The Briefing with Albert Mohler - Monday, November 11, 2024
Episode Date: November 11, 2024This is The Briefing, a daily analysis of news and events from a Christian worldview.Part I (00:13 - 12:57)A Look at the Voting Patterns by Gender: How Trump and Harris Fared Among Men and Women – t...he Single, Married, and Those With ChildrenWhy did Donald Trump win? Experts from around the Triad weigh in on decisive victory. by Winston-Salem Journal (Richard Craver)Part II (12:57 - 16:46)Creation Order’s Role in the Election Result: Millions of Americans Did Not Get on Board with the Sexual RevolutionTransgender Americans Voice New Anxiety About Trump Agenda by The New York Times (Amy Harmon)Part III (16:46 - 19:53)The Moral Case for Restrained Speech: The Media’s Outlandish Claims About the Election Highlights Its Moral InconsistencyKamala Harris for President by The New YorkerPart IV (19:53 - 26:08)The Inevitable Logic of Naturalism: Those Committed to Materialism Have Only Nihilism to Look Forward ToThe Emptiness of the Universe Gives Our Lives Meaning by The New York Times (Paul M. Sutter)Sign up to receive The Briefing in your inbox every weekday morning.Follow Dr. Mohler:X | Instagram | Facebook | YouTubeFor more information on The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, go to sbts.edu.For more information on Boyce College, just go to BoyceCollege.com.To write Dr. Mohler or submit a question for The Mailbox, go here.
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It's Monday, November 11, 2024. I'm Albert Moller, and this is the briefing, a daily analysis of news and events from a Christian worldview.
One thing becomes clearer as we move away from the election, and that is that it turns out to be an even bigger story than was understood at the time.
That's not a complete surprise. When it comes to the election data, you have the big wave of information, and basically, the first thing everyone needs to know is who has won the election.
It takes some time after that for an awful lot of the data to be assimilated and frankly for a lot of it even to be counted and analyzed.
So here's what we now know.
We now know, for example, that Donald Trump didn't win a swing state.
He won all seven of them.
We now know that Donald Trump did not lose the gender expectation that was built into his campaign.
He exceeded it.
We now know not only that the former president won in the Electoral College, convincingly, we also know
that he won the popular vote. And so we really are looking at a changed political landscape.
And one of the things you notice right now is as the data is coming in, you have people on both
sides asking what in the world happen. And one of the reasons we're in this situation is because
this was an election that defied expectations. This was an expectation breaking event. And just in
terms of how human beings think, once we begin to think for days along certain lines, it takes a bit of
shock to make us think otherwise. And this is one of the reasons why, if you go back to the election
day, you go back to the day after the election, you had people on both sides saying, is this really
what it appears to be? Well, the answer is it was what it appeared to be. Actually, it's even more of
what it appeared to be, and just more so. But as more of the data becomes available to us,
there are many different, very interesting things that come to mind. Now, for one thing, going into the
election, we were told the big issues were what? We were told that the big issues were immigration and
abortion. Not so. Turns out that abortion was a fairly highly ranked issue, but it came in at best
third in terms of the most urgent issue. Voters were more likely to vote on the economy than they
were on abortion, and immigration was either the first or second issue in almost every one of these data
calls. And so what you had going into the election was that the abortion issue was to use the
statistical and sociological word, it was salient, but it was not nearly as salient as some other issues.
And in worldview perspective, a part of what that tells us is that people do often register
very strong opinions or beliefs on certain issues, but then they turn around and do something that
indicates they really didn't mean that, at least with the intensity that they said it when they were
speaking to a pollster. It's one of the reasons why I just want to remind us over and over again,
we have to take a lot of the polling data, the survey data, with a very light touch.
We have to look at it with some degree of skepticism.
Because, as I often say, when you look at the Obergefell decision legalizing same-sex marriage in 2015,
70% of the American public said almost all the polling before that Supreme Court decision was handed down
said that they were opposed to same-sex marriage.
Just about three to four years later, about 70% said that they were for same-sex marriage.
Now, it's just not possible that the Supreme Court of the United States changed their mind to that degree.
It just tells us that when you have a shift in public sentiment, you have a shift also in how the data shows up.
And in this case, when you had citizens actually go to vote, they voted their priorities regardless of what they said the day before their priorities would be.
Their priorities are how they voted. Their vote does indicate their priorities.
