The Knowledge Project with Shane Parrish - #64 Greg Walton: The Big Impact of Small Interventions
Episode Date: August 20, 2019Greg Walton, Associate Professor of Psychology at Stanford University shares the four types of interventions, how they’re used to create positive behavior change, and strategies we can use right now... to improve our health, well-being, and relationships. Go Premium: Members get early access, ad-free episodes, hand-edited transcripts, searchable transcripts, member-only episodes, and more. Sign up at: https://fs.blog/membership/ Every Sunday our newsletter shares timeless insights and ideas that you can use at work and home. Add it to your inbox: https://fs.blog/newsletter/ Follow Shane on Twitter at: https://twitter.com/ShaneAParrish Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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We have two kids who are six and four, and when the kids are bicycling and they say that they're tired, we always say to them, it's when you're tired that your muscles are getting stronger.
And the idea is to reframe for them what it means to be tired. It's not necessarily a reason to stop, but this is your opportunity to have that growth experience. It's when things are difficult that you are learning.
Hello and welcome.
I'm Shane Parrish, and this is The Knowledge Project,
a podcast exploring the ideas, methods, and mental models
that hope you learn from the best of what other people have already figured out.
You can learn more and stay up to date at fs.blog slash podcast.
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It's free and packed with all the best content we've come across this week
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and so much more. You can learn more at fs.blog slash newsletter.
Today, I'm talking with Greg Walton. Greg is an associate professor in the Department of Psychology
at Stanford University. Most of his research investigates the psychological processes that
contribute to social problems and the use of wise interventions to help unleash human potential.
In short, Greg is a mindset master. This episode is a masterclass in interventions,
tiny things that we can do that have an exponential impact.
We're going to explore what they are, how they work, and how we can use them to become better partners, colleagues, and parents.
We're going to geek out on the four types of interventions, explore why our response to mistakes as parents makes a huge impact on our kids,
and even talk about a simple technique that can dramatically improve any of your close relationships today.
You're going to walk away with a better understanding of how we make sense of ourselves and others,
understand how the meanings we draw can be counterproductive and self-reinforcing,
and how to alter our perception and the perception of others
in order to drive benefit or unleash potential.
I hope you enjoy this conversation as much as I did.
It's time to listen and learn.
Greg, you've been called an intervention guru,
and I'm wondering, before we even get into what an intervention is,
and what they look like and sort of the beliefs they're trying to address.
I want to go back one step and ask how you got interested in interventions to begin with.
Yeah, it really began in high school.
I was part of this group called students educating each other about discrimination.
It was called Seed.
And we were basically a group of high school students who went into middle school to sixth grade classrooms
and led role-playing exercises and discussions around inequality and race, class, gender in American society.
And it was part of that group that I became aware of the persistence of really large differences in educational success for students from different social class backgrounds and different racial ethnicities.
And I also became aware of how those differences existed despite the fact that as a society we had, it seemed put forth a lot of effort to try to reduce them, for example, through great society programs from the 60s onward.
It was very discouraging.
But then I read this early work published in Atlantic Monthly by Claude Steele that introduced the concept of stereotype threat.
And it was revolutionary to me.
It really opened my eyes.
It was work showing that if you just changed the way that a test was represented in the laboratory,
you brought people in, undergraduates in and in the original studies, and you gave them a difficult GRE verbal test,
you found that African-American students did less well than white students, and yet if you took
this very same task and you said, oh, we're a bunch of cognitive psychologists and we're just
interested in how people solve puzzles. This is not evaluative of your abilities. Suddenly, that
inequality went away. African-American students did a whole lot better, just as well as white students
with the same SAT scores, in some cases even slightly better. And I thought that's amazing. Just
changing the way that a test is represented could change how people perform on it.
How could we do that in the real world?
What would happen if we did that in the real world?
Could we level the plane field a bit?
Could we see students from lower income backgrounds, students of color, be able to achieve at higher rates?
That's fascinating.
What's going on behind the scenes there?
Is it the framing?
Is it like our beliefs about ourselves?
Yeah.
The idea in the original work on Sturrietype Threat was that when we see,
say something as a valiative of people's abilities, all of us associate those abilities with different
kinds of social groups. And if you are, for example, an African American student and this test is said to be
a valiant of your intellectual abilities, or if you're a woman in math and science, and the test is said to be
a validative of your math and science abilities, a space in which in many contexts, women and girls are
negatively stereotyped, we automatically call to mind those stereotypes. And then
we can fear that if we were to do poorly, other people could see us through the light of that
stereotype. They could think that maybe our poor performance was confirming of that negative
stereotype. It makes it true. So we're thinking about the stereotype, which sort of like leads us
into, it's almost like a self-fulfilling prophecy. Yeah, it's interesting. It's a self-fulfilling
prophecy. It's actually largely the effort not to think about it. Sturotype threat happens most in
spaces where people are really identified, where they want to succeed. They care about that space.
