegals
totally in the country.
And for all of this, we're talking about getting
like a couple hundred thousand of them.
So in other words, we're not even making a dent
on the real problem.
And yet we are like, you know, doing something
where more incidents like this are more and more likely.
And I got to say, and I appreciate even that Michael said,
like there's a tragic thing.
But I'm sure he saw too.
Some of like the ghoulish response
from so many right-winger's like on Twitter and stuff celebrating.
And you know what?
It reminded me.
And you know what, Dave,
it reminded me of the reaction from the left
to Charlie Kirk's murder.
There was just a complete.
There was not just an answer.
It's a different situation.
Not just an absence.
Well, I would say different things.
not just an absence of basic empathy and humanity,
but a willful, gleeful celebration of somebody's death, right?
And in both cases, I don't think either person deserve to die.
It's just my gut feeling about it.
So at the very least, even if you do think she brought the situation on herself,
and I certainly don't think she was blameless in her decision-making
leading up to what happened to the confrontation.
But even if you believe that, to then sort of gleefully
celebrate. She had it coming. She deserved it. But she's a mother of a young kid and she,
you know, is not even 40 years old. So what have we become as a society when your first thought
is not, this is a tragedy. Whatever you think of what happened here, it's a tragedy that she ends up
dead, I think. And he hasn't been arrested yet. And Jonathan Ross hasn't been arrested yet and
stop thinking about why that is. The regime is protecting their criminals. He's not, listen, he's not going to
jail. I mean, this is just, I'm sorry. And look, the legal system is totally, there might not even be a trial,
Dave. There might not even be a trial, bro. Well, look, but he didn't do anything wrong.
Well, look, but as Coleman pointed out, and I mean, I would say it's slightly different,
but the legal system is totally rigged on behalf of cops, and it's just not the same type of
standard for federal law enforcement or for local law enforcement that it is for regular
people. And when legally speaking, well, legally speaking, once her car is, but we have seen some
cops go to prison, too, though. Okay. Yeah, yeah, yeah, but that's not in situations like this.
Legally speaking, if there is a car coming out of a cop, they're getting off.
There is a cultural aspect to this.
And I'm not going to go back into all this again.
But if this situation had happened in my country, I'm in London right now,
this had happened in central London.
It'd be alive.
Well, it's almost unthinkable this kind of situation would happen
because we just don't obviously have the gun culture.
And I've always said the problem with the police shootings in America
or law enforcement shootings is that they have an understandable presumption.
law enforcement that pretty much everyone may be packing a gun.
In countries like mine, where nobody really has a gun,
the police don't have that presumption so they don't shoot.
It's a kind of chicken and the egg thing.
And, you know, as I learned when I took on this issue,
Americans don't want to hear it from an English accent.
You got rid of us with guns.
I get it.
I get your point.
Next year is a 250th anniversary.
Well, let me tell us something.
Well, you will all celebrate getting rid of us of guns.
I get it.
But I do think that what the rest of the world perceives as a trigger-happy gun country
is actually because there are 400 million guns in circulation,
a million new guns get sold every month.
So the law enforcement always have a fear, a rational fear, actually,
that everyone they stop in any kind of confrontation may have a gun.
And that is simply doesn't exist in most of the countries.
If your cops were worried that people might have a gun,
maybe they wouldn't be showing up
and arresting so many people for tweets
and putting them in jail.
I totally agree.
It was revealed yesterday.
12,000 people have been arrested
for social media posts.
It's absolutely bloody ridiculous.
But you know what?
I'd rather that than the young mother's
getting shot dead for doing a right-hand turn
to get away from, you know,
ICE officer shouting at it.
Probably she did a left-hand turn first.
And there was a former cop who was arrested.
Before we end this,
I just want to end, Dave,
you've had this big ding-dong with
Dan Bonjino, who's now left the FBI.
You said that his legacy is covering for paedophiles.
This alludes to the Epstein scandal.
He responded by a lot of personal attacks on you.
But as we've been talking, Bill and Hillary Clinton
have defied a congressional subpoena
to appear before the House Oversight Committee about Epstein.
How significant is that, do you think?
Well, it certainly doesn't look good for them.
but I mean, you know, if former presidents are ever held accountable for any, aside from Donald Trump,
the ridiculous trumped-up charges, but like if we're actually holding politicians accountable for the crimes
that they've committed in the past, well, that'll be the first time that I've ever seen it.
So I don't know what Congress is going to do next.
My guess is that they'll probably just do nothing because that's what Congress typically ends up doing
in these situations.
But yeah, Dan Bonj-J, listen, I don't know what to say.
Dan Bongino is in this, like, impossible situation here, which is why he's.
He spazzed out and started talking about my kids and my family and stuff.
And look, I know I did say that his legacy will forever be protecting pedophiles.
But again, it's a matter of record.
That is just true.
And so, look, Dan Bongino's got a real problem.
You were either lying then or you're lying now.
And you got to somehow, if you're going to come back to this world of doing these shows on the internet,
you're going to have to explain that to people at some point.
Like, you made this one claim, got in there, turned around, and gave a high,
hostage video where you said none of that exists at all. And now the stuff's been declassified.
So he said he read through the entire files and he knows for a fact that Jeffrey Epstein
killed himself. But we just found out there's like five million documents in the entire file.
So like what exactly is he claiming that he read? And and what I assume it was. It's all
declassified now. Yes, sure, sure. But I'm just saying it's all declassified now. But also the
bottom line. He can explain what he saw. Yeah. And the bottom line is people on on the Maga side and the
They can all say whatever they want.
The truth is, they took us all up the hill of full and total transparency should they win the last election.
And then suddenly, earlier in 2025, suddenly the shutters came down.
Nothing was going to get revealed.
And now bit by torturous bit, it's all coming out.
And it's very devastating.
And it's causing a lot of carnage with people's jobs and life isn't quite rightly.
but we are still well away, but we're still well away from full accountability or transparency.
They could just release them.
They've only released 1%.
They could release it all tomorrow.
And I don't know why they haven't released them.
All I know is when people in officialdom don't release documents, it's because they don't want people to see them.
And that's just a logical presumption, whether they're on the left or the right.
I've got to leave you there.
Great panel.
I always think the mark of a great panel is when you get to the end of the hour and you feel like you've learned stuff.
And the great thing about you guys is I learned a lot in that hour.
Didn't necessarily agree with all your opinions,
but I learned a lot of stuff, and I appreciate that.
So thank you all very much.
Great. Thanks for having us, thanks.
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