And when they're casting their vote, if they say, this is why I cast it, well, it's at that much.
moment that all this becomes most interesting. So you have headline news stories the day of the
election saying abortion just might be the biggest issue. Turns out it wasn't. Now, as a Christian,
I have to say, I am very, very disturbed by the direction the abortion issue has taken since the
Dobbs decision in 2022. But still, when you look at this, you recognize that even when you had
the issue of abortion on the ballot in 10 states, and we lost a majority of those, sadly,
but we had big victories, especially in the state of Florida.
But you had people who voted for Donald Trump as president.
They voted for the Republican ticket when it came to president and vice president.
Then they turned around and voted in a way that seems to be incongruous on the abortion question.
And again, Christians look at that and we recognize that one of our goals in life
in our intellectual discipleship to Christ is to be consistent.
But we also understand that that's a struggle.
We understand that we have to think clearly, and sometimes as Christians, we have to think together
in order to make certain that we are thinking consistently. But you know, most of our neighbors
don't work that hard at consistency. And that's not to throw them under the bus, it's just to say
that if you do not have an objective truth that establishes a direct line from which you operate,
then some degree of inconsistency is just going to be baked into the cake. Now, we also understand in a
fallen world where sin shows its effect in every dimension of life, including our thinking. Those of us
who want to be most consistent and want to think ourselves most determined to and committed to be
consistent, we're often less consistent than we want to be. It's also really interesting in
worldview analysis to see how people are thinking in the aftermath of the election.
The front page of yesterday's edition of the Winston-Salem Journal included a headline with a subhead
quote, tapping into culture wars, young men's fears and outrage fueled his victory. That means
Donald Trump's victory. So again, they're saying that Donald Trump's victory is traceable to
tapping into the culture wars, young men's fears and outrage. They're saying that that's what
fueled his victory. Now, is that right or is that wrong? Well, it's not entirely wrong.
Donald Trump, from the beginning of his political life, has understood the salience,
the importance of worldview issues, of moral issues. But, but,
But he wouldn't even put it that way, would he? No, he would simply understand their part of the culture war.
And a part of his political skill, quite frankly, has been directing an awful lot of his attention
and the attention of his followers and supporters to these culture war issues. And again, I will say
very clearly that Donald Trump is not consistent on these issues. His inconsistency on the issue
of abortion should be signal enough. On the other hand, he has been less consistent than the
Democrats in a way that pleases voters. One of the problems with the Democrats is that they have been
very consistently moving to the left in recent election cycles. And so in this sense, it's one thing to be
consistent. It's another thing to be consistently wrong. But as you look at this article in the Winston-Salem
North Carolina paper, the paper is trying to explain to its readers that the reason why Americans
voted as they voted is because Trump tapped into their culture wars and in their culture war fears.
Is that right or is that wrong?
Well, let's just state the obvious here.
When it comes, for example, to the issue of immigration, you have a battle of narratives,
you have a battle of policies, you have a battle of different proposals.
One, of course, that came with the support of the Biden administration.
Former President Trump says that he will have, now President-elect Trump says that he will
have his own proposal.
But the fact is they're not just tied to some kind of imaginary culture war.
This is where Christians step back and say, no, you look at the definition of marriage. You look at the
LGBTQ issue. Right now, the front line on that is the T, transgender. You look at issues related to
Hollywood and media. You look at issues related to all kinds of moral explosions all throughout our
culture. The culture war is not a political invention. The culture war is not an illusion. The culture war is
real. We have polarization in this country on some of those basic moral questions. And even as
you have this newspaper saying, hey, this is basically politics. No, it's a lot deeper than politics.
The other aspect of this article that turned out to be very interesting is the fact that you have
the writer here, Richard Craver, acknowledge the fact that Donald Trump did turn out the young
male vote, as was hoped by his campaign. The Kamala Harris campaign did not turn out the differential
in terms of the women's vote that she was counting on. Now, the vast majority of non-white women,
and that's just a statistical category, they did vote for Kamala Harris.
But you know, when it comes to the total women's vote, it didn't turn out for Harris as the Harris
campaign had predicted, and frankly, as it was depending upon.
Okay, so that tells us something.
It tells us that Donald Trump had a deeper purchase on the support of young male voters.
And by the way, that means record vote for the Republican ticket.
when you look at young black men and when you look at young Hispanic men and when you look at the
total category of young men, Donald Trump has tapped into something very, very real.