They care about doing well in that space. They also, though, have called to mind this stereotype,
and they don't want to be thinking about that stereotype. They want to be able to think about the
task before them because it's really hard. Stereotype threat happens most when people are doing
things that are really pushing the edges of their abilities. So it's actually the effort to suppress
the thoughts about the stereotype that takes up cognitive resources and makes it harder for people
to actually devote resources to perform me well on the task.
That's fascinating.
What are some of the other beliefs that get in the way of success?
When we step back, there are many beliefs that we have about school and about schooling
that contribute to our performance, positive or negative.
These can include beliefs about whether a person like me can belong in this environment,
beliefs about whether intelligence is something that's fixed or something that can grow.
And those beliefs can be shifted, and they can affect how well people perform and whether people are able to perform to their potential within school environments, even over long periods of time.
Is it because that's how we make sense of ourselves, which is how we also act?
or a first thing to say that's important is that the beliefs that we have are often implicit
in the sense that we don't directly interrogate them. But they come about from the social
context that we're in as reasonable responses to the context that we're in. So if you are going
into a setting where your group is underrepresented, where your group has historically been
excluded or marginalized, where your group faces negative stereotypes, then it's a reasonable thing to
wonder whether perhaps somebody like you, a person with your group identity, might belong in that
environment. That question gives you a lens for interpreting everyday events that happen to you.
So you go into a complicated social environment. You're a new student and you're coming to
college and you're taking college classes and you're meeting your classmates and you're meeting
professors and you're trying to make sense of this whole new world and you're asking what is this
place how do I fit into it how might my experience here develop over time and if you have in the
back of your mind this question about whether maybe people like you can belong it gives you a kind
of narrative structure within which to interpret everyday events so when bad things happen when
your professor criticizes you when you get a bad grade on a first midterm, when you feel lonely
or homesick, when you don't get along with a roommate, if you're already wondering whether people
like me can belong here, a question that comes from that context, then it can seem like those events
confirm that interpretation that maybe you don't belong. Which changes your subsequent sort of
beliefs about yourself and your behavior or actions? Yeah. In the case of belonging, it's really a matter
of the relationship between yourself and a context. That's how I think about belonging. It's a
relationship between me and a place. And it confirms a fear that you might have that maybe people
like you don't belong in that environment. And that confirmation in your mind then changes how you
act in that setting. So, you know, if you start to think that you don't belong, you're less likely
to do things in that environment that really engage with it and would help to support your
belonging. You know, if you feel like your professor is looking down on you when he criticizes you,
you might be less likely to go to office hours and ask him a question. If you feel like the people in
your dorm who didn't include you when they went out on a Friday night are telling you that you don't
belong, you might be less likely to reengage with those people or maybe even with other people in your
dorm. And outside of school, like what are some examples and maybe personal relationships or
workplace that people can relate to as we sort of like deep dive into this. Yeah. So just as we have beliefs
about our relationship with a place, like beliefs about belonging, we have beliefs about
relationship partners. And those beliefs can in some cases become maladaptive in ways that
undermine the relationship over time. There's, for example, beautiful work by Denise Merigold,
who is at the University of Waterloo. And what Denise is interested in,
in is how people with low self-esteem take a compliment from a romantic partner.
And the idea is that what is low self-esteem? It's a kind of persistent doubt about your worth and
value. And if you think that maybe you aren't a person of high worth and value, then it's
harder to believe and be confident that somebody else, a romantic partner, views you in that way.
And so people with low self-esteem, they often tend to dismiss compliments from really.
partnership partners. They think of them as something that he just had to say or something that
she just had to say. And they don't take them to heart. They don't understand them as a reflection
really of the love and regard that their partner holds them in. Let's get into interventions because
I think we're going to sort of get into the weeds when we do that. When I think of an intervention,
I don't know, maybe it's growing up in like the 90s. I think of like everybody sitting in a living
room, you bringing somebody in and being like, hey, like we've got a problem. You're an alcoholic or you
of a drug problem. And that's what I think of as an intervention. But that's not the type of
interventions that you do. Yeah, I think that's like intervention with a capital I. It's kind of big
and imposing and scary and foreign and not something we do every day. It's kind of a singular,
rare event that's marked in people's lives. I think of interventions as something we do every
single day, maybe in every single interaction. You know, you are trying to get a child to go to
bed on time or to do their homework, or you're trying to get your spouse to exercise a bit more,
you're trying to get yourself to exercise more. We're always in the business of trying to
shape how we or other people think and feel about things in order to help us sort of do better
and achieve the goals that we have. We do this all the time in our personal lives. We also do
this all the time in our professional lives. I think a big part of what a teacher is or what a doctor
is often in helping other people, helping students or helping patients, think about the problems
that they face in ways that are productive. How does a doctor talk with a patient who's overweight
about how to exercise more? And we also see this all the time in corporate behavior. I mean,
of course, marketing is full of this, where marketers are constantly trying to change how we think
or feel about different kinds of products so that they essentially can make more money.
