Sean Carroll's Mindscape: Science, Society, Philosophy, Culture, Arts, and Ideas - 235 | Andy Clark on the Extended and Predictive Mind
Episode Date: May 1, 2023What is the mind, and what does it try to do? An overly simplified materialist view might be that the mind emerges from physical processes in the brain. But you can be a materialist and still recogniz...e that there is more to the mind than just the brain: the rest of our bodies play a role, and arguably we should count physical artifacts that contribute to our memory and cognition as part of "the mind." Or so argues today's guest, philosopher/cognitive scientist Andy Clark. As to what the mind does, it tries to predict what happens next. This simple idea provides a powerful lens through which to interpret all the different things our minds do, including the idea that "perception is controlled hallucination." Support Mindscape on Patreon. Andy Clark received his Ph.D. in philosophy from the University of Sussex. He is currently Professor of Cognitive Philosophy at Sussex. He was Director of the Philosophy/Neuroscience/Psychology Program at Washington University in St Louis, and Director of the Cogntive Science Program at Indiana University. His new book is The Experience Machine: How Our Minds Predict and Shape Reality. Sussex web page Google Scholar publications Wikipedia New Yorker profile
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Hello, everyone.
Welcome to the Mindscape podcast.
I'm your host, Sean Carroll.
When you think about how we conceptualize human beings, someone once pointed out that
we're always using metaphors that depend on our current best technologies.
You know, when clocks, we're just a...
invented wristwatches and so forth. It was the clockwork universe when robots and machines came
on the scene. We thought of organic beings kind of like that. And now we have computers,
besides which we have cameras and video cameras and audio recorders and so forth. So we tend,
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with some video cameras for eyes and audio recorders for ears hooked up to a computer inside,
and the sensory apparatus brings information into the computer,
which then tells the robot body what to do.
It's a simple, kind of straightforward, compelling picture.
It's also wrong.
That's not actually a very good description of what we are, how we behave.
For one thing, intelligent design is not the way that humans.
beings came about. We evolved over many, many years, and we weren't aiming for that. We have to
think about what is the kind of architecture that actually best serves the purposes of surviving
and procreating and reproductive fitness and so forth. And it turns out to be very different.
So today's guest is Andy Clark, who is a philosopher and a cognitive scientist. In fact,
his title at the University of Sussex is Professor of Cognitive Philosophy, very well known in philosophy,
very, very highly cited for thinking about the brain and the mind and how they're related and how
they work. He became very famous with a co-author paper with David Chalmers where they proposed
the extended mind hypothesis, the idea that what you should count as your mind is not just your brain,
but also all the little extensions of the brain that help us think, whether it's inside our bodies
or whether it is things we scribble down on a piece of paper or used to enhance our memories or
calculational abilities and so forth and so on. He also has a great interest in the idea of the brain
as a predictive machine, and that is the subject of his new book, The Experience Machine,
how our minds predict and shape reality. So the idea here is that the brain is not a computer
just bringing in sense data and then thinking about it. Our brains are constantly constructing
a set of predictions for what's going to happen next. What is,
going to be the situation in which the body finds itself, what is the sensory data that we're
going to bring in, and then you compare what you're actually experiencing versus what the brain
was predicting, and you try to play the game of minimizing the error between what you predicted
and what you're actually perceiving. This sounds like maybe a small change of emphasis or an
angle on a similar kind of process, rather than the brain just being a passive receptor of
information. It is sort of actively engaged in a feedback loop. But it has very, very significant
consequences for how we think about thinking, how we think about fixing thinking, right? When we go
wrong one way or the other, whether it's being in pain or having a mental disorder of some sort,
how do we get better at it? Taking seriously how the brain is a prediction machine is very useful here,
as well as for philosophical problems, about how you carve up nature, how you think about what the brain
does, what is consciousness, what is free will, and so forth. So this is one of those podcasts that
touches on many issues that we're interested in here at Mindscape, from consciousness to time
all over the place. And occasional reminders, you can support Mindscape by pledging at Patreon.
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draw other listeners in. So if you think Mindscape's worth listening to, make it an even bigger
community listening, and that would be awesome for all of us concerned. So with that, let's go.
Andy Clark, welcome to the Mindscape Podcast. Hey, it's great to be here. Thanks for having me.
You know, you've done, as many people have of a certain age, many interesting things over your career.
Your new book is the prediction.
What is the new book?
What is the title?
It's the experience machine.
The experience machine.
I keep wanting to say the prediction machine because obviously prediction is playing a big role there.
With how predictions shape and build reality.
Good, good.
Yeah, reality will be a theme that we want to get to.
But I can't give up the opportunity to also talk to.
about extended mind and extended cognition and things like that. So I thought it would make sense
to talk extended mind first and then get into prediction. Does that make sense logically to you?
I think that's a good route. And that's certainly that was my route. So why not? Good. Good.
Let's do it. So apparently there are people out there who think that, well, there are people who
think that the mind is not even related to the brain, which is funny to me. But there are other people
like yourself perhaps who think that the brain is just one little part of our minds and our thinking. So I'm not going to put words into your mouth. What does it mean to talk about the extended mind? Yeah, I mean, this is a view that I've kind of held and defended for many years. It goes back to a piece of work that I did with David Chalmers. He's famous for his kind of almost dualistic views on consciousness after all many years ago back in 1998. The basic idea,
that Chalmers and I agreed on, is that when it comes to unconscious cognition,
then there's no reason to think that the brain is the limit of the machinery
that can count as part of an individual's cognitive processing,
where that has to include unconscious processing,
because it's unconscious processing that we think mostly is what gets extended.
There's a whole other debate to have about conscious processing.
And the idea there is that the moment by man,
moment, the brain doesn't really care where information is stored. It cares about what information
can be accessed, how fluidly you can get at it, whether or not you've got some idea that it's
there to be got at at all. So the idea was that calls to biological memory and calls to external
stores like a notebook or currently nowadays maybe a smartphone or something like that are working
in fundamentally the same kind of way.
And actually, interestingly, it's that
that I think the predictive processing story
ends up cashing out in an interesting way.
So we can circle back around to that later.
But that's the core idea is that, you know,
the machinery of mind doesn't all have to be in the head.
David Chalmers, of course,
another former Minescape podcast guest.
So we have an illustrious alumni base.
But let's make a little bit more concrete,
What do we mean?
You know, I think that what immediately comes to mind is I can remember almost no phone numbers now
because they're all in my, it's my smartphone.
Does that count as extended mind?
That counts.
I think it's, after all, you have a fluent ability to access at least a functional equivalent of that information
as of when you need it because, you know, you just pick up the phone and there it goes.
If, on the other hand, you had all those numbers stored in a notebook, but the notebook was in your basement and, you know, you had to run down into the basement to get it whenever you needed it, that wouldn't count because you wouldn't have the constant robust availability of that resource woven into the way that you go about every kind of problem that daily life throws at you.
So there is, I think, a genuine intuition, which is that whatever the machine,
of mind is it better be more or less portable. It better more or less kind of be going around the
world where you're going around the world, where bio-you is going around the world. And so for that
reason, I think you need robust and trusted kinds of access, but only to the extent that
biological stuff is robust and trusted. You know, now and again, my biological memory goes down.
Now and again, I don't trust what it throws up. But it should be more or less in the same ballpark.
Well, okay, so robust and trusted access, is that the criterion?
