The Briefing with Albert Mohler - Thursday, September 19, 2024
Episode Date: September 19, 2024This is The Briefing, a daily analysis of news and events from a Christian worldview.Part I (00:13 - 13:01)A Senator Accidentally Affirms the Real Issue is Human Personhood—The Big Story Behind the ...Senate IVF VoteRight to IVF Act by The United States SenateMurray Blocks GOP Show-Bill That Allows Extremists to Regulate IVF Out of Existence, Slams Republicans’ Support of Fetal Personhood by US Senator Patty MurrayPart II (13:01 - 21:31)Gov. Beshear Bans ‘Conversion Therapy’ in Kentucky — But His Definition of Conversion Therapy Includes Historic Biblical ChristianityGov. Beshear Signs Executive Order Banning Conversion Therapy on Minors in Kentucky by Commonwealth of Kentucky (Office of the Governor)Part III (21:31 - 25:12)The Elites vs. the Rest: What’s the Real Dynamic Driving Today’s Politics?What Undecided Voters Might Be Thinking by The New York Times (Ross Douthat)Sign up to receive The Briefing in your inbox every weekday morning.Follow Dr. Mohler:X | Instagram | Facebook | YouTubeFor more information on The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, go to sbts.edu.For more information on Boyce College, just go to BoyceCollege.com.To write Dr. Mohler or submit a question for The Mailbox, go here.
Transcript
Discussion (0)
It's Thursday, September 19, 2024. I'm Albert Moller, and this is the briefing, a daily analysis of news and events from a Christian worldview.
Well, sometimes the big news is in the headlines you expect, and we expected the Democrats to try to push through legislation to their political advantage on IVF.
But nonetheless, even as this was something of a political stunt, at the same time in worldview terms, it's immensely important.
So we're going to pay some attention to this.
look at what happened and why. First of all, the what happened, you could also explain as what
didn't happen. The Senate didn't pass legislation that would have affirmed IVF rights as defined by
the sponsoring Democrats in all 50 states. The bill lost by a vote of 51 to 44 with five senators
absent from the vote. It would have required 60 votes in order to pass the Senate given the
filibuster rule. And so as you're looking at this, you recognize this was something that was done
with Democrats knowing it was going to fail, and they wanted to send a signal. They wanted to turn this
to their political advantage in light of the November election. And most importantly, by the way,
this is not so much about the presidential election as it is about statewide elections for the
Senate and elections, of course, for the House of Representatives as well. This is primarily, though,
about the Senate. And Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York, was open in the
fact that it was a blatantly political move. Speaking Tuesday on the Senate floor, majority leader,
Schumer said, quote, there is perhaps no more personal a decision one can make than the decision of
whether or not to start a family. Well, that's a true statement in one sense, but it doesn't imply
why the United States Senate would be voting on such a measure, because after all, the decision
as to whether or not to have a child is not a matter for deliberation at the United States Senate,
except in this case it is being used to the political advantage. It is believed of the Democrats to force
Republicans to vote against this bill and thus to appear to be against in vitro fertilization.
Now, we've talked about this repeatedly. I will have to articulate grave, moral, and theological
concerns about IVF in vitro fertilization. As a matter of fact, grave, moral, and theological concerns
about the entirety of the reproductive revolution when it comes to modern reproductive technologies.
But nonetheless, this is a political act, and it was undertaken, frustratingly enough,
when you have the Republican candidate Donald Trump, the former president of the United States,
who basically without conditions, has spoken of his support for IVF.
This is a part of his turn from where he was when he ran in 2016 and again where he was on this issue when he ran in 2020.
But on the other side of all the public controversy and the shifts in the culture after the Dobbs decision reversing Roe v. Wade in 2022,
Donald Trump has been absolutely upfront about the fact that he doesn't think he can win on the
the same anti-abortion pro-life platform that he had in his two previous runs. The mainstream media
are reporting that the former president has said in certain settings that he blames the pro-life
movement for his loss in 2020, saying that the issue of abortion was already so volatile,
and it cost him crucial votes. But as you're looking at this, you recognize that there is no
threat to IVF. And I say that as one who has led the effort to try to develop a Christian concern
about IVF and understand these issues from a consistently pro-life direction. And so I'm not pleased with this,
but the bottom line is that President Trump has been unreservedly supportive of in vitro fertilization.