The kinds of interventions that I'm interested in are ones that,
originate in basic understanding of social psychological processes
and then aim to use those processes to help people achieve their goals
and help society and major institutions in society achieve better outcomes.
I was reading in prep for this that you mentioned four different types of interventions,
including direct labeling, prompting active reflection,
and I'm forgetting one. Oh, increasing commitment.
Yeah, those are intervention techniques.
And so can you sort of like walk me through all of those techniques?
Yeah, sure, of course.
Yeah.
So direct labeling is just telling people, you know, what something is or what a situation is.
This is particularly useful when people are newbies, when they're young or when they're just trying to make sense of things for the first time.
They don't have necessarily a preexisting view.
So in a classic study, kids were assigned to different conditions and encouraged to not litter in the classroom.
And in one condition, they were given a persuasive appeal.
They were told it's really important that you don't litter.
That seemed to increase or throwing away of trash and not littering in the short term, but not in the long term.
Another condition, kids were told that they were not literers, that they were the clean class, the school principal, the teacher, the janitor, all told kids that they were the clean class and that they didn't litter.
So here you have young kids being labeled, their group identity is being labeled, and then kids behaved in accordance with that label.
They littered less even weeks later.
Now, that's not how, you know, most interventions, especially with older populations or with people who are more sophisticated, don't just give people a label.
They instead give people information upon which they can draw a new inference.
They give people the new basis for interpreting something in the world.
For example, the complement intervention work that I described earlier, what Denise Marigold did,
she did an intervention to try to improve, increase the extent to which people with low self-esteem
took compliments.
And the way that she did that is she asked people with low self-esteem, not just to think about
a compliment that their partner had given them, but then she asked them why that compliment
has a global and enduring meaning,
why it reflects the regard that their partner
sort of truly has for them.
And the low self-esteem participants in her work
were then able to articulate that they described
the reasons why the compliment had this global meaning.
It reflected the love of their partner.
And then they benefited from it.
They felt more secure in the relationship.
They behaved less negatively, more positively towards their partner.
their partners reciprocated, and it set in motion a more secure and positive relationship cycle.
What that intervention did is it didn't just label it. People weren't just told that their partner
loved them. People with low self-esteem might have rejected that. Instead, it gave people an
opportunity to write about how their partner's compliment reflected the regard that they had for them,
and they then took that as a basis for feeling more secure in the relationship.
Is that, like, prompted reflection, basically?
Yeah, so there's a lot of different ways you can do prompting.
I consider that a kind of leading question intervention.
So people are asked a question that assumes an answer.
In this case, the question was not, critically, the question was not, does this complement
reflect a general and global regard that your partner has for you?
The question was, why does it?
That's really interesting, because it's, like, crossing this reflection, sort of like Chasm,
but it's also like active perspective taking.
Yeah.
So I think often, you know, what psychological interventions do
is they try to help people into more adaptive ways
to look at themselves or look at other people
or look at an object of judgment in the world.
Here, the idea was that it would be helpful for these people
to understand the compliment from their partner
as reflecting this true regard that their partner has for them.
Right.
The third one is increasing,
commitment through action. And here, the idea is that a long, long history of psychology,
going back through cognitive dissonance, shows that people are really motivated to see their
behaviors and attitudes as consistent. And so, for example, if you get people to articulate and
advocate for an idea, then they become more persuaded by that idea. This is sometimes called
the same-as-believing procedure, where you give people new information, and then you ask them to
describe that new information of those new facts to some third party, a group of people like them
but younger who need their help, perhaps. And when they do that, they come to be committed to those
ideas more so than if you had just given them that information in the first place. So it's enlisting people
as active co-creators of an intervention message for other people. I like that. And so that's been
used in many of the most powerful interventions. For example, work by Jason Akanafua,
examined what teachers think about how to interact with kids who are misbehaving in school.
And what Jason did was he gave teachers. These are experienced teachers. He gave teachers
stories about teachers who listened, who took us that kind of empathic approach to their
students who were misbehaving. Instead of just punishing a student, they took time to listen
to the student, to understand the perspective that the student had on the whatever the incident
was they prioritized maintaining a positive relationship with the student rather than just
dismissing a student.