I mean, I guess an immediate question that comes to mind is, where do I draw the boundary?
Does everything in the world count as my mind?
Yeah, I mean, it's one of the original worries about this view.
It's one that we used to call, or I used to call, cognitive bloat somehow.
There's no good way to stop in this process.
But actually, if you take that robust availability and trust,
of the product stuff reasonably seriously, that does rule an awful lot of things out.
But I think in addition, there's something which I've never given a full account of, to be
honest, but there's something about the sort of delicate temporal nature of the integration
of the biological system with this non-biological crop or aid or resource or whatever it is,
so that you can have the brain, if you like, making calls to this stuff in ways where it's
kind of knows about the temporality of that. It doesn't all have to go through a little
bottleneck of attention. You don't have to kind of think to yourself, oh, I'd better get that
information from over there. That's not what it feels like to go about your daily things as you.
So it's this sort of idea of something where if it were taken away suddenly, you would feel very
much at a loss, a sort of kind of general purpose loss. There'll be many situations that you'd
find yourself in, where you were no longer able to perform in the ways that you expected yourself
to perform. So there's something there that could do with a bit more unpacking about temporal
dub tailing. Does it relate to ongoing conversations that I'm very interested in about
emergence and strong, weak emergence, or just being able to coarse grain the world in such a way
that you have units that have explanatory power? Yes. Well, I think it certainly relates to a lot
of stuff about emergence because the idea here would be that by dovetailing things together
in this way, you get basically an emergent you, you are the emergent property,
you, the thing that goes around with a sort of sense of its own capacities, but doesn't
really care how they get cashed down. So something that I think comes out quite strongly in
the predictive processing stories is that brains are kind of location neutral.
when they estimate where they can get good information back from.
So they're very good at estimating what they're uncertain about
and going about getting more stuff,
but it doesn't really matter where that stuff is.
So as long as it's accessible, trusted,
there when you want it, that's fine.
And then there'll be a story to tell about how the actual selection process operates.
But we come around to that once we talk about predictive processing.
That's stick with TXM.
I mean, I guess one way that philosophers think about their job is that they're supposed to be carving nature at the joints.
And does this count?
Is that this?
Is it a sort of betrayal of that goal because you're including all my smartphones and my card catalog as part of my mind?
Or is it an improvement of that because really the action of our brains relies on all this stuff?
Yeah, that's a very good and very delicate kind of.
the question. So, you know, when Dave Chalmers and I put it forward, we tried to argue that this
was, this was the way to carve nature at the joints because of functional similarities. That said,
you know, it doesn't intuitively always seem like the right way to carve nature at the joints. So I think
that we're making a decision here and that that decision, ought to enough is in part a moral
decision. So I'm very much moved by the analogy with prosthetic limbs, for example. If you took
somebody with a well-fitted prosthetic limb and then looked at them and said, but you know, your basic
physical capacities are just those of you without the limb, we would in a way be doing them a certain
kind of injustice. And I think we'd be doing ourselves a certain kind of injustice if we treated
people say with mild dementia that rely very much on a smartphone or on their home environment
in just that kind of way we would be we would be sort of regarding them as less I think than they
really are so for me the sort of non-moral route the kind of functional similarity route
is a kind of stalemate because it's kind of carving nature of the joints and it kind of isn't
And then it's when you chuck the moral or ethical considerations into the pot that I think you have a strong argument that overall the best way to go is to err on the side of caution and buy into the picture of the extended mind.
I bet that depends on one's definition of caution.
But is there intermediate?
There probably is an intermediate stance in which your whole body, your physical body counts as what goes into custody.
cognition and the mind, but things outside the body don't. Is that a well-populated space in the
thoughts about this? Yes, I think that is reasonably well-populated. I personally, I think it's an
unstable space. So I think you better go one way or the other. I think that, you know, as soon as you
start thinking, okay, if I'm using my fingers to help me count, then my fingers somehow count as part
of the machinery of mine, a lot of people do feel that. I think that's true.
But I think you can't think that, and then simultaneously you think that the constantly carried pocket calculator can't count as part of the machinery of Yom.
So, yes, I think the body is often, for me, it's a very useful stepping stone because I can suck people in by getting them to agree that continuous reciprocal interactions between brain and body do a lot of what really looks like cognitive work.
And, you know, there are good examples of that from even things like the role of jessler.
as we speak, so spontaneous gesture by Susan Golden-Meader and colleagues, have shown that it kind of eases a certain sort of problem solving.
If children are forced to explain how they solve a maths problem but not allowed to gesture, they're actually a lot worse at it.
So there's something going on, continuous reciprocal interaction that is probably allowing us to somehow offload aspects of work in memory into these gestures.
We stick there in the world, which is good news for philosophers
to worry about hand waving.
This is part of my thinking.
Respectable cognitive task going on right there.
Can we ask how this was different back in the day?
Obviously, a lot of the things we've been talking about are technological or modern.
So was the mind of a human being 100,000 years ago very different?
I think I would say it was.
despite the fact that the brain of a human being 100,000 years ago was a very different.
So, yes, I would say that the mind of 100,000 year old human was very different,
but the brain obviously wasn't.
But think of intermediate technologies before maybe we go back that.
Things like just using pen and paper.
And in particular, I'd like to think about the example of sort of scribbling while you think.
the thing that many of us,
those of us at least old enough
to have been brought up
with pen and paper,
do an awful lot of.
And so as we try and think a problem through,
we write things down.
I think it was Richard Feynman,
who has a rather famous exchange
with a historian.
Viner, I think the historian was,
where Viner said,
so this is a record of your thinking.
And Feynman said something like,
no, it's not a record.
What did he say it?
It's not a record. It's working. You have to work on paper and this is working. And I think there he had an intuition that this isn't just offloading stuff onto a different media. This is actually part of a process that solves a problem.
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Do we see this then in other animals?
I mean, I presume the answer is yes, but is it?
Is it more or less dramatic depending on the species?
Yeah, I mean, I think we humans do this to a really ridiculous degree.
And it's because we invented symbolic culture.
Somewhere along the way, we came to create these arbitrary systems of recombinable elements
that we could then, you know, re-encounter us objects for perception.
So creating these sort of structured encodings of, in some sense, our thoughts and ideas,
and putting them out in the world
is a huge opportunity
for any creature
that is a good information forager,
any creature that is very good
at reaching out into the world
to resolve some of its current uncertainty.
Once again, that's a theme
that we'll look back to later on.
So humans do it a lot more.
Other animals do it too.
I don't think it's a purely human thing.
It didn't just suddenly arise.
You know, if you have a chimpanzee
or an orangutan, better example,
that constantly uses a stick to gauge the depth of rivers before going into the rivers.
I think there's enough of a sort of weave in and robustness,
but that to count as part of a sort of extended cognitive load.
I guess I'm very interested in phase transitions, you know,
small changes in things that allow enormously different capacities, etc.
Clearly the ability to think and communicate symbolically was a big one.
it opened up things.
But I guess what you're saying is one of the things it opened up
is not just we can think more abstractly or generally,
but we can think in literally different ways
because these symbols allow us to more easily offload some of our cognition.
Yes, I think that's right.
I think that one thing we can do is we can use one of our biological capacities
in very, very different ways.
And that capacity is a tension.