And yet you have the Democrats who are trying to gain political advantage by forcing Republicans to vote
against this bill. And you say, well, if the majority of Republicans, including the current
Republican nominee, are pro-IV, why didn't they vote for the bill? Well, it is because,
as is always the case in this kind of political context,
the Democrats wrote the legislation in such a way that Republicans can't vote for it
because it includes all kinds of funding mechanism.
It includes all kinds of federal expansions of power.
It includes all kinds of definitional issues that the Republicans rightly voted against,
even Republicans who are in support of IVF access.
Now, there's another big issue in the background of this,
and that is that IVF is in danger of being restricted in access virtually,
nowhere in the United States. This is a made-up issue. Now, it's not made up that the issue was addressed,
and I think quite honestly addressed by the Supreme Court in the state of Alabama, but the Alabama
state legislature turned around and offered almost immediate legislation that made very clear that
IVF would be available in that state. And so again, this is the bottom line fact here is that
IVF has under threat virtually nowhere, but this is where you see the Democrats furthering the
sexual revolution. So you see the logic of a sexual and moral revolution here being pressed,
because this legislation not only calls for basically unrestricted access to in vitro fertilization
and modern reproductive technologies. It also is a great shift towards requiring the funding
of it as well. So once again, to get to the bottom line, you had the Democrats doing this as a
political act, but I want to state grave worldview concerns about the issue of IVF and repeat those
and make clear I'm not particularly happy with where the majority of Republicans are on this issue.
But nonetheless, we are looking at how this kind of election cycle could be used far beyond the results of the election itself
to become an engine for further unraveling of the dignity and sanctity of human life.
And that's just how assaults on human dignity and the sanctity of human life have continued.
Just to make that clear, I want us to make specific reference to this proposed law,
the bill that did not successfully pass the Senate because it didn't have 60 votes.
It did have a majority of votes, but it didn't have 60 votes.
And one of the things you need to note is that the people who brought this will bring it back
again and again and again, just breaking down defenses, raising the political cost of not
supporting this kind of bill.
But I also want to say that the Democrats have showed their colors on this.
And I don't want to make this just partisan.
I'll just say this.
Those avid supporters of IVF make their world.
view understanding abundantly clear in this legislation and in their comments about this legislation.
So I want to turn to one senator in particular, and this is Senator Patty Murray, Democrat of the
state of Washington. After the vote on Tuesday, which again was a media event, Senator Murray said
that Republicans were, quote, posturing as pro-family while voting down this bill to help families
grow, pretending to support IVF while championing fetal personhood.
Okay, there was a bomb there. Did you see it? Did you feel it? Did you hear it?
Did you see the last words there while championing fetal personhood?
In other words, her key accusation against the Republicans voted against this bill is that they believe in fetal personhood.
She says the reason they didn't vote for this is because they affirm fetal personhood.
She goes full barrel against fetal personhood.
Back in June of this year, she had rejected a Republican bill that would have supported IVF rights by saying, quote,
this bill is silent on fetal personhood, which is the biggest threat.
to IVF, end quote. Now, I just want to say, I don't expect to be in agreement with Senator Murray on
just about anything, but I will tell her I'm an absolute agreement with her on the fact that fetal
personhood is the greatest threat to this kind of IVF bill. It is because if you believe that the
fetus is a person and pro-wife Christians have said consistently that we believe this is a bedrock
belief that the fetus is a person, then that fetus doesn't cease to be a person when we might think
we don't want to treat the fetus as a person. But here you have a senator who,
is pro-choice, pro-abortion in the most ardent way, who just dismisses the very idea of fetal personhood
as the problem that must be overcome. She blames the Republicans for not supporting the bill
because they hold to a belief, that is the bill this week, because Republicans hold to a belief
in fetal personhood. I can just simply say, I could only hope that Republicans consistently held
to such a belief. But what we are looking at right now is the fact that you have a Democratic
senator who is pointing to fetal personhood is the problem. Back in June, she said it's the biggest
threat to IVF, but she said more than that. She said about the Republican bill she voted against
back in June, quote, it is silent on whether states can demand that an embryo be treated the same as a
living, breathing person, or whether parents should be allowed to have clinics dispose of unused embryos,
something that is a common necessary part of the IVF process. She goes on, quote, talk to the experts
who provide this care, talk to the families who are seeking it, and that question looms large.
arch in their minds. What are we supposed to do? The senator asked if our state says these embryos are
living, breathing people. Do we have to do this process in another state? What is our legal risk here?