And then he asked these teachers, how do you do this in your classroom?
And we want to learn from you as an experienced teacher because we want to give these stories
to future teachers and teacher training programs so that they too can really understand
how to interact with misbehaving kids in class.
And that exercise reduced the suspension rate among students whose teachers got
that message by 50% over the school year. So here the teachers believe themselves to be creating
an intervention for future teachers in training when they themselves really benefited from that
experience, from reflecting on how they did or wanted to take this empathic approach to
discipline with their students, their own students benefited. They were the ones being
intervened on, although they thought they were just creating one for the future. Yeah, sometimes we
persuade ourselves most when we tried to persuade other people. Here, the teachers became
particularly committed to this empathic approach to discipline that would be better for cutting
off negative patterns of interaction with students when they were able to articulate that for
other teachers, younger teachers, teachers in training. So it's really interesting to me because
it's not a knowledge gap. Like we're not teaching them a new skill. It's a skill they already have
and it's just getting them to apply it more effectively or with more intention perhaps. Yeah, that's right.
think it's a really useful property of the term mindset that in many cases we have multiple
conflicting mindsets about the very same thing. We both believe A and we believe not A in some
sense. And in teaching, I think, and in parenting, by the way, with disciplining your own
children, I think that we can both have the belief. My job here is to maintain this positive
relationship, to understand this child, especially when they have difficulties and to help them
improve as they try to grow up and develop and learn from their mistakes. And we also have
a kind of punitive mindset that comes about from, you know, behaviorist psychology or a perversion
of behaviorist psychology where we think rewards and punishments are what drives behavior
and kids, if kids misbehave, we need to punish them so that they learn from their failures.
And we have both of those ideas, both of those representations in our head.
and what the empathic discipline intervention did,
what articulating to future teachers,
how you yourself as an experienced teacher
take an empathic approach to your students,
it just helped elevate that more empathic idea.
It didn't introduce it.
It wasn't new.
There's no rocket science here.
There was no new skill that the teachers needed.
But it helped elevate that.
It helped increase their commitment to that
as compared to a more punitive approach.
Okay, and active reflection?
Yeah, so other interventions don't necessarily give people information. They instead just structure
reflection exercises in open-ended ways, but in ways that are designed to help support people's
functioning. So, for example, the world of positive psychology has shown that a reliable way to
increase people's well-being and their happiness is to reflect on the gratitude that you feel to
others. And so writing gratitude notes, even notes that you don't send that articulate the thanks
that you have to the people who've made a difference in your life in an open-ended way can improve
well-being. Other work by Jamie Pennebaker has shown that traumas can linger in your mind and they can
be, they can distract you and undermine your experience. And so if you give people open-ended writing
experiences where they can reflect on the most difficult or traumatic experience that they've had
in their lives. They can start to describe that experience. And in writing about it, they write it
often with a kind of beginning, middle, and end, creating a sense of closure that helps, again,
to improve people's functioning and improves their health. So there's a variety of open-ended
writing techniques, often open-ended reflection exercises and often writing techniques that help people
think through aspects of their life in ways that are supportive of their functioning.
So what would be the difference, just going back to the teachers for a second, between them
being interventioned in the way that they were and maybe interventioned with active reflection?
Yeah. So in the empathic discipline intervention, teachers get a bunch of content. They hear stories from
students who've misbehaved in class and the thanks that they feel to their teachers when
they respond to them in an empathic way. They hear stories from teachers about their use of
this empathic approach. They read articles about how to think about kids who are misbehaving
in ways that sustain relationships. It's not just a simply open-ended exercise. They're instead
given a bunch of content and then they reflect on that content and articulate how they
themselves use that approach to kids who are misbehaving. So whereas the open, the active reflection
exercises, people don't get any content at all. The exercise just structures how they, how they think
about something that's important in their life. So what's an example of your favorite sort of
intervention? Let me give you an example of one that I think is particularly helpful for
illustrating a number of important points. So this was work that Daphne Bougenthal, who was a psychologist
that Santa Barbara did. She's retired now. And she was interested in the problem of child abuse.
And how could we prevent child abuse? And what she did was she worked with a group of low-income,
mostly single moms, Latina, many of whom themselves had been, had experienced abuse themselves.
And so were sort of demographically at risk for abusing their new children. And she,
she assigned these mothers to three conditions.
There was a control condition where nothing in particular happened.
The second condition was a state program that was visiting these mothers and giving them
tips about parenting, budgeting, kinds of nuts and bolts things.
Then the third condition, she just appended to that second condition.