So when we put something out into the world
in that sort of way, kind of clothe it in materiality, that lets us attend to it in a whole bunch
of different ways. And interestingly, I think by doing that, we can often break the grip of our
own sort of over-constrictive internal models of what kind of thing it is and how it might
behave and how you might re-engineer it. So even think about something like designing a new
training show or something. If you build a big scale model and then you start looking at it and
poking it and prodding it, you can come up with all kinds of ideas that you wouldn't come
up with just by kind of sitting down and trying to imagine all that in your head.
So I think we're unusual in that respect, but it's a great power of us being perception
action machines that we can really make the most of this.
And then you look at current, more disembodied AI, they've got really no use for this
kind of strategy.
The way they work is just not such that they're going to start putting stuff out into
world and then poking and prod in it just to think better. They might do that for all kinds of other
reason. But is that their fault or ours? I mean, we haven't really given the capacity to do that.
I think that's right. I think it's our fault. I think, to be honest, I think, well, it's our fault.
We've designed a class of tools that are really, really useful for what they're useful for.
But I don't think, actually, that those tools will ever achieve what I would call true understanding
because they don't have their grip on reality grounded in perception action loops.
And it's that grounding in perception action loops that I think we're leveraging with material symbolic culture.
When we just create these things and poke and prod them in different ways,
we're super specialized for being good at perception action loops.
So I think there's a trick there that disembodied AI is missing out,
but then it gets all kinds of other things instead.
Sure, sure, it does.
But, okay, I'm just going to download a little bit,
Because what you just said sparked several ideas, and it's prefiguring things we'll get to later.
But two things.
One, an idea I heard more than 10 years ago that attempts to make AI systems suddenly work much better when you put them in a robot.
They can go out there and interact with the world.
And secondly, a podcast I did with Judea Pearl who claims that babies spend all of their time making a causal map of the world by poking at things and seeing what happens.
And I know that the whole prediction models that we'll be talking about are kind of this,
like the brain making a model of the world.
So all that together, do we imagine that if we do put modern large language models in an embodied context
and let them go out and poke the world, they would change dramatically how they think?
Yes, I think it would.
You know, there are companies out there that are kind of trying to do this, like versus AI is one of them.
And, you know, the idea certainly is to see what happens if you kind of leverage the active inference framework as a way of creating these sorts of new ecosystems of human artificial intelligences.
Although I wouldn't start, I think, with a large language model exactly, just because, you know, something like that has been trained to predict basically the next word in corpices of text.
And that's a very funny place to start if what you want to be is a person.
action machine. It seems much more like developmental trajectories where you start without that
huge body of nonetheless maybe relatively shallow successor item information. You want to learn
basics about causation and flow and you probably want to understand those things in a way that
is more grounded than it would be if you just knew how all the words about causation and flow
tend to follow one. It sounds like you... This is an empirical question.
It remains to be seen.
It might be that if you bung in a large language modeling a good enough robot, that it's just like giving a baby a superhead start or something.
But it does sound like you might be at least sympathetic to the idea that we need, that I've had some people in the podcast advance, that AI would be better off if we didn't just dump large data sets into deep learning networks and instead also poked and prod of the AI to have a symbolic representation of the world.
Yes, I think that's right. I think I do agree with that. I think if our goal is not good tools to think alongside, but rather something like artificial general intelligences, so colleagues, you know, if you want to build an artificial colleague, then I think large language models are not the right place to start. But if you want a really lovely tool that can do an awful lot of work and that you can work with, then they're really interesting.
Honestly, I don't want an artificial colleague, but an artificial graduate student or postdoc would be very, very helpful, or someone who could answer my email.
I guess it would be weird not to ask the obvious question.
You know, I get annoyed when sometimes my philosophy colleagues seem to claim to have an immediate and obviously true view of what is natural and real in the world.
But maybe I'm going to do that right now by saying, I feel like I'm inside my body.
I feel like the eye myself is located maybe even in my head.
So is that just I have old intuitions that haven't quite caught up to the modern world?
No, I think that that's a valid intuition, if you like, because I think that we infer that we are wherever it is that the perception action loop is closing.
So we're basic, you know, we're perceiving the world and we're launching interventions and we're receiving the effect.
and we're receiving the effects of those interventions.
And that's such a fundamental part of how we learn about things.
I think it's no surprise of that's where we think we are.
Notice that's where we think we were,
even if part of our brain was located in a nearby cliff top
communicating wirelessly with the rest of the brain.
We'd still think, oh, this is where the perception.
Action loop is closing.
This is where I am.
Dan Nett has a beautiful old philosophical short story called Where Am I?
where he plays with that idea, where there's someone whose brain is in the cliff top,
and they think that they are closing perception action loops using a body in the world.
But then at some point, you know, it gets cut off.
And suddenly they think, oh, now I'm claustrophobically stuck in the cliff top.
They knew their brain was there.
Anyway, it's a beautiful story.
No, that is very interesting.
And, okay, so we might as well dig into this phrase that you're using
over and over again, the perception action loop.
And I think the word loop crucially important there, right?
And maybe the way I like to think about it is, and perhaps this is true because of technology,
but we have a naive metaphor for how the brain works as kind of like there's a video camera
with a computer hooked up to it, right?
Just taking in our sense data, processing it and doing something.
And a big part of your message is, no, it's really not like that at all.
Yeah, no, that's exactly right.
I mean, let's think about one way which is not like that.
If you think about something like running to catch a fly ball in baseball,
where you're kind of running to try and catch this, this is ball that's flying out there.
The way to do that isn't to take in all the information about the flight so far
and then plot where you think the ball's going to go and then tell the robot you, as it were, go over there.
Instead, what you do is you run in a way that keeps you.
the apparent trajectory of the ball in the sky looking motionless as you look up there,
it turns out that if you just keep doing that,
then you'll be in the right place when the ball comes down.
You need to do a bit more to actually catch it.
You'll be in the right place when the ball comes down.
And there's a way of solving an embodied action problem
that involves keeping the perceptual signal within a certain sort of bounds
and then acting so as to do that, basically,
something that again, prediction error minimizing systems
would actually be rather good at.
So perception action loops, I think,
the important thing to think about there
is that they're not solving problems all in one go generally.
It's sort of like, I do a little bit of this,
I do something that gets more information
or that keeps the perceptual stuff within bounds,
and then repeat the process again and again and again
until the thing is that.
So I do appreciate your use of a USA-based sports metaphor there.
But we have an international audience.
Obviously, I have no idea what it really means.
But I've read this.
But okay, so the motto then is the brain is a prediction machine.
And I just want to sort of home in on what is the difference between that view and another view.
I think maybe people don't think about the brain too much, they would say, okay, sure, yeah, my brain makes predictions.
but you really want to put that front-end center as the point of what the brain does.
Yeah, yep.
I mean, it's both the beauty and the burden, if you like, of this story,
that it is really, or this account.
I'm told not to use the word story because it doesn't sound scientific in this account,
that it's basically saying this is a canonical operation of the brain, if you like,
the canonical computations that the brain performs and that it strings together in different ways
to do motor control and interception and extraception
is basically one in which you're attempting to predict
or the brain's attempting to predict the current flow
of sensory information.
Of course, there are different timescales
at which you could predict it,
and the basic time scale, the bedrock one,
is predicting the present,
which of course is a rather funny use of prediction,
that you think predictions about the future somehow.
