The President's Daily Brief - July 24th, 2026: Iran’s Proxy War Just Escalated Again & Russia’s Empty Tanks
Episode Date: July 24, 2026In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: First, the Iran-backed Houthis have begun enforcing their blockade of Saudi Arabia, striking oil tankers in the Red Sea as new reporting points to a... deeper and more direct Iranian role behind the escalation. Later, Russia’s growing fuel shortages are reportedly beginning to disrupt military operations in Ukraine, with some frontline units forced to ration supplies and abandon equipment they can no longer operate or recover. Plus, Secretary of State Marco Rubio offers a sober assessment of peace efforts in Ukraine while reassuring America’s Asian allies that Washington’s outreach to China will not come at their expense. And in today’s Back of the Brief, a new report estimates that rebuilding Gaza will cost approximately $71 billion and warns that any lasting reconstruction effort will require meaningful Palestinian participation. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President’s Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief HomeServe: Protect your home systems from expensive repairs with https://HomeServe.com/dailybrief and get 50% off your first year of coverage. Goldbelly: Impress your family and friends - get free shipping and 20% off your first order at https://GOLDBELLY.com with code PDB. Poncho Outdoors: Gear up for summer with Poncho and grab $10 off plus free shipping at https://ponchooutdoors.com/PDB Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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It's Friday, the 24th of July. This month has just been flying by.
Welcome to the president's Daily Brief. I'm Mike Baker, your eyes and ears on the world stage,
and yes, still traveling. All right, let's get briefed. First up, the Khutis have begun
enforcing their blockade of Saudi Arabia, and new evidence suggests Iran may be playing
a far more direct role than previously known. I'll explain. Later in the show,
Russia's military is reportedly running so low on fuel that some troops are a
are abandoning equipment on the battlefield. I'll have the details. Plus, Secretary of State
Marco Rubio is making the rounds in Asia, offering assessments on Ukraine, China, and America's
commitment to its allies. And in today's back of the brief, a new report estimates it could
cost roughly $71 billion, give or take, tens of billions, to rebuild Gaza, highlighting the
enormous financial and political challenges that lie ahead. And by $71 billion, I do mean.
a lot more than that. But first, today's PDB spotlight. Yesterday on the PDB, we told you that
the Iran-backed Houthi rebels appeared ready to begin enforcing their newly declared maritime blockade
against Saudi Arabia. According to U.S. and European maritime security officials, the group had
positioned missiles and attacked drones near the Bab al-Mandeb Strait and looked poised to move from threats
to action. Well, it did not take long. Just hours later, the Houthis claimed they had attacked
two Saudi oil tankers transiting the Red Sea.
The groups had targeted two Saudi flag tankers, the Encelia and the Leila, with missiles and
drones, because they had violated the blockade by operating on behalf of Saudi Arabia.
Saudi officials confirmed that the Encelia was struck while moving through the Red Sea.
According to the Kingdom's Transport General Authority, the attack sparked a fire near the bow of the
vessel, though all crew members were safely evacuated and no injuries were reported.
officials did not identify who carried out the strike, nor did they comment on the Khuti's claim
that a second tanker had also been attacked. The Khutis also claimed they forced roughly 10
commercial ships to reverse course rather than continue towards Saudi ports. That number has not been
independently verified, but maritime tracking firms have confirmed that several vessels have indeed
turned around since the blockade was announced earlier this week. So while the Babel-Land-Deb Strait remains open to
non-Saudi commercial traffic, at least in theory. The Houthis have now demonstrated that this
blockade is more than just political theater or posturing. Now, one interesting wrinkle emerged yesterday.
Despite the Houthi threats, two Chinese-owned supertankers carrying Saudi crude successfully transited
the Babo Mandeb on Thursday. According to shipping data, both vessels openly broadcast that they were
Chinese-owned and Chinese crude as they passed through the chog point. The Houthis have not announced
any formal exemption for Chinese shipping, and it's impossible to know exactly why those ships
were allowed to pass unmolested while Saudi flag tankers were reportedly attacked. But the
contrast is, of course, notable, and it suggests that the Houthis may be selectively enforcing
their blockade, oh, you think, perhaps targeting certain countries while avoiding confrontation
with Beijing, Iran's most important economic partner. And by all that, I mean, of course they're
giving the Chinese a pass, at the urging, of course, of the Iran.
Iranian regime and the IRGC.
But today's biggest development may actually be what we learned about Iran's role behind
the scenes.