But when you look at the other side of the equation, Kamala Harris was supported more than
Donald Trump was supported by women's vote in the aggregate, but you break it down into different
segments. Number one, she didn't get the number she needed and the differential wasn't close to
what she and others were counting on. And so what does that tell us? Does it tell us that somehow men were more
consistent in this election or more predictable than women were? Well, certainly on the predictable side,
yes, men and the younger the men in terms of the sample here, the more this is so, they did
turn out as expected. They did turn out as an aggregate more clearly than did, say, young women
or women broken up by other demographic categories. Now, this also raises another issue.
I've talked about on the briefing before. When you talk about men, and especially you talk about
young men in this kind of demographic differential, you're primarily talking about young men who are
not fathers. Okay, so just keep that thought for a moment. When you talk about the women's vote,
well, there are people who will split that down into college educated women, non-college educated women,
suburban women, more urban concentrated women. They'll break it down into racial categories and other
things. But here's the thing. You know the big difference in the women's vote? It's whether or not they
have one child in the home. If a mother, if a woman has one child in the home, she is more likely to vote
Republican, the Democratic, seven out of ten times. And the flip side is also true. If that woman does
not have a child in the home, she is more likely to vote for the Democratic candidate. This was made
very, very clear in a series of elections, most famously an election for the office of government.
not many years ago in the state of Virginia. So what does that tell us? Well, it tells us that one of the
differences between men and women, hold on to this, is that women have motherhood as a major factor,
and obviously men don't. Now, I know we're living in a confused age, but we got to handle on this
clearly. Okay, so looking at the women's vote, the fact that the presence of even one child in the home
apparently changes just about everything. It also tells us that when you look at this particular
are differential, well, it makes all the difference if that mother is voting with the view,
the welfare, the safety, the future of even one child in view. Now, when you look at the young
men's vote, again, it's very different. For one thing, obviously, we're not talking about motherhood.
We're the people who understand that very clearly. But it also raises the question long term
as to where those young men will go in terms of their political commitments in the future.
and one of the things that every civilization is counted on, and you could look at someone like
Pittering Sorokin, you've heard me quote him before, he was the founder of the sociology department
at Harvard University, don't worry, he wasn't a liberal, he was very much a conservative. And he said
that the future of a civilization depends upon the transition in that civilization of young men
from being merely unattached young men to being husbands and fathers. Sorokin understood very
clearly that if that doesn't happen, the civilization is weakened. Eventually, that civilization will fall.
And so it's interesting right now that the political scientists, the demographers, they're all looking
at the women's side of the equation saying, what does this mean? Well, it really means something on
the other side as well. The question for the future of this civilization. And of course, this does
have ramifications for future political elections. The big question is, where are these young men
headed in the future. But speaking of moral clarity, it's really interesting that the weekend edition
of the Wall Street Journal had on its front page, an article with the headline, Transgender Rights
took center stage late in race. So here's something that surprised just about everyone. You had the Trump
campaign, and you also had groups allied with the Trump campaign, that put out major advertising
to the tune of something between $30 and $40 million nationwide.
Several advertisements were run, reminding Americans, for example, that Kamala Harris had supported
taxpayers paying for so-called sex reassignment surgery when it came to prisoners.
And frankly, the unwillingness of Kamala Harris to answer a straightforward question about
transgenderism in terms of the law and public policy, well, that all turned out to be a far
more salient, far more powerful issue in the election last Tuesday than anyone had expected.
And so you even had Democrats and some Republicans, I'll say some weak, need.
Republicans at the time. They began to worry that there'd be a backlash to those
advertisements that would make them a negative rather than a positive for the
campaign. Did not turn out that way. And so in the front page of the Wall Street
Journal, you have this acknowledgement. Here's the subhead. Trump campaign found
that the cultural topic resonated with voters made it a focus of ads in final weeks.
Okay, so looking at the article, it really is fascinating. And I want to focus on what I
think voters focused on. It becomes pretty clear from this.
data that voters were focused on just a couple of issues, and one of them was more powerful than
anything else. And this has to do with what's wrong with this picture. And it has to do particularly
with athletic teams or athletic competition for girls and women where you have male bodies
in that competition. And so you have people, it's interesting at this point that you have advocates
for the LGBTQ movement who are making an argument and never was the incongruity and ridiculousness of
this argument made more clear than in the response to these ad campaigns. So here was the response
of many LGBTQ activists to the eruption of the transgender issue in the campaign. Here's what they said.