But this is a sense in which the brain is a guessing,
machine. It's trying to guess what the current sensory evidence is most likely to be, and then
crunching that guess based on past experience together with the current sensory evidence,
and that turns out to be a very, very powerful way of estimating the true state of the external
work. It goes wrong sometimes, but it's a very powerful strategy. It allows you to use what you've
learned in the past to make better sense of what the raw sensory energies,
are kind of suggesting in the present.
This seems very related, certainly, to Carl Fristin's idea.
Ideas. We had him on the podcast, the free energy principle, the basium brain.
What is the relationship between all these ideas?
Yeah, I mean, basically, I'm just being an apologist for Carl Fristin here.
Carl's basic picture, the free energy minimization picture, is a sort of high.
road version of the low road version that I give you. So the low road version comes kind of out of thinking about perception and thinking about action, whereas a high road version comes out of thinking about what it takes to be a persistent living system at all. You have to preferentially inhabit the kind of states that define you as a system that you are. That means that you end up in the states that in some broad sense.
you predict you ought to be in.
So in that broad sense, the fish kind of predicts it ought to be in water
because its actions are all designed with that in mind.
The low road is a bit less challenging.
I guess that's probably why I'd fake it.
The low road is just sort of saying,
look, we have good evidence that the canonical computations
that human brains and the brains of many other animals perform
involved this attempt to guess the sensory signal
and it turns out that you can use that
to do motor control in a very efficient way
has been known for a long time I think
that it's important in perception
and the other thing that I think
Carl Fristons work has really done
has been shown that that old story about perception
becomes so much more powerful
when you see that it's got a direct echo
in an account of action
so the idea there is that
you know perception
is about getting rid of prediction errors
as you try to guess the state of the world
using everything you already know.
An action is getting rid of prediction errors,
but it's getting rid of them by changing the world
to fit the prediction.
So you have these two ways to get rid of prediction error.
You find a better prediction,
or you change the world to fit the prediction you got.
One's perception, the other's action.
Okay.
But they're performed using the same kind of basic neuronal operations.
Obviously, there are differences between motor control and sensory perception.
But if you look at the wiring of motor cortex, it turns out it's actually wired pretty much like ordinary sensory cortex.
In fact, so much so that many people don't like to talk about sensory and motor cortex just for that reason.
So these stories or these accounts give you a sort of principled way of understanding that.
In each case, you're predicting a sensory flow, but in one case, you're trying to retrieve an old model of the world to fit the flow, and that's perception.
And in the other case, you're trying to change what you're getting to fit the prediction.
We can circle around to that.
I think I can say that a bit better in a mud.
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Is the idea that it's the same neural circuitry that is doing sensing and control,
Or is it that the two circuitries look parallel?
Yes, it's that they look very much parallel.
Okay.
They operate in the same sort of way.
The reason they're not the same is a prop receptive prediction,
is playing a very special role in motor control.
So the idea is the prop preception is a sort of system of internal sensing
that lets us know how our body is currently a,
arranged in space. So the idea is that in order to reach to pick up the coat can that's in front
of me, I predict the proprioceptive flow that I would get if I were reaching for it. And then I
slowly get rid of those errors by moving the motor plant in just that sort of way. So you get
rid of the errors by moving the arm in this case to reach out the coat can. So proprioceptive
predictions are especially placed here. They act as motor command.
The other kinds of predictions don't.
So it's, I hesitate to use the word think here because thinking and cognition and thought
I'll have technical meanings that are slippery to me.
But the idea is that your brain sort of thinks intentionally or unintentionally that your arm
is somewhere slightly different than it is and then the muscles move it to make that more
accurate?
That is one way of putting it and people have put it that way.
So some people have said, look, you've got to kind of lie to yourself.
The brain sort of got to lie to itself.
It's got to ignore all that good information that says that my arm isn't moving.
It's got to predict the trajectory of sensation that you would get if it was moved in.
And that prediction is given so much weight that the other information is overwhelmed
and off it goes, as it way, you get rid of the errors by moving it.
I'm not sure personally that's exactly the best way to put.
I kind of think it's really about attention.
So I think it's like you've got information that says that you're not moving near arm.
You've also, because of your current goals, you're predicting this prop receptive flow
that would correspond to reaching for the Coke can.
And by, as it were, disattending to the information that says that it's stationary,
you allow the other prediction to do its work.
So I think it's sort of targeted disattention rather than actually lying to yourself.
I'm not quite sure why I prefer that.
I think we're probably saying the same thing.
You know, the math and the models all work out just the same.
But I think if we call it targeted disattention, we understand it a bit better.
I think we, you know, it makes more contact with sports science, for example.
Well, you don't really want to be attending to the position your body is currently in.
You want to attend to something like how it ought to be.
You want to entrain yourself by knowing what it would feel like if you were doing it right now.
So is it similar to the idea of file compression?
You know, if we have a JPEG or an MPEG, that there are sort of there are some patterns that are repeated.
So you don't have to keep track of every pixel.
You can just assume that they keep going.
And then you pay attention to the differences.
And those are what we're talking about as errors in the.
in the brain case.
That's certainly correct when we come back to thinking about perception
and something like that is involved in action too.
But it does seem like in the,
it's easier to think about that bit in the case of perception
where the idea would be that, you know,
I predict the current sensory flow
and it's only the errors in that prediction
that then need further processing.
So, you know, if I think I've woken up in my bedroom,
and I predict a certain sensory flow and as I turn my head around, I'm not getting any
information that corresponds to that.
I might have to go scrabbling or use these prediction errors to retrieve the information
that actually I'm in a hotel room and it's going to look pretty different.
So I think it's in that sense that when you don't have to scrabble that hard, this is a super,
super efficient way of doing moment by moment processing because if you're already
predicted it properly using what you know about the world, you don't need to take any further
action. So in that sense, it's exactly like JPEGs and motion compressed video where the idea
is, you know, if I've already transmitted the information about this frame of the video,
then in order to know what the next frame is, all I need to do is react to whatever the errors
would be if I assumed it was just like the frame before. And normally then there's a few
residual errors. And if you use those as the information that you need to deal with, you get the
right picture. So these prediction errors, these residual errors, they carry whatever sensory
information is currently unexplained. Right. So explain whatever you can with prediction. And then just,
you don't need that much bandwidth, really, to just use the rest to refine it. I remember hearing,
it might have been in a conversation with David Eagleman here on the podcast, the idea of
that the reason why the years seem to go by faster as we get older is because there's less
novelty in our lives. You know, the first time we go to a beach, it's all new and we really
expend a lot of mental energy taking it in, whereas the 20th time, we already have a background
and the errors are not that big. Does that fit into this story? It sounds like it does.
Yeah, I think that fits really, really well. It also helps explain why it's so hard to learn new
things at a certain point in your life because the inputs that you're receiving get sucked
into these well-worn troths in your kind of current world model, if you like.
I think us academics find that a lot as we get older, you know, in something like, oh yeah,
I understand that.
You know, that fits with this kind of story that I've already got.
Sometimes it's very, very hard to give the new evidence its proper due.
And, of course, attention is a tool for doing that.
but that takes a lot of deliberate effort sometimes to really, really attend.
Attention kind of attention reverses the dampening effect that prediction normally has.
So part of the evidence base for this story, this account, is that well-predicted sensory inputs
cause less neurone activity than other sensory inputs.
Right.
So there's something odd there.