So again, they got these state visits, but the social workers who were doing the visits were
train. And what they did was to ask these mothers about the most difficult challenges that they
had with their babies. So these are newborn babies or in the first year of life. So they're infants.
And the social workers were to ask mothers, what's the most difficult problem you have with
your baby? And the mothers would say something like, oh, I can't get my baby to stop crying. I can't
get my baby to stay asleep. I can't get my baby to take a bottle. You know, the kinds of problems that
you have with an infant.
And what Daphne Bougenthal had theorized was that there's a risk for a new mother in
this circumstance of feeling like those problems might mean that maybe she's a bad mother
or maybe the baby's a bad baby.
So she then would just try to surface this.
The social workers were trained to ask mothers explicitly, you know, why are you having
these challenges?
The mothers would often give reasons that seem to imply this kind of self-blaming or this child-blaming thinking.
And the social workers, they never directly contradicted that.
Instead, they just kept asking, could it be something else?
Could it be something else?
Until the mother came up with their own kind of pragmatic way of thinking about the problem.
So the mother might say, for example, oh, like maybe I should try a new swaddle to help the baby sleep.
Or maybe I should try a new nipple on the bottle to help the baby take a bottle.
And then they would come back a little later, a few weeks later, and they would say,
oh, so last time you said this and you said you would try this, did you try that?
How did it go?
And what she found, what Bukenthal found, was that this exercise dramatically reduced
the rates of what she called harsh parenting, like things like spanking and other kinds of physical acts
that you could think of as child sort of maltreatment within the first year of life.
It dramatically reduced that rate.
The state visits without this psychologically wise approach didn't have any effect at all.
But this psychologically wise approach of asking mothers why they're having the problems
they're having and keep asking that question, could it be something else until the mothers
came up with a non-pejorative reason, that dramatically reduced the rates of abuse.
it also improved the children's health, their physical health,
that reduced mothers' rates of depression.
And there were a number of important downstream consequences as well.
It sounds almost too good to be true.
You know, I think that one thing that's true of psychologically wise interventions
is that when we think about big problems that society faces,
when we think about problems like child abuse or problems like poor achievement in school
or problems like failing marriages,
we often have the intuition that we need kind of commensurately big solutions to these big problems.
That is, if we're having a big problem, we need to invest a lot of time and we need to invest a lot of money and we need a big program and we need a big to-do to make effective progress on those problems.
And one of the lessons from my own experience early on learning about stereotype threat is that that's not always true.
It wasn't a big to-do that was needed to help African-American students do better.
on that test in the laboratory, it was a representation of the test that took negative stereotypes
off the table. And the reason why that can be so important is that that change, it might not seem
big from a different point of view. It might not seem big from our point of view here or from a
third party point of view. But for a person in that circumstance, it's almost, there's nothing
bigger. So if you are an African-American student coming in to take a test and it's said to be
evaluative of your abilities, the possibility that that reflects or could lead to a negative
stereotypical judgment of you and people like you is really threatening. And having that
off the table is a really big deal. If you are worried that you're a bad mother with your
baby or that your baby is a bad baby, a way to think about that that takes that off the table,
that makes you not a bad mother,
it makes your baby not a bad baby.
There's like nothing bigger from that perspective.
And that's the perspective that we really need to understand
is the perspective of the person
who's critically acting in a circumstance,
who's trying to perform well on a test,
or who is working with a baby
trying to help that baby and is with that baby 24 hours a day
and who themselves is in a difficult circumstance.
And when we can understand that perspective
and understand the concerns that that person has
and help them put those aside, then we can make real progress and problems.
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What I like about it is that we're sort of like removing impediments to success versus
like adding tools to give people more success.
Yeah, that's right.
It's a really big and important lesson is that often psychological processes act as barriers.
And when we do a barrier analysis, when we ask what gets in the way of better outcomes,
it leads us to these kinds of solutions.
That's an old, old idea.
It goes back, you know, 75 years within social psychology.
There was a personal hero of mine, Kurt Lewin or Kurt Levine, one of the founders of social psychology,
did important work in the World War II era when the United States government was concerned
about meat shortages and wanted people to eat more organ meats, which were considered ethnic
meats and were not to be consumed by middle class people.
and what Lewin understood as he pursued research on this problem was that it was that perception
that people like me don't serve this. That was really the barrier, an important barrier to people
doing it. People didn't need more reasons. They didn't need more recipes. They didn't need to be told
about the importance for the war effort. They didn't need to be told about the healthiness or the tastiness
even really. They needed to have that sense that people like me don't do this removed. And once that
was done, people were able to eat those meats.
That's really interesting. As you were saying that, I was sort of like thinking back to some
old podcasts that we've done where people, and we talk about parenting specifically with
people, there's an interesting overlap of our guests in terms of like how they talk to their
kids. And one of the things they do is like, our family is kind. Our family doesn't take shortcuts.