It doesn't happen, and when it does happen, it doesn't matter. I just want to call them out on this
logic, because it shows up in this article in the Wall Street Journal, it shows up just about everywhere.
You have transgender activists who say, it just doesn't happen. There's no problem. There is no real
problem, no real thing, no real phenomenon when it comes to boys and men playing on girls and women's
teams. Except it is very easy to spot. One of the things we're going to be talking about in coming
days is how this is playing out in the San Jose State University women's volleyball team,
where quite frankly, it's messing up the entire national schedule of an intercollegiate sport
because you have teams that are not going to play under that circumstance. And so it is really telling
when you listen to the argument, they're saying, it doesn't happen. Well, okay, it happened then,
but it doesn't happen very often. And even though it doesn't happen, okay, it happens every once in a while.
But even when it does happen, it doesn't make that much difference because the presence of a male body
under these circumstances doesn't really count. It's a circular argument. It's dishonest. And frankly,
it's not working. So one of the interesting things from a Christian worldview perspective,
and it wasn't really expected, let's be honest, as a big matter in the 2024 presidential campaign,
It comes down to the fact that if you have one party saying don't believe your eyes and you have another party saying,
look at this, the party that says look at this is going to win the argument rather than the party that says don't believe your eyes.
Because, you know, it's just a fact that we're going to believe our eyes when it comes to something as basic as boy and girl and man and woman.
And honestly, we need not to apologize for that.
But as we're giving attention to the election and no apology for that, this is the big issue, now still central.
in our national conversation. And by the way, the conversation is going to shift to other things,
but one of the most important other things is going to shift to is the composition and formation
of a new Trump administration, because that also comes with massive worldview, as well as political
implications. But before leaving this, I do want to point out that one of the very interesting
developments is that we have to wonder if people who said certain things before the election are
ever going to be reminded that they said them. And in this case, I'm not even thinking about
politicians, I'm thinking in particular about the media class. Now, I've often mentioned that among the
media class, there are some big brands, some big legacy brands, and they have outsized influence,
especially on the left and among the cultural elites. One of those legacy brands is the New Yorker.
It's published, not coincidentally, in New York, it kind of epitomizes the Manhattan elite's
way of looking at the world. So in the lead up to the election, the editors of the New Yorker issued a
multi-page, multi-thousand-word endorsement of Kamala Harris. And I just want to go back to it,
not because the election is still before us, but because the election is behind us. Let's just remember
Kamala Harris didn't win. This is how the editors of the New Yorker ended their endorsement
article for Kamala Harris. Quote, and so the choice is stark. The United States simply cannot
endure another four years of Donald Trump, end quote. Well, okay, that was. That was a
written in the issue dated October 7, 2004, so just about a month before the election. And they just
stated, as a matter of their editorial authority, that, quote, the United States simply cannot endure
another four years of Donald Trump, end quote. So you just have to ask the question, are they selling
their homes? Are they moving out of the country? Because they just declared a month ago that the
nation can't survive another four years of a Trump presidency. Now, I don't even mean at this
to speak politically. I'm not saying that your analysis of that statement should come down to whether
you supported one candidate or another in the election. I'm simply saying that if you say that the nation
can't endure X, and X happens, you're left with the explanation as to whether you meant what you
said or if you just habitually use hyperbole in overstatement. Well, I think we should be somewhat
thankful that the editors of the New Yorker in this case are almost assuredly more guilty of
overstatement and hyperbole than they are of actually believing that the nation and our civilization
are about to collapse. But it does point out the need for restrained speech. And that's not something
that just applies to the cultural elite. This is something that applies to all of us. This is not
just a problem on the left. It's also a problem on the right. We need to make certain that we can live
with what we say. And we need to make certain, particularly, that if we say in moral terms,
there's a cause and effect, we better take responsibility for our argument of cause and effect.
But speaking of arguments, I want to end on an even bigger issue and an even bigger argument
because the New York Times, as we look at the Sunday edition, that's yesterday's edition,
ran in the editorial section an article entitled The Gift of the Cosmic Void.
You want to talk about something other than the election?
Well, let's talk about whether or not there's meaning in the universe.
In this case, the writer is Paul M. Sutter, identified as a theoretical cosmologist.
And here's what the theoretical cosmologist writing for the New York Times wants us to know.