These are the ones we deal with very fluently, and yet there's less going on in the brain when you deal with them than in other cases.
So that's one of the signatures that led, I think, to predictive coding coming on sea.
You know, you open a can of worms when you say how the old academics get stuck in a rut there.
So I have to just follow up a little bit.
I mean, I think there's two different perspectives I could put forward.
One is more or less what you just said.
as we get into our ruts, it takes more and more energy, you know, activation energy or whatever, to think in new ways.
But the other is, maybe this is more optimistic, because we are older and good at certain ways of thinking, we forget that it was hard to not be good at any ways of thinking.
And, you know, we forget how hard it was to learn calculus or French or whatever.
And therefore, we're just not willing to put in the work anymore, even if it were exactly the same amount of work.
Yes, I think that's right. I mean, we end up in a situation of expert perceivers in general, where, you know, expert perception clearly is being able to take this unruly sensory information and just, you know, see what it actually means for victory on the chess board or whatever it or whatever you happen to be engaged in.
So I think, in a way, all successful perception is expert perception in that sense.
and academic expertise is in the same sort of ballpark.
And it's the same, it has the same sort of blind spots as well.
So, you know, if there is something interesting going on,
but it's not, doesn't fall within that,
the bounds of the existing generative model
to use the right vocabulary for the predictive processing story,
then, you know, the only thing you can do with it
is use it to drive tortuous new, slow learning.
We'll see why a lot of time we don't really want to do that.
Don't want to do that, no.
Well, look, you've used the word, relatedly,
use the word efficiency as one of the benefits to this model.
You know, if we think of probably the first ever video storage software
was more or less like a movie where you just had every frame and you stored it, right?
And then only later did you realize it was much more efficient to just update the changes.
Presumably, since our brains were not intelligently designed and grew up through evolution,
this is a nice feature to have.
You know, we're trying to do the most with finite resources.
Is that a big part of the attraction of this story, that it is, it requires less thinking or energy or calories or what have you?
Yes, I think that's right.
I think if the brain didn't work this way, but we were able to do the kinds of things that we do,
we probably have brains overheated, repeated.
The, you know, the amount of energy, you know, there is a trade of it.
The trade-off is kind of keeping the world model,
the generative model you're using to make the predictions going.
And that, of course, is a big metabolic cost.
That's kind of the cost that is being his signature you see in spontaneous cortical activity.
It's this stuff going on all the time, all the time.
Think about the resting state work from Rekl and others as well.
So that is a cost, but that is traded against the moment-by-moment cost,
to processing all this incoming information.
So I think what we're doing is we've traded the cost across time there,
and we're using a fairly metabolically expensive upkeep of a world model
to allow a much more efficient moment by moment response of faster one as well.
So, you know, being somewhat anticipatory about what's going on in the world around you.
It's a pretty good thing if you're an animal involved in all kinds of conflicts.
dangerous situations.
And also there are wiring costs.
It's hard to know how best to think about the wiring costs,
but the amount of sort of downward flow in wiring and information
seems to very often outnumber the inward flowing stuff by sometimes, you know, up to 10 to 1,
certainly 4 to 1.
So it looks as if brains have decided, you know, it's been decided over evolutionary time
that this is a good thing to do, and I think that that means it is overall the most efficient
way to proceed. I also worry that in a way, if you want understanding, there might be no other
way to proceed, and that's kind of maybe there's something more abstract or philosophical going
on there, but I don't know what understanding would look like if, as it were, you weren't
bring in a world model of some kind to bear on the current sensory evidence in a context
sensitive way. So there's a question there that I don't know, I really don't know the answer to
because I know there are kind of formal, formal proofs that anything that can be done
using a system that has feedback like that can be unfolded into a feed forward system.
Okay. Maybe the upshot there is, well, maybe you could unfold us into a feed forward
consist of a few bits of processing or something, but it would require a huge brain and a ridiculous
amount of energy. But somebody out there maybe might want to think about that. Yeah, exactly.
I was going to say, this does sound like a research project for somebody. But there are, so
there's the benefit of this mechanism that the brain uses, the predictive processing model.
presumably there's also
downsides
for maybe one is that we're very susceptible
to illusions right
we think we're seeing things that aren't there
because it's part of what our brain is predicting
very very strongly
yes absolutely
you know I'm subject to several of these illusions
I'm sure we all are phantom phone vibration
is probably a good one
I often might think that phone's going off in your pocket
when it's not even in your pocket
I'm now susceptible to phantom wrist
vibration since I gave in and bought a smartwatch.
The hollow mask illusion, I guess, is a classic in this area where an ordinary joke shop mask
if viewed from the concave side, so viewed from behind in a certain sense with a light source,
and behind the mask, you'll think that it's an ordinary outward facing face that you're seeing.
Again, that seems to be because we have very strong predictions about the concavity of normal-based structures.
We very seldom see anything that isn't like that.
And that prediction now trumps the real sensory evidence specifying concavity, except it doesn't in everyone.
And so, you know, autism spectrum condition folk are slightly less susceptible to that illusion and to the McGurkey illusion, for example.
What is that?
From a predictive processing viewpoint,
that's probably because of a slightly altered balance,
one where sensory inputs are somewhat enhanced
relative to expectations.
What was the other illusion you mentioned,
the McGirk?
Oh, the McGurk.
It's like a ventriloquism illusion.
Yeah, sorry, it's this one where
it's a sort of bar-gar illusion.
If you...
There is a sound,
which you can be played,
such that if the lips are moving a certain way, you'll hear it as gar,
and if they move in a different way, you'll hear it as bar,
but it's exactly the same sound.
Exactly the same sound.
So it's not entirely clear whether that's an illusion or something else.
It's hard to know exactly where the boundaries of illusions and other kinds of inference lie.
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I mean, these kind of optical and auditory illusions almost seem fun and benign,
but presumably we can take the basic picture that there's an enormous amount of information
coming into our senses at every moment, and we can't possibly process it all.
Therefore, we filter it, right?
We filter it to fit our perceptions and then correct for the errors.
That must also work with abstract concepts.
or news items just as much as pictures that we get through our eyes?
Yes, I think that's right.
So, you know, there is a tendency to not just to see what we expect to see,
which can be very damaging to,
but sometimes to read what we expect to read.
Well, by read there, I mean sort of read into a text,
what you expect to be learning from that text.
I think we probably, many of us do this,
all of us probably do this when we read news articles,
where it looks like they're saying something
that we're very much either sympathetic to or opposed to.
But maybe when you look at that text again
or you go over it with a fine tooth curve
where you look at it with someone that's got a different perspective,
you realize that's not really in that text.
It was just what I brought to bear in some way.
In the visual case, Louis Feldman Barrett,
Lisa Feldman Barrett,
has this lovely but very, very,
scary example of the way that intraceptive predictions, predictions about your own bodily state,
are getting perhaps crunched together with extraceptive, ordinary sensory information,
in ways that could perhaps give you experiences where a weapon, or sorry, a weapon,
where an object that is reached for in a dark alley might actually appear to you as a gun,
when really it's just a smart phone.
You know, in sort of, in much less worrying
and sort of more controllable cases,
you can show that if you give people false cardiac feedback,
so you make them think their heart's beating faster than it is,
then a face that would otherwise look neutral to them
is judged to be an angry face or a worrying face.