And it's interesting how that labeling is sort of like coming out and what you're saying.
Well, the actual way that Lewin got there was a little bit.
different. What he did was he compared two different groups. One group got a lecture appeal,
which they were told all the reasons why they should serve these foods. And the participants here
are housewives, importantly. So these are the people who are in Lewin's analysis bringing food
into the household and preparing it. So one group of people got this lecture appeal. And that
in that condition, almost no women served these organ meats to their families. And the second
condition, he brought women together in small group discussions. And there's a facilitator who
led the small group in thinking about how these meets could be served, to identify barriers,
to serve them in your family, to think about how those barriers could be overcome.
Very importantly, at the end of the conversation, which was a participatory conversation,
again, it was not a lecture. Women are sharing ideas and sharing challenges and ways to overcome
those challenges at the end, he asks, or the facilitator asks the women who will serve these
foods to your family in the next few weeks. And if you will, please show by raise a hand.
And that's really powerful. People start to put their hands up. It's really powerful because
first, from a self perspective, if you're looking around and you're seeing other people
raise their hands, and then you raise your own hand. And then you raise your own hand.
you are yourself committing to this action to surveying the meets.
But the even more important thing I think is that from a kind of social group perspective,
you're looking around at your peers, other women like you in your community, your social class
background, and you're seeing all these other women raise their hands.
And your perception then that people like me don't do this, that gets directly challenged at that
point.
You think now actually people like me may do this.
So it's not a matter of sort of changing what the group norm is.
It's just showing you that you, like, is it showing you that you can act outside of the group?
It's changing your perception of the group norm, right?
So you go into the setting thinking people like me don't do this.
And then you have the conversation.
You see the other members of your small group discussion,
who are members of your sort of peer group,
raising their hands, committing to serving these cheap meats.
And at that point, your perception,
of the norm of your group has shifted.
No longer is your group just opposed to serving these meats.
It strikes me that one of the things that would lead to success would be
if you had an intervention causing even a slight change in somebody
or their perception of a situation or beliefs,
they would act on that.
And then the feedback based on that action,
like if it was immediate and positive,
would encourage further sort of like exploring that.
that's very consistent with how we think about some of these interventions.
It's almost like the intervention gives you a new hypothesis to test,
and then you test that within the world that you're in.
And if that test seems to succeed, you become more committed to that view.
So in interventions on social belonging, everybody worries at first about whether they belong,
and it gets better with time.
And I think that you give people that idea,
people who are otherwise wondering whether I or people like me can belong here.
You give people that idea, and then they kind of test it out and interactions with their peers
or with their instructors.
And if the environment seems to confirm it, then the intervention can live and set in motion
a cycle of growth.
Makes a lot of sense.
You mentioned earlier about failing marriages and parenting growth mindset.
Let's dive into some examples here.
Let's say I have a child and I want to, I don't want to.
want to say intervention, but if I want to nudge them or like encourage them to think in a
different way, you know, I want to have a wise intervention with them on developing this growth
mindset. What does that look like from the parents' perspective? Do you wait for a certain
situation? Do you just instill it in your day-to-day? Like how do you do that?
Yeah. One important thing is to understand that when we do interventions, we do them with people,
not two people.
Okay.
And so you want to do things that help the people you're working with come to really understand
and own, in a real way to own the idea that will be adaptive for them.
How do we do that?
So there's a couple things you could think about.
So one thing you could think about is to talk about the idea of a growth mindset
and how that can be true and ask the child to our child.
articulate that for themselves or describe that for themselves to draw it or write it.
Like, talk to me about situations where you've learned something.
Like, I think that you can, you could ask a child, how would they explain this to somebody
younger than you? How would you explain this to your little brother?
That's great, yeah.
The second kind of thing is to think about everyday practices, everyday interactions and
everyday practices, and what those are conveying even inadvertently to kids.
And so a fabulous line of work by Kyla Hemovits, who was a former graduate student here at Stanford, is now a postdoc at Penn, shows that kids tend to draw strong inferences from their parents' reactions to mistakes.
So Kyla's work began with a very curious observation, which was that the correlation between kids' beliefs about the malleability of intelligence and their parents' beliefs of the maliability of intelligence was not strong.
It was weak.
So you have parents who believe in a growth mindset or who believe in a fixed mindset
and their kids' beliefs don't really correspond to their parents' beliefs.
And why was that?
And Kyla found that parents have a simpler belief system, which is only weakly correlated
with their growth mindset beliefs, but importantly is really visible to kids.
And that's their beliefs about mistakes.