This week, Secretary of State Mark Arrubio accused Tehran of flying members of the Islamic
Revolutionary Guard Corps, the IRGC, directly into Yemen.
At the time, he offered few details.
Now, Reuters has filled in some of the blanks.
According to four sources familiar with the matter, including two Iranian sources,
Iran flew between 10 and 21 IRGC officers and military advisors into Houthi-controlled Yemen on July 13th,
aboard a Mohan air flight. The aircraft also allegedly carried missile and drone components,
along with gold intended to finance Houthi operations. According to one of those sources,
the commanders were sent to train Houthi forces on newer missile systems and to strengthen
the group's ability to threaten commercial shipping in the Red Sea. Now, it's important to note that those
claims remained disputed. A Houthi official denied that military personnel were aboard the aircraft,
insisting all passengers were civilians. Iran is also repeatedly denied providing the Khutis with missile
capabilities. Well, I see no reason not to take the Khutis in the Iranian regime at their word.
I'm sure it's all fine. According to Reuters, the alleged IRGC flight arrived in Yemen on the 13th of July.
Just three days later, Reuters separately reported that Iran had instructed the Khutis to prepare to close the
Red Sea oil route if the U.S. expanded its strikes against Iranian infrastructure. Then on Monday,
the Houthis announced their blockade of Saudi Arabia. And now, just days later, they've apparently
begun enforcing it. President Trump warned overnight that the U.S. will hold Iran responsible
for future Houthi attacks on commercial shipping. In a post on Truth Social, he described
the Houthis as an Iranian proxy and warned that if they continue attacking vessels, both the
Houthis and Iran will face what he called, quote, major military punishment. For years, Iran has
benefited from operating through regional proxy groups while maintaining at least some notional
degree of plausible deniability. President Trump is now signaling that Washington is no longer
willing to play along with the regime's somewhat ridiculous claims. The immediate damage to global
shipping remains limited, although oil prices and the energy markets in general have reacted quickly,
but the larger strategic picture has become more dangerous.
Iran appears to be deepening its support for the Khutis,
just as the group, under Iranian direction,
begins targeting Saudi oil exports,
and the U.S. is making it clear that any future escalation
may no longer be viewed as merely a Houthi operation.
All right, coming up next,
Russia's fuel crisis is beginning to have an impact on the battlefield.
The Secretary of State Marco Rubio meets with top diplomats in Southeast.
East Asia as the Trump administration tries to balance competition with China and support for Ukraine.
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For much of the war, Ukraine's long-range strikes against Russia's oil industry
have been viewed primarily as an economic pressure campaign.
Now there are growing signs they're beginning to produce something even more valuable.
Russian troops say they're running short on fuel, disrupting frontline operations,
and in some cases, forcing soldiers to abandon military equipment altogether.
So what does that actually look like on the ground?
New reporting from the independent Russian outlet Vyorska reveals just how serious the problem has become.
Soldiers say fuel is no longer consistently reaching the front.
Gasoline and diesel deliveries have been reduced,
replacing what used to be demand-based resupply with increasingly strict rationing.
For any kids or sensitive souls listening to the PDB right now,
earmuffs. One soldier described the situation without much effort to soften it, saying, quote,
the gasoline situation is completely fucked. There is a catastrophic shortage of gasoline.
End quote. Okay, you can take the earmuffs off. The soldier went on to say that some military
vehicles are now limited to no more than 20 liters per day, while another soldier estimated
overall fuel deliveries have fallen by roughly 30%. And this is where Ukraine's strategy starts
to pay dividends. A fuel shortage doesn't just sideline a handful of military vehicles, it slows
the entire supply chain. Russian troops say the same trucks that keep front-line positions stocked
with ammunition, food, and water are now struggling to stay fueled themselves, making every resupply
run that much more difficult. In the Saperitia region, one soldier said his position receives just
10, maybe 15 liters of gasoline per delivery. For an army that the Kremlin still portrays as a global
military power, the reality on the ground is somewhat embarrassing. Russian troops say they sometimes
have to walk seven miles or more, carrying food, water, and other basic supplies because there simply
isn't enough fuel to transport them. One of the soldiers interviewed by Vyotka said he no longer understood
how they were expected to fight under these conditions, saying, quote, the further it goes,
the worse it gets. Some Russian troops say they've now resorted to buying gasoline from locals and
villages they occupy for as much as 300 rubles or nearly $4 per liter. Others wait for fellow
soldiers returning from leave to bring back fuel cans, essentially creating an informal inefficient
supply chain because the military's own logistics system can no longer keep up. In at least one
incident, Russian forces reportedly abandoned an operational T-72 tank during a retreat after it
simply ran out of fuel, not because it had been destroyed, but because it's a
it simply ran out of gas. The root of the problem lies hundreds of miles behind the front lines.