So it does seem as if we're using internal information,
to help make the predictions that structure our experience of the external world.
And so, you know, that's something that can go right or go wrong as well.
So we end up seeing what we expect to see and maybe even believing what we expect to believe in some sense.
Yes, I mean, there is a sort of, you know, some people say seeing is believing,
but in these cases, believing is kind of seeing.
And maybe in these interception cases, feeling is seeing as well.
That's the way that Feldman Barrett puts it.
Another former Mindscape podcast guest, I got to say, Lisa Feldman Barrett.
Are there therefore features or things out there in the world that we are systematically bad at perceiving because of this way that we process information?
It's a lovely question, the one that I haven't thought about.
So things that we just, all of us, tend to miss because, well, I suppose,
The most obvious answer there is unusual events.
So, you know, you will have seen the, you know, the footage of the gorilla walking across the scene where you're trying to count the passes of the baseball.
So it's worked by Simon and Shabris.
Anyway, it's his classic work that in sort of attentional blindness and, sorry, in attentional blindness.
The idea there is if you're concentrated on one tile, something really quite dramatic could
happen and you just wouldn't notice it.
I think we're all very, very subject to that.
So outliers, I suppose.
So predictive brains are tuned in to patterns that have helped them solve problems before.
And so whenever we're confronted with an outlier situation, we're likely to miss it unless
for some reason we're attending right there.
But why would we be?
Because attention is driven by where we expect good information to be.
And this is why, for example, expert drivers are very, very good at a lot of things,
but they can miss a cyclist if they're approaching a roundabout from entirely the wrong direction.
Somewhere that, you know, no one comes from that direction at the roundabout.
So there's a lot of these looked but didn't see, as they call them, accidents,
where people might even move their heads in that direction.
but if it's that unexpected, they just don't see what's going on.
Presumably, these are all quantitative questions.
I mean, if something is blatant enough, we're going to see it even if we didn't predict it.
Is that fair to say?
I think, yes, that's fair to say as long as we're able to attend to it.
So it needs to be able to, and some things will try and grab our attention.
So like a loud noise.
It's a really loud noise, like those scaffolders I had out my window,
earlier happens, then that will grab my attention unless I'm really, really desperately
focused in all my attention somewhere else as I might be.
So if you think about stage magic, stage magic is a really nice case where rather
dramatic things can suddenly appear on stage and most people don't notice them because
attention has been so very, very carefully controlled by the magician.
because attention is up in the waiting on either specific predictions or prediction errors.
So it's a really, really super important part of the predictive brain story, this balancing act that is varying moment by moment.
That's a great example.
I like the idea that professional illusionists are just leveraging the fact that our brains are predictive processors.
That's true.
Yeah, no, there's a beautiful book.
I can't remember the title now, but it's by Luis Martinez, and it is a book written by neuroscientists about stage magic,
leveraging the picture of the predictive brain as a way of understanding a lot of it.
Very, very good.
Okay, so let me then be put on the skeptical hat just a little bit.
If, and this is similar to questions that are raised for Carl Frist and et cetera.
Look, if our brain is trying in some sense to minimize prediction error, can't it do that best by not collecting any data?
Just by, you know, hiding away and being completely unsurprised because we never leave our room?
Yeah, I think that's such a nice worry to have because it leads right into this hugely important dimension of introspective prediction and artificial curiosity.
So let's maybe talk about these things for a moment.
So there's this sort of.
there's this sort of worry that it's sometimes called the dark and dream worry.
But the best place for a predictive brain to be would be to lead us into a dark corner and just keep us in.
So all of those sensory inputs, they just keep on coming, just the same.
You predict them perfectly, but you wither and die.
Now, we don't do that, obviously.
Does that mean the predictive brain story is wrong?
Obviously, I don't think so.
I think what it means is that there's more to the predictive brain story than,
just bringing
extra receptive sensory
information into line with predictions.
We're making
all these interoceptive predictions all the time.
I'm predicting the state
of my own body.
I'm predicting, for example,
that I should
at all times have sufficient
supplies of
water and glucose,
example. And then
action is automatically taken.
Not when I don't
have enough water or glucose, but long before I don't have enough water or glucose. So, you know,
if you start to feel thirsty, that will be happening before you've reached the point at which
you're going to wither and die without water. And if you take a drink when you're thirsty,
you'll feel relief, but that water will have no effect on you physiologically for about
20 minutes. So the relief is as much a prediction as the original thirst was. This again is an example
from Lisa Felton Barrett.
So once you put interception in that way into the picture,
then of course we're not going to stay and not eat
and not drink in a darkened room
because we have these kind of chronic systemic expectations,
if you like, of staying alive.
But then there's a bit more to it than that, I think, as well,
because we don't stay in boring rooms either.
So you could put me in a very boring room
but give me enough food and water and all of that stuff.
And I wouldn't like that very much.
much either. You know, I might even start to do things. I might start to play games by drawing on
the wall or something like this. And so this now falls under the umbrella of kind of work in artificial
curiosity. And predictive brains are naturally artificially curious brains because minimizing
prediction error is their basic reward. So you could sort of say for brains like that, the only
thing really that's rewarded is minimizing prediction error. That's what they want to do. And
if they're not performing any particular task, they'll still try and find some prediction error
to minimize because that's the kind of thing that they are. And this is what makes predictive brains
general purpose structure learners. So there's some rather nice work that's been done by Roslyn Moran
at UCL. I think it's UCL. And what she's been doing is comparing
reward-driven learners with prediction-driven learners
and finding that the purely reward-driven learners
will learn a way of solving the problem
more rapidly than the prediction-driven learners very often,
but frequently a more shallow way of solving the problem
because as soon as they find a way to reliably get the reward,
they kind of stick.
Whereas a prediction-driven system,
it basically wants to minimize prediction error
as much as possible.
And that leads it to explore its environment repeatedly,
learning more and more about it.
And if you then cede it with a goal,
and you think simultaneously, it will outperform a pure reward-driven agent.
So that, I think, when you put those two things together,
you kind of see that the dark and dream isn't really much of a threat.
We don't like death and we don't like boredom,
and both of those things seem to be,
natural effects of being driven to minimize errors in prediction.
I guess the way out that comes to my mind directly, which I'm not sure if it's the same thing
as what you are proposing or it's something different. But, you know, in physics, when we
calculate the entropy of a system and we say it's at maximum entropy, that's telling us some
distribution of all the possible states it could be in, blah, blah, blah. But famously,
we can calculate maximum entropy of a system, subject.
to different constraints, right?
Like subject to it's at a certain temperature or it's at a certain pressure or whatever.
And we'll get different forms for that probability distribution.
So couldn't we just say that there are two things going on.
We want to minimize prediction error, but we also want to survive.
So there's a constraint.
We want to survive.
And under that constraint, it's actually useful to go out and be surprised sometimes so we can
update our predictive model. And I think that would, I don't know how mathematically that would work out,
but it does seem a little bit intuitive to me. Yeah, and I think that does mathematically work out.
I think this is the sort of stuff that Carl Friston can speak to more reliably than I can,
but it looks as if very often the correct move for a prediction-driven system is to temporarily
increase its own uncertainty. Right. So it's to do a better job over the law. And
time scale of minimizing prediction areas.
And that looks like the value of surprise, actually, and that we will, I think we artificially
curate environments in which we can surprise ourselves.