So parents can believe that mistakes are good and helpful and positive and productive
for growth and learning, or they can think that they're bad.
And if you, as a parent, have the belief even implicitly that mistakes are kind of bad,
then that is your reaction to your child's mistakes.
Even if you believe in a growth mindset can be interpreted by the child as evidence
that you believe a fixed mindset that a fixed mindset might be true and that the kid then takes
reasons to have a fixed mindset.
So if your son or daughter comes home and they've made a mistake, knowing this,
How do you respond?
Yeah.
So, I mean, Kyla has some beautiful stories from parents who she asks just this question to.
Imagine your child comes home with, say, a poor grade on a math test.
What would you say?
How would you respond?
And I remember one parent said something like, oh, I would say, I'm so sorry you had this experience.
But let's sit down together and see what you got wrong and how we can learn from it.
Maybe we can have an ice cream as we do it to engage the child in the learning process through the mistake.
rather than to say things like, for example,
I would worry that my child might not be good at math.
I think that's sort of like, I'm going to have to think on that a bit,
but I love that sort of framing of it,
and let's sit down together and go through it
and see what we can learn from.
I think that parents also do a lot of work
as their children are undertaking tasks
to shape their children's understanding of those experiences.
So we have two kids who are six and four,
And when the kids are bicycling and they say that they're tired, we always say to them,
it's when you're tired that your muscles are getting stronger.
And the idea is to reframe for them what it means to be tired.
It's not necessarily a reason to stop, but this is your opportunity to have that growth experience.
It's when things are difficult that you are learning.
That's cool. I like that.
What else do you have in terms of parenting and applying sort of like these little tiny intervention
to foster a different mindset around growth?
I think that it's also just important
to have empathy for yourself as a parent.
The standard of parenting is not going to be perfection.
The standard of parenting is going to be a commitment to a process
that when you make mistakes, you know,
you tell your child, you made a mistake.
Right.
And you commit to a process of trying to be the best kind of parent you can be.
It's not about, you know, you're not going to be perfect.
And I think that that's really important for the child.
The child's goal is not to be perfect either.
That, you know, you don't want a child who always gets everything, right?
It's not a realistic goal.
The goal is to have sustained commitment to and work towards goals of growth and learning
and improvement that you value.
I remember the first time I apologize to my kids.
It was like sort of scary.
And then it just became this thing where, you know,
I would just use it as a means of feedback almost to myself.
I would just apologize to them.
Oh, like, I didn't handle that the way that I wanted to you
or situation didn't work out.
And then it took a while, but then they started coming up to me after
and they're like, oh, I could have handled that better.
I'm sorry.
Yeah, I think one of the best things my mother did,
who's, I think, a wonderful parent is she was very, very good
at apologizing for mistakes that she might have made real or imagined in her mind.
And another sort of representative story just quickly here is
I backed into my garage a couple weeks ago
and, like, totally killed the garage door
to the point where it had to be replaced.
And we ended up sort of, like, laughing about it.
I was a little stressed, obviously.
But, and then my son spilled milk,
and I was really proud of the way he handled it
because he just, like, came upstairs, got some paper towel.
And it's the first time he's sort of done that, like, all on his own
and just, like, you have a problem, you need to fix it.
You know how to fix it.
I'm here if you sort of, like, need guidance on that.
But, and then I talked to him after, and I said, you handle that really well.
Like, I'm really proud of you.
And he's like, well, if you can handle backing into the garage door without getting upset,
he's like, I think I can spill some milk without getting upset.
Yeah, there's a fabulous musical group called Gemini Brothers, a local group in Michigan.
They have a song called Oops.
And the song begins with singing in the persona of a child who has dropped the ball and
spilled the salad dressing all over his sister and then the father comes up to
console the kid and tell the kid that everybody makes mistakes and then slips on the
carpet as he's putting the child to bed and spills coffee all over himself and then the
mother comes in and says what's happening here and then they all laugh together it just kind
of captures that I'm going to have to look that out I want to come back to failing or
struggling relationships what are the sort of interventions that people who feel
disconnected from their partner, feel like things aren't working. Even if you're in a good
relationship, what would be an intervention you can use to strengthen meaning and connection?
There's a lot of things that you could say about that in general terms. Of course, you know,
there's kind of the wise wisdom of spending time together and trying new things together
and growing together, communicating. But I want to talk about something very specific,
which is a line of research led by Eli Finkel at Northwestern University, which
was a study of married couples in the Chicago land area.
And these were not couples who were in any kind of marriage, marital distress.
They were just normal kind of middle-aged married couples.
And they were involved in a several-year longitudinal study
in which every few months they reported on their feelings in their marriage,
that passion and intimacy and closeness that they felt in the marriage.