And that is, quote, by strict accounting of cosmic abundances, our planet and the life we find here amount to essentially zero.
Insignificant.
A small speck of blue and green suspended in an ocean.
of night, a tiny bit of rock and water orbiting just another star. He continues, quote, the great forces
that shape our universe have grown the voids over billions of years, and their present day monstrousness
puts cosmic insignificance into stark relief. Forget planets and stars at these scales,
even mighty galaxies are reduced to mere dots of light. End quote. Once he talking about,
he's saying that the entire cosmos is mostly an empty abyss. It is mostly empty space. It is
all a giant cosmic accident. Then he comes back and says that the meaning, even on planet Earth,
the meaning of life on this planet is, quote, essentially zero. His next word, insignificant.
Now, I just wanted to point to this, and I'm not going to look at detail at his argument,
you pretty much have the argument. But if you are merely a theoretical cosmologist,
and if you are basically committed to a secularist, to a materialist, to a naturalist, to a naturalistic,
worldview, this is where you have to go. You eventually have to arrive at the fact that life here
means absolutely nothing. The human life on one planet is absolutely insignificant. Let me just
remind you that the Christian worldview begins with the exact opposite logic. It's not just a different
logic, it's the exact opposite logic. The entire logic of the scripture is the wonder of the
fact that the creator made this expansive cosmos beyond our imagination, and yet on
one planet, he not only created the conditions for life, he said, let there be life. And he not only
said, let there be life, he created one creature. He made one creature in his own image out of all
of the cosmos. If that's all it means, it means to God's glory that the Creator created this cosmos,
and that includes this galaxy, and it includes this universe, it includes this sun, and includes
these orbiting planets. And on this pale blue dot of a planet called planet Earth,
He said, let there be life. And then he made human beings in his image. Male and female created
them. And you know what? As we think about all the cultural conversation about the election and about all
the controversial issues of our day, you know, doesn't it tell us something that in the middle of all of
this, the nation's most influential newspaper would run an opinion piece saying that human life itself
doesn't matter? Well, let me just state that I don't think most people believe that to be true.
because if humanity itself, individual and aggregate, if it means nothing, you don't need to pay the
subscription price to the New York Times. Frankly, you don't need to do anything. Nothing matters anyway.
If you look at a baby smile was nothing but a cosmic accident. If you go to a funeral, it's nothing
more than a cosmic accident. If you are there for the beginning of something great, don't worry.
It doesn't mean anything. If you are looking at something horrible, don't worry. It doesn't mean
anything. You know, human beings can't live that way. And that's why some of these cosmologists going far
beyond what this theoretical cosmologist has argued, you have some books, and I've given attention to
them, where some of these cosmologists come out with the argument, well, we have to act as if life
is meaningful. Well, you know, that's a big problem. Human beings are capable of many things,
but I don't think we're capable of living for long as if there is meaning in the universe.
No, this ought to give us just at the beginning of this week, another sense of gratitude towards God.
Another aspect of God's glory demonstrated in the midst of all of this.
And at least God's glory is demonstrated in stark relief over against the meaninglessness of a void
where the universe means absolutely nothing.
Here's a sentence in this article, quote,
Yes, the universe is mostly void, but we have found many wonders in these great expanses.
end quote. So they're nothing, but you find wonder in them? I think we all see the limitations of that
worldview. And I don't think that's the way an honest human being thinks. Again, looking in the face of a
baby, you can't say, what a weird but kind of wonderful accident. There's got to be a lot more to it
than that. We know it in our hearts. We need to communicate that to our brains. It gives Christians
the great opportunity to witness to the gospel of Jesus Christ by doing what the scripture does,
and that is even beginning at the moment of creation when it is the Creator God who said
let there be life and made us in his image. That's where the story starts. And as we know,
that's the only story we know. And it's the only story that's true. And so it's the story that
shapes our entire worldview and animates our entire lives. So we began with controversy about the
selection and end with questions about meaning in the universe. I'd say it's a good way to start a week.
Thanks for listening to the briefing. For more information, go to my website at Albertmuller.com.
You can follow me on Twitter or X by going to Twitter.com forward slash Albert Moller.
For information on the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, go to sbtsk.t.s.
For information on Boyce College, just go to Boise College.com.
I'm speaking to you from Winston-Salem, North Carolina. And I'll meet you again tomorrow for the briefing.