I think actually this is maybe what art and science is, to some extent, at least.
We're curating environments in which we can harvest the kind of surprises that improve our
generative models, our understanders of the world, in ways that enable us to be less
surprised about certain things in future. I wonder if you could use this idea or a set of ideas
to make predictive models for what kind of games people would like to play or what kind of
stories or novels or movies people would like to experience. You want, you know, or I guess in music
it's very famous, right? You want some rhythm, some predictability, but you also want some
surprise also. There's a sweet spot in the middle. Yeah. Yes, I think that's exactly right.
Karen Kukkonen, a literary theorist in Scandinavia somewhere,
has written a nice book called Probability Designs.
And so she is using the vision of the predictive brain
as a way of understanding the shape of literary materials, poems, and novel.
Okay, there you go.
And my idea is that we should think of every novel, every poem,
as a probability design,
leading us through sort of building up expectations,
cashing them out, building it up at multiple levels, giving precision,
weighting to some of the expectations versus others.
And clearly, you know, this makes sense of music as well.
There's an awful lot of that going on in music.
And probably it applies to all sorts of things,
even like roller coaster design, I imagine.
It's exactly that.
A roller coaster is a kind of probability design.
What's interesting is how we get surprised again and again,
even if we ride the same roller coaster or read the same.
same novel or listen to the same piece of music. And I think that shows the skill of the
constructor in giving us inputs that activate bits of our model, drive in expectations
again and again to the point where you're still surprised in some sense, even though you could
have said beforehand, that's what's going to happen. You still can't help but be surprised.
And this, in some sense, at some level would be the best thing to say. And I think this speaks a little
bit to the idea that as prediction machines, we are multi-level machines.
We're not just, it's not just there's a prediction, and it's either cash store it isn't,
but this prediction exists as a high-level abstraction, predicting a lower-level one,
predicting a lower-level one, predicting a lower-level one, all the way down to the actual
incoming notes of the chewing or words on the page.
it's because we're multi-level prediction machines, I think,
that things like honest placebos work.
So, you know, placebos obviously fall rather nicely
under this sort of general account
because expectations of relief thrown into the pot
can make a difference to the amount of relief that you feel.
But if you're told that you're being given a placebo,
it can still make a difference to the amount of relief that you feel.
Presumably, that's because of the amount of relief that you feel.
that's because there are all these sub-levels of processing that are getting automatically
activated by good packaging delivery by people in white coats with authoritative voices
and this sort of thing.
So I think that's something that we might learn from these accounts too, that we should,
maybe medicine and society could make more use of ritual and packaging and things
that in some sense, I don't know.
Well, I won't say ineffective.
What I mean is they bring about their effects, but not through the standard roots.
Good.
Okay.
Very, very, very good.
Okay.
You know, we're late in the podcast.
We can get a little bit wilder and more profound here.
So in the book, you gesture toward ideas along the lines of we are not only, you know,
the thing to get in mind is that we're not just sensing reality and writing it down.
we are in some sense participating and bringing it about.
Maybe even using phrases like what you think of is reality is really a hallucination.
Tell us exactly how far we can go along that rhetorical road.
Yeah.
Proceed with caution would be the right thing to say.
Because lots of people talking about these things, myself included, use this phrase,
perception is controlled hallucination.
And you can see why, because the idea here is that perception is very much a constructive process
in which your own expectations get thrown into the pot and they help you see what you see.
And those same expectations are thrown into the pot of feeling your body, the way that you feel it.
And so a lot of our medical symptoms, in fact, all our medical symptoms reflect some kind of combination of expectation
and whatever sensory evidence, the body is actually kind of throwing up at that time.
So this is really a very, very powerful story.
But when you think about perception as controlled hallucination,
we need to take the notion of control pretty seriously.
For that reason, in some slightly more philosophical works,
I've tried to argue that we should flip the phrase around
and think of hallucination as uncontrolled perception.
and that that, as it were, puts a boot on the right foot somehow.
It lets us say that, you know, when these things are working properly, you're in touch with the world.
This is a way of using what you know to stay in touch with the world as it matters to an embodied organism like you trying to do the things you're trying to do.
But then, of course, when it goes wrong, when the perception is uncontrolled, if you like, then you get hallucination.
You would get a hallucination when you're kind of disconnected from the world.
in your predictions, your brain's predictions are doing all the work.
And then if you turn the dial in the other direction and your brain's predictions
aren't doing enough work, you fail to spot patterns in noisy environment and be
easily over well.
So I feel like thinking of hallucination as uncontrolled perception is actually the better
way to do it even though it's clumsy to say and it doesn't even roll off my tongue that
easily, which is why I didn't, I don't think I actually bothered making that move in the,
in the experience machine book.
You know, it's really hard to resist drawing a parallel with large language models here,
because, of course, their entire job is predicting what's supposed to come next, right?
And guess what?
They famously hallucinate.
They say things that are completely false, but, and interestingly, they do things with
apparent confidence, right?
They don't, they don't hesitate or mumble when they're hallucinate.
To them, it comes out just as definitive as the truth does.
And maybe there is a parallel there.
Yes, I think that's right.
I mean, their hallucinations are in a way, I think,
partly at least the result of them not being anchored in perception action loops in the right sorts of ways.
So, you know, it's this anchoring in perception action loops that sort of teaches us a lesson when we're young.
It's like, you know, if you get things wrong, bad things are going to happen to.
If I don't spot the edge of the path as being at the right place, then I'm going to fall over and I'm going to get signals that I chronically don't like, as it were, so all the interceptive predictions are coming into play there.
Whereas if all you're doing is predicting the next word in a sentence and your reward is basically being kept alive as a large language model, then why not?
Just, you know, go the whole hog and be confident about a nice structured piece of bull.
shit that you can generate. At the same time, it's interesting that by changing the prompts
to the large language models or to chat, chat GPT anyway, you can make it do substantially
better so you can say something like, you know, writes this for me in the style of a well-informed
scientific expert. It makes less mistakes and still tends to hallucinate references,
but at least it's a little bit better. But yeah, so.
There's something very thin about just predicting the next symbol.
Right.
You know, I just feel like it's not very well anchored in reality,
and so hallucinations are kind of, you can't tell the difference
between a hallucination or something else.
Maybe that's the point.
Unfortunately, when we're in the grip of hallucination,
we can't tell the difference either.
Someone on Twitter coined the term halucitations
when chat GPT makes up papers you haven't written.
I like that.
I like that.
Yeah, they appear all the time.
I'm going to start including them on my CV.
Are there implications, you know, if we get down and dirty and not philosophical,
for how to treat mental issues that we have, whether it's, you know, depression or pain or anything like that?
Or do we get actionable intelligence from this way of thinking?
Yes, I think we do.
I mean, it's early days.
But I think particularly in the case of pain, there are some clear sorts of recommendations.
here that are being implemented by people working in what they call pain reprocessing theory,
which is just a kind of high pollutant label for the idea that you reframe your pains.
So, you know, the thought would be that we tend to treat pain as a signal that we shouldn't be doing something.
If you reframe it as, okay, my pain signaling system is misspiring.
then you can begin to think,
so this pain doesn't mean I shouldn't be doing it.
And it turns out that if you get people involved in those regimes,
they start to be able to do a bit more
because they're not scared of stopping because of the pain.
And actually, as they find that they can do more,
the pain itself presents itself to them as lessening.