And they also described the kinds of conflicts that they experienced in the marriage
and how they thought about those.
And they did this for a year.
And then at the end of that year,
before the next stage of the study began,
there was a randomized intervention that was introduced.
And what this was was that after having described their most significant conflict
that existed within their marriage,
each member of the couple was asked a series of questions.
They were asked, how would a neutral third party
who wants the best for all view this conflict?
then they were asked, what barriers would prevent you or make it difficult for you to take this
perspective in a conflict situation with your spouse? And then the third question was, how could you
overcome those barriers to take that neutral third-party perspective? And I think that one of the
things that is so important about these questions is that people are not being asked to take
their spouse's perspective. Right. Like, you know well your spouse's perspective in a conflict.
And you think it's not rational.
But instead, people are asked independently to think of what a neutral third party who wants
the best for all, not their perspective, not their partner's perspective, but somebody who's
neutral and wants the best for all.
How might they see this?
And what that study showed was that there was an overall slow decline over time in marital
quality.
People, as time went by, felt less close, less intimate, less passionate, less satisfied in their marriages.
And as I understand it, that's a common finding in longitudinal studies of marriage.
And what the intervention did introduced at the 12-month mark after having a year of these surveys.
It was introduced at 12 months, at 16 months, and at 20 months, three times people completed those questions.
Each time took about seven minutes.
is that that cut off that downward trend.
It stabilized the quality of people's marriages.
So they stopped declining.
They didn't necessarily get better,
but it's sort of like the long-term decline stopped.
The long-term decline stopped.
It didn't necessarily get better,
but the long-term decline stopped.
And as I said, these are not marriages in marital therapy
or marriages that are sort of necessarily going towards divorce.
These are just typical marriages.
Right.
So the headline, the kind of joke headline is,
21 minutes to save a marriage because people did this exercise three times seven minutes each
at month 12, month 16, and month 20. But the important thing is what it did is it gave people's
space to step back and ask themselves, yeah, like what would a neutral third party view be?
Like what might be the barriers to taking that? How could I take that perspective? And their spouse is
doing that too. And then the next time the conflict arises, like maybe one of the members of the
couple is always late, and that's a source of conflict. The next time the conflict arises,
that's now a representation in each person's mind about how to think about how to handle,
how to respond to that situation. It's almost like you're waiting for it if you're the other
partner, right? If you believe your spouse is chronically late, then you're almost watching
the clock waiting for it to happen, and you already know how you're going to respond and
talk about it. We have these sort of like self-fulfilling prophecies, right?
Yes, we have stereotypes of people. We tend to reinforce the stereotypes.
and dismiss evidence that might contra that.
Or, you know, if we think of our kids as responsible,
we tend to see them as more responsible.
Like, we pay attention to that,
and we sort of, like, remove the disconfirming evidence
of when they're irresponsible,
and we just sort of, like, chalk it up to...
I just think our beliefs be conforming of the world that we live in,
and then we get feedback on that world based on our beliefs.
I think it's especially vivid in a relationship,
a close relationship context,
because close relationships are, like, nothing more,
essentially than my perception of you and my beliefs about you and how I behave towards you,
and then you're a perception of and beliefs about that. You give that back to me and we're just
in this cycle going forward. And we can get caught in bad cycles that produce things like
declines in marital quality or that produce exacerbating conflicts between teachers and students.
And one of the things that interventions do is that they can help people get out of those cycles
and then produce the kind of better outcomes for both parties. Thank you for that. Is there anything
we've talked about today that hasn't replicated or is in question or there's doubts around?
I think that everything is in a state of construction. The states of that construction vary across
different problem spaces and different interventions. There's always going to be questions about
the circumstances in which different kinds of interventions will be effective and will not be
effective. We talked for a bit about how, for example, growth mindset interventions seem to be more
likely to produce gains in conducive pure environments as compared to non-conduasive pure
environments. I think what's really important to understand is essentially heterogeneity and
generalizability. That is, what are the boundary conditions? Where does an intervention with
what kinds of populations and what kinds of context does an intervention tend to replicate and
where does it tend not to produce benefits? In what kinds of context can we then, therefore,
generalized those intervention effects and understand that that kind of world, that population
and that context would benefit from the treatment as opposed to a different kind.
I think that's the sort of useful way to think about this, is that all of this is sort of under
construction and it always will be in a kind of state of construction. And the new questions
emerge, especially around boundary conditions and as well as around sort of the processes of
improvement. I think that's a great place to end this conversation. I want to think you
so much for your time. Greg, this was
fascinating and insightful
and new space for us.
So thank you. Great. Well, thank you, Shane.
I've enjoyed the conversation.
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