As we've discussed here on the PDB, Ukraine has steadily expanded its long-range strike
campaign against Russian oil refineries, fuel depots, storage facilities, and transportation networks.
Rather than focusing exclusively on military bases, we've seen Kiev increasingly target the
logistical backbone that allows Russia's invasion to function somewhat efficiently.
It's also becoming harder for Moscow's own supporters to ignore.
Russian military bloggers and pro-war volunteer organizations, which are normally, among the Kremlin's strongest supporters, have also begun acknowledging the shortages publicly.
One prominent volunteer even questioned why troops fighting what Moscow still calls its, quote, special military operation, were struggling to obtain something as basic as gasoline.
If these battlefield accounts accurately reflect conditions across a broader stretch of the front, they suggest that Ukraine's long-range strike campaign is gradually.
choking the fuel network that keeps Russia's military moving.
All right. Shifting gears, one of the biggest questions hanging over American foreign policy right now
isn't just whether Washington can manage the war with Iran. It's whether the U.S. can do that
while continuing to compete with China, support Ukraine, and reassure allies across the Indo-Pacific.
Judging by Secretary of State Marco Rubio's whirlwind diplomacy this week in Manila,
the Trump administration wants the answer to be yes.
Rubio spent the past several days meeting with many of the region's top diplomats on the
sidelines of the annual association of Southeast Asian nations or ASEAN. It's a security forum in the Philippines.
Over the course of those meetings, he spoke with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov,
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, and officials from across Southeast Asia, all while trying to
deliver a constant message. Despite the wars in the Middle East and Ukraine, Washington is not
taking its eye off Asia.
It's a message many of the American partners in the region have been waiting to hear.
For governments across Southeast Asia, the war in Iran and the instability around the Strait of Hormuz,
and now the Babo Mandeb Strait, threatens one of their most important sources of energy.
And for months, analysts have questioned whether the Trump administration's growing military campaign against Iran
would inevitably pull American attention and resources away from the Indo-Pacific,
the region that many strategists see is the long-term center of geopolitical competition.
Rubio rejected that idea outright.
He told reporters Thursday, quote,
and there's always going to be a concern that America is so focused on one place
that it can't focus on another.
But he argued the U.S. remains engaged in Asia, quote, every single day.
Through its military presence, economic ties,
and longstanding security partnerships.
That message was aimed at allies,
increasingly anxious about China's growing assertiveness.
Just days before the ASEAN meetings,
Chinese and Philippine vessels were in.
involved in yet another confrontation in the South China Sea, the latest in a series of
increasingly tense encounters between Beijing and Manila. Rubio described the incident, which
he said benefited no one, as escalatory, and reaffirmed that the U.S. intends to honor its
mutual defense treaty with the Philippines, while also reiterating Washington's commitment to freedom
of navigation and what he called respect for territorial rights. At the same time, Rubio met privately
with Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi.
The two discussed preparations
for Chinese President Xi Jinping's
planned visit to Washington in September,
with Rubio, acknowledging that the U.S. and China
will continue to have what he called, quote,
great differences for the foreseeable future.
The fallout from President Trump's speech last week,
accusing China of election interference in 2020,
hung in the air, in addition to the usual major geopolitical tensions.
Still, he argued those disagreements
must be managed responsibly to reduce the risk of confrontation between the world's two largest
economies and two nuclear powers. That balancing act, competing with China while keeping dialogue open,
has become an increasingly familiar feature of American policy in the region. Rubio's meeting with
Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov reflected a similar approach. He said the U.S. remains prepared to help
facilitate negotiations aimed at ending the war in Ukraine, but cautioned that recent diplomatic efforts
have produced little progress, and that any eventual settlement will require what he described as,
quote, new suggestions and new ideas acceptable to both Kyiv and Moscow. In other words,
well, no breakthrough appears imminent. Individually, none of Rubio's meetings produced a major
diplomatic announcement, but taken together, they reveal something important about how the Trump
administration wants to be perceived. Rather than allowing crises in Ukraine and Iran and the Indo-Pacific
to compete for Washington's attention, Rubio's message throughout ASEAN was that the U.S.
intends to remain active on all three fronts at once. The administration increasingly appears
to view these crises as interconnected, with credibility in one theater, reinforcing deterrence
in another. All right, coming up in the back of the brief, the price tag for rebuilding
Gaza is coming into focus somewhat, as a new report estimates the effort could cost more than $70 billion.