End quote. She went on later to say that she would ask her Republican colleagues, once again,
quote, as a matter of national policy, should parents be allowed to dispose of unused embryos?
End quote. As if to make the point I've been trying to make that indeed the disposal of the
embryos is a huge moral issue. From the complete opposite side, Senator Murray asked the Republicans,
quote, how can you look the American people in the eye and say you support IVF? That is, if they don't
allow unrestricted destruction of human embryos, the senator said, quote, it doesn't compute, end quote.
Well, again, oddly enough, on that, I agree. It doesn't compute. But this is where Christians have to
recognize that we have been arguing consistently that life begins, that personhood begins at fertilization,
and we are right when we say that.
There is a biblical logic sustained by the Christian moral tradition when we say that.
The devastating cause of not believing that are that,
it is not just a matter of fact that you end up in a pro-abortion position.
You end up in a position in which you are declaring that human beings have the right to declare
what is and is not human life on that continuum.
And I'll just state to you as plainly as I can,
that is the culture of death in inevitable full victory.
I think it's also really important to recognize that Senator Murray, and again, we're talking
about someone I see as a grave threat to the dignity and sanctity of human life here.
She understands that without the ability, as she would say, to destroy human embryos, she goes on
and says that IVF doesn't compute.
Her words are simple, quote, it doesn't compute, end quote.
I simply at that point want to step back and say, well, those are her words, that it doesn't
compute. And what we're looking at here is how moral battles are fought out on the long list of
confrontations and different fronts in our cultural conflict at the moment. And you see they just come
back again and again and again and again. You rename the bill again and again and again. You bring
it back for a vote. You make the political cost of not supporting this legislation as expensive as possible,
especially with an election looming. And then you put together a bill, as the Democrats did in this case,
with some things loaded into it that you know Republicans can't support.
And then you say, well, now they're voting against IVF, which quite frankly, I might hope
would have been true, but wasn't true.
They're voting against this bill.
Or at least they're not voting for this bill.
So we'll come back to look at this issue, but I think something else is just really big here
before we leave it.
And that is that when you look at the Democratic support, I don't think it's primarily
about IVF.
I just don't think the Democrats are that interested in IVF.
And by that, I don't mean personally, I mean as a.
party objective. And I'll just simply say, they see an opportunity here. They see an opportunity,
even as President Trump has come out just enthusiastically for IVF, they see an opportunity
to try to at least win some voters on this issue and scare some voters on this issue. But there's
something else here. And that is that when you look at the Democrats on this issue, if they're not
so interested in IVF, what are they interested in? Well, I think what they are interested in is absolute
consistency in holding to a position that allows for the disposition of unborn life, however an
individual may choose, period, without restrictions, and eventually with taxpayers footing the bill.
So we'll be following this, but I will predict right now that is exactly where this is going.
And all you have to do to believe that is take the Democrats in the Senate behind this effort
at their word. Oh, one last thought about this. I don't have the opportunity right now to make
Senator Patty Murray, Democrat of Washington, answer a question. But if I did have the opportunity,
say, I had her under some kind of cross-examination where she would have to answer a question,
this is what I would ask her. Well, if the human embryo is not worthy of any protection,
then at one point in the continuum of gestation, does that biological entity deserve some
kind of protection? I will assure you that's a question she does not want to answer. But the lack of an
answer to that question is indeed in itself a horrifying answer. But after this, we need to shift to
another announcement. But in this case, it's not about legislation. It's about an executive order.
And this executive order has come down here in the Commonwealth of Kentucky signed by our Democratic
Governor Andy Bashir. His office put out a statement saying that the executive order relates to, quote,
protecting minors from conversion therapy. So here's the big news. Here's the headline.
Kentucky's governor signs an executive order saying that conversion therapy is now not to be allowable in the state of Kentucky.
In one sense, the full reach of this executive order is not yet known. It's likely to be challenged in court.
But as the Kentucky state website itself declared, quote, today Governor Andy Bashir signed an executive order officially banning the practice of conversion therapy on minors in the state of Kentucky.
in his signing statement, and remember this is an executive order, it's not legislation, didn't go through the General Assembly.
The Kentucky governor said, quote, Kentucky cannot possibly reach its full potential unless it is free from discrimination by or against any citizen,
unless all our people feel welcome in our spaces, free from unjust barriers and supported to be themselves.