I think because the brain sort of infers.
Well, if I'm doing this stuff, it can't be that bad, can it?
So there's a kind of virtuous cycle that replaces,
the vicious cycle that was there before,
because, you know, this is going to hurt, so I'm not going to do it.
And then if I do start to do it, oh, it really seems to hurt, I'm not doing it.
So pain reprocessing theory is one nice case.
I suppose self-affirmation is another case, the idea that,
the idea that, you know, if you're prone to thinking that perhaps you're not going to do well in some test
because you're in a certain minority group or you're female,
and it's an ath test or something like this,
self-affirmation in advance of the test
can really make a difference.
You know, I'm good at this, I can do this,
lots of people like me do this,
that kind of thing.
It's important, of course, not to over, over-egg the custard,
as we might say on this side of the Atlantic anyway.
You know, you can't reframe,
You can't reframe having a sort of bacterial infection in a way that is really going to make any difference to the bacterial infection that you've got.
And reframing makes a big difference to cancer-related fatigue.
It doesn't make much difference to cancer.
So I think we have to be, you know, we have to be aware of the limits.
And in general, I don't think that these stories, these accounts are kind of positive thinking sorts of account.
They're kind of, they're more like, you know, there are many factors that are involved as we construct our experiences.
And some of those factors are our own expectations.
Yeah.
Okay.
That sounds perfectly sensible, put that way.
I'm not an expert, but my rough impression is that we don't, we know embarrassingly little about pain and how it works.
It's an understudied area, I guess, I don't know whether it's for moral or psychological reasons.
So any little insight might be very helpful.
Yeah.
Yes, I agree.
and I think that I think pain research is actually moving into some very, very interesting stages now as we understand more about the ways in which people's own expectations make a difference.
So even where there's a very standard physiological cause, people's experiences of their pain very tremendously.
And even within a certain individual, their experiences vary tremendously from context to context and day by day.
in ways that just aren't tracking the organic.
Well, I don't like this word organic.
There's always something organic going on.
Aren't tracking the sort of the standard calls.
So what's probably happening is that different contexts
are activating different expectations of pain or disability.
And without the standard organic calls change in any way,
that's making a difference to how you feel and what you can do it.
I actually just realized I forgot to ask a crucially important question earlier.
We had Janicemael on the podcast a while back and my new colleague at Johns Hopkins
and talking about physics and the arrow of time.
And, you know, through talking to her and through talking to other people,
I have this vague idea of why we think that time flows,
why we have the sense of time passage.
And it's because we are constantly predicting a moment in the future
and also remembering a little bit in the past and updating, right?
And the updates happen in one direction of time, and that's what gives us this sense of flow or passage.
Given your expertise, does that sound at all on the right track?
Yeah, that sounds very, that sounds like a really nice story to me, or account even.
There's an account there.
I like story. Go ahead of a story.
It's, I mean, it reminds me a little bit, actually, of Husserl, the kind of classic, classic philosophical.
phenomenology as to you had this idea
that the experience is this
sort of this thing which is rooted
in the past but always looking towards the future
and the present is this sort of
just kind of just where those things meet
whether you know
I don't know what really gives us the arrow of time
that that sort of sense that
the idea that you can't sort of unscramble the egg or whatever
it is I it's not obvious to me quite
why my prediction machinery is kind of what's delivering the fact that it looks like I really
can't recreate the egg from Scrant.
But that's one for you.
That is one for me.
I think that I halfway agree in that the account has not been fully fleshed out,
although I'm 100% sure it's ultimately because entropy is increasing.
We just have to draw the connections there, which is the useful work to be done.
It sounds like a great account of why we think there's an arrow of time.
Yeah, why we feel it, right, why that's part of our image of the world.
Okay, so then the last question is the flip side of the pain question.
There's this idea called the hedonic treadmill, which I think some people has said have been discredited,
but the idea that, you know, we get happy not because of our overall welfare,
but because of changes in our welfare.
And if we win the lottery and now we're rich and living in luxury, soon we have exactly the same happiness as we had before.
There are challenges to this view, so I'm not even sure if it's true.
There's a replication crisis in psychology.
Everything is very easy to me.
But it does seem compatible with the whole predictive modeling view of what the brain is doing.
If what we're doing is constantly predicting what's happening next, then can happiness be understood as noticing that our prediction was a little pessimistic and things.
are actually a little bit better?
Yeah, that's interesting.
I haven't thought about this,
but it sounds like it should fall rather neatly into place
with this sort of dampening of the well-predicted.
So, you know, the fundamental starting point
for a lot of these accounts was that
the neuronal response to well-predicted sensory inputs
is dampened.
So if these are sensory inputs
are supposed to be driving pleasurable experiences,
but you've really been through that 100,
million times before, then the pleasure is, I think, going to be diminished, perhaps unless
you can actively reach in there with attention and try to stop that happen.
So I wonder whether someone that really loves the taste of a particular wine, they've had it
a million times before, as long as they can reach in with attention and up the dial on
what's coming in through the senses, then maybe they can sort of artificially surprise themselves
a little bit, if you see what I mean.
I do.
I'm not sure about that, but I feel like there's something there of, you know,
wine tasters are told to do this to sort of sit back and kind of let it speak for itself
so that you don't get sucked into your own expectations.
But now it brings up questions.
I know I said it was the last question,
but there's an issue here of high versus low pleasures or simple versus subtle pleasures, right?
I mean, I'm a big wine fan and I absolutely do get pleasure from very few.
fancy, complicated, sophisticated wine, because I can't afford to have it too often, so that
it's not boring to me. But I also get pleasure from like the perfect slice of pizza, which is
very simple and predictable and whatever. But I get that comforting pleasure. So now I'm not
sure what to think. Yes. I mean, you know, I think I'm not quite sure what to think about
those cases either. I mean, it does seem to me that we, you know, because our brains of prediction
minimizing engine, then in a way, we do kind of want to live in worlds that we can predict well
and not have certain sorts of things.
And so when those things are bringing hedonic benefit, then I think existing there is
going to be a rather comfortable way of existing, even though we also have a sort of a
company and drive to increase our states of information, to sort of learn a bit more
in case it lets us generate a slightly alternative future
in which, you know, the pizza is square,
but we're liking it even better or something.
But I think that if we think about these things delicately
as sort of multi-level and multi-dimensional prediction engines,
then we can accommodate both the drive for novelty
and the attractions of staying within the space
where actually all that stuff that wants,
to minimize errors is doing rather well in a local sense.
Even just looking at a pizza, you're minimizing lots of errors.
After all, just to see the shape of the pizza in front of you,
you're kind of moving your eyes around, harvesting information, minimizing errors.
You're getting some head-on kick out of it.
Nothing bad is happening anywhere.
It's a pretty comfortable place to be.
You know, I'd like to leave messages for the young intellectuals out there
who are deciding what to do with their lives.
It sounds like there's a sweet spot here where we do.
do know something about the brain and the body and how they work and how they fit together,
but there's still a lot of good questions left on the table to be answered by the future.
I think there's a huge number of questions.
You know, every story, every account we've had so far has turned out to be wrong,
and I'm sure this one will too.
So the question is, you know, what's a stepping stone towards?
Well, it's a very good story you're telling us, Andy Clark.
Thanks so much for being on the Mindscape podcast.
Thank you.
It's been a real pleasure.
Thank you.
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