Conversion therapy, he said, has no basis in medicine or science, and it can cause significant long-term harm to our kids,
including increased rates of suicide and depression.
this is about protecting our youth from an inhumane practice that hurts them, end quote.
So Kentucky's governor, proudly, publicly, I'll even say noisily, advertise the fact that he was signing this executive order.
And if you're going to have in legal terms something defined as in an executive order on conversion therapy,
you're going to have to define in those legal terms what you mean by conversion therapy.
And this is where things get really, really crucial.
And that's because there are a lot of Christians who would have concerns.
about some forms of what has been called conversion therapy. But at the same time, Christians
have to understand that what this executive order and similar efforts represent is an attempt
to prevent any kind of biblical judgment being made or any kind of biblical message being sent
to a young person. That means a minor under age 18 on this issue. So I said, you have to
define what it means. So how did this come to be defined in this statement signed by the governor,
is an executive order. Here's the definition. Quote, conversion therapy means any practice,
treatment, or intervention that seeks or purports to change an individual sexual orientation or
gender identity, including efforts to change behaviors or gender expressions or to eliminate
or reduce sexual or romantic attractions or feelings toward individuals of the same gender.
End quote. Now, let me just ask a question. Is anyone paying attention to this?
But here we are told that what is forbidden by this executive order is any effort, quote,
to change behaviors or gender expressions or to eliminate or reduce sexual or romantic attractions
or feelings toward individuals of the same gender, end quote.
So think about that for a moment.
This is the message being sent.
If you believe that it is in any way wrong to claim an LGBTQ identity,
and in this case, of course, this gets right down to the full spectrum here.
And when you're talking about sexual orientation or gender identity, this means even more
than those loaded terms meant, say, 10 years ago. Just think of the T at LGBTQ, the transgender
revolution. So here we are being told that it is categorically wrong and indeed forbidden by executive
order in the state of Kentucky to tell someone you ought not to think this about yourself.
That is to tell a minor. And this is the reach of this particular executive order. Again,
it is almost assuredly going to be challenged in court. But let's just notice that this would include
everything from, say, an organized conversion therapy program, at least by this definition,
it would affect, it would even outlaw a parent statement to a child. Now, they are going to say
it doesn't cover conversations inside the family. And as you look at some of the technical
language, it is mostly addressed to those who are licensed by the state or those who are in
child care programs by the state. But as you look at the logic of this executive order,
let's be clear, this would endanger the right of any Christian church, of any Christian evangelical
congregation in the state of Kentucky to hold to a consistent position on this when it comes to
minors. It would include Christian schools. And for that matter, at least in terms of those who would
admit minors under the age of 18, it would apply to Christian colleges and other institutions,
Christian ministries in the state. Now, I think again, you're going to have state officials say,
look, that is not absolutely the intention here. That is not the reach of likely state action.
I just want to state, this is the way it works, folks. This is the way it works. You have this kind of
executive order, and the next thing you know, it is being applied across the board. And don't
misunderstand this. Right now, there are jurisdictions in the United States. And quite
infamously right now, this would include the state of Minnesota with Tim Walls, the Democratic
vice presidential candidate there as governor. The presumption is that an agent of the state has
more authority to define these issues than a parent in the home. And that's abundantly clear in the
legislation that was signed by Governor Wals and makes very clear that the state of Minnesota has the right
to intervene on behalf of a minor, even against the guidance and will of parents. In a subsequent
paragraph, the executive order says, conversion therapy does not include any practice, treatment,
or intervention that provides acceptance, support, or understanding to an individual, or any
practice, treatment, or intervention that facilitates an individual's coping social support
and identity exploration and development, listen to this, so long as such practice, treatment,
or intervention does not seek to change an individual's sexual orientation or gender identity,
end quote. Now, again, let's just remember that we as Christians are committed to a biblical
understanding, a gospel understanding, and as you look at this, you realize the scripture about
this is abundantly clear. The scripture says, you ought not to do this. The scripture says,
says, God created us male and female. And of course, this is far beyond the gender identity question.
This gets right down to LGBTQ in its comprehensiveness. We're not supposed to now be able to tell a young
person you ought not to be sexually involved with another young person of the same sex, because that
will be legally defined as a statement that is in violation of this particular executive order.
And I want to be very clear, there are those behind this who would say, this is about therapeutic
interventions. This is about official structures. I just want to make the case. It will not work that way.
And it will be used. I will state this emphatically. It will be used to limit parental rights and parental
authority. And I believe it is certain that it will be used also to conscribe the religious
liberty of Christian organizations. It implies that the Commonwealth of Kentucky has an official
position on this issue. Now, it is not legislation. It's an executive order signed by the current
Democratic governor of Kentucky, who, after all, just a little while ago, was very much in contention,
he believed, and we were told, to be the vice presidential nominee on the Democratic ticket.
The fact is, this is a political act. But as Christians understand, the fact is, this is a deeply
moral act, and this one, subversive of moral order, religious liberty, and parental rights.
It's also interesting to note that the Kentucky governor stated a theological rationale for his
executive order, quote, my faith teaches me that all children are children of God, and where practices
are endangering and even harming those children, we must act. He said the practice of so-called
conversion therapy hurts our children, end quote. Well, of course, our answer to that is,
it is this very executive order that hurts our children. And that's not based on just our own
moral analysis or our own political or legal consideration. It's based upon creation order. It is based
upon the authority of the Word of God. It is based upon our understanding of the Creator's intention.
So this executive order to put the bottom line on it is no small thing. And it's no small thing to me
that this is taking place right here in the Commonwealth of Kentucky. It just underlines our challenge
even in so-called Red America. Well, speaking of the Battle of Worldviews, the conflict of the age,
and for that matter, the November election, I want to make reference to an argument made by
Ross Dauphett of the New York Times. The title of his column was sympathy for the voter.
He basically points to what he calls a deadlock between the elite and populist sides in our political
equation, especially as related to those who identifies undecided voters. So in other words,
the undecided are undecided they say about their choice in the November election. Frankly,
one of the big questions is whether they will vote at all. But as you think of someone who's
undecided at this point. You have to wonder what they actually believe about anything.
But Ross Douthit makes the point that one of the major dynamics at work in this election cycle
is the contrast, the dichotomy between the elite and populist tendencies in the United States.
And so you really do have two different sides lining up here. And it's not just R&D. It's not just a donkey and an elephant.
It's not just liberal and conservative. As we look at it, as Christians, we really do need to understand.
that it is, to a considerable extent, a matter of a distinction between the elites in our society
and the rest of the society. Now, one of the ways you look at that is just demographically.
We often talk about red and blue America. I just made reference to it a moment ago.
And you look at a map, it's not evenly distributed. And as you look at the elites in the United
States, they are not equally distributed. The elites are largely found on the coast. They're found
on the elite college campuses. They are found the closer you get to a city. And they are found
even in major American corporations. So you take those four Cs together, that's where the elites are
concentrated. And where they're concentrated, you don't have to wonder in advance, is it going to be
red or blue? Is it liberal or conservative? It's going to be very liberal. It's going to be
overwhelmingly secular. That's one of the distinctions in the United States between the elites and the
rest is the elites are far more progressive. They're far more ideologically on the left, and they are
far more secular. And even as that doesn't always map out exactly in terms of
our electoral terrain, over and over again, it does pretty much map out in terms of the two parties
and the fallout as you look at a presidential election, for instance. Or as you look at a major
election, even in some states where the distinction between, say, the more rural counties and the
urban counties is as clear as any map of red and blue. I will say that Ross Dauph that paints this
in his own characteristically powerful prose, quote, since the populace surge that gave us
Brexit and the rise of Donald Trump politics in the Western world has polarized into a distinctive
stalemate, an inconclusive struggle between a credentialed elite that keeps failing at basic task of
governing, and a populist rebellion that's too chaotic and paranoid to be trusted with authority instead.
End quote. Well, that's a not-so-happy painting of our political landscape, but you look at it and you
recognize there are reasons why he wrote it just that way. And you also realize that the distinction here
between the populace and the elites
is something that didn't happen just yesterday
and it's not going to go away tomorrow.
This is an enduring part of our landscape
even as the societies being transformed
right before our eyes.
Thanks for listening to the briefing.
For more information, go to my website at albertmuller.com.
You can follow me on Twitter or X by going to Twitter.com
forward slash Albert Moller.
For information on the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary,
go to sbtsbts.edu.
For information on Boyce College, just go to boysculles.com.
I'll meet you again tomorrow for the briefing.