More on that when we come back.
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void in Florida. In today's back of the brief, I want to talk about the physical destruction across Gaza
and the potential rebuilding price tag.
We're learning from a new United Nations,
European Union, and World Bank Assessment,
known as the Gaza Rapid Damage and Needs Assessment,
of course, the acronym would be RDNA,
because there is an acronym,
that it could cost more than $71 billion to rebuild Gaza
over the next decade.
Now, I don't want to sound cynical,
but between general corruption,
cost overruns, delays, and security concerns,
the price tag and the time frame
are likely to be much greater.
That number represents roughly seven times the cost of every previous reconstruction effort
following wars between Israel-Khamas combined over the past two decades.
So you may be wondering, how does rebuilding a small strip of land end up carrying a $71 billion
price tag or more? Well, it starts with understanding what Israel's military campaign against
Hamas since the 7th of October 23 attacks actually left behind. According to the joint assessment,
The enclave suffered roughly $58 billion in physical damage and economic losses since the war began.
Entire neighborhoods have been devastated, as Israel targeted Hamas fighters and infrastructure embedded throughout densely populated civilian areas.
The result? More than 370,000 homes have been damaged or destroyed.
55% of Gaza's hospitals are no longer functioning, and nearly every school has been damaged or destroyed.
That alone would make this one of the largest reconstruction efforts in recent history.
But replacing buildings is only part of the challenge.
Before a reconstruction can truly begin,
Gaza first has to be made safe enough to rebuild.
Roughly 66 million tons of rubble must first be cleared from the territory.
It's an amount equivalent roughly to the mass of about 11 great pyramids of Giza.
And that isn't simply a demolition job.
The RDNA warns the debris contains unexploded bombs,
and artillery shells, along with asbestos, sewage, medical waste, and industrial chemicals.
It must all be removed, sorted, decontaminated, and safely disposed of, before reconstruction can
really move forward. Humanitarian organizations also estimate thousands of Palestinians remain
buried beneath the rubble, meaning crews must recover and identify human remains before large-scale
rebuilding can begin. That clearance effort alone could take years while requiring specialized
equipment, substantial funding, and broad international support. Only then can the rebuilding itself
begin unfolding across four distinct phases. The first is less about rebuilding Gaza than making it
minimally livable again. That means securing humanitarian access, restoring fuel, water,
and health services, shelter, and communications, while clearing the most dangerous debris. That
opening stage is expected to cost roughly $10 billion. The next phase would focus on reconnecting
communities by repairing the essentials of everyday life, homes, schools, hospitals, roads,
water systems, sanitation networks, and the infrastructure needed to keep them all running.
That phase alone is expected to cost another $15 billion.
Then comes the largest and most expensive stage, rebuilding Gaza's neighborhoods and the public
infrastructure needed to support them. The estimated costs there, roughly $25 billion.
The final phase shifts from rebuilding toward long-term economic recovery by graduate.
placing the reconstruction effort into Palestinian hands rather than leaving Gaza indefinitely
dependent on foreign governments and aid organizations. The cost roughly $20 billion. Altogether,
the plan adds up to more than $71 billion, with roughly $26 billion needed during just the
first 18 months to restore essential services and begin reviving the economy. But rebuilding Gaza
isn't just an engineering challenge. Gaza will require a governing authority once the fighting ends
if it ends, a way to prevent Hamas from rearming, if they disarm, oversight of the billions of dollars
flowing into reconstruction, and governments willing to finance a decade-long rebuilding effort
without firm security guarantees. And that, my friends, is the President's Daily Brief for Friday,
the 24th of July. Now, if you have any questions or comments, I hope you'll reach out to me at
at pdb at thefirsttv.com. And speaking of Fridays, which I think I just mentioned, if I may be so bold
to remind you that every Friday at 10 p.m. on the first TV, we launch a brand new episode of our
extended weekend show, the PDB Situation Report. Great guests this week. Well, as always, we always
have great guests. Come on. Constantine Samoyov joins us from overseas with a look at the current state of
Russia, while Jonathan Shanzer, from the Foundation for Defensive Democracies, walks us through the latest
with the Iran conflict. You can also catch the latest and past episodes of the Situation Report on our
YouTube channel. Just check that out at YouTube, of course, by searching up at President's Daily Brief,
as well as podcast platforms everywhere. I'm Mike Baker, and I'll be back later today with the PDB
afternoon bulletin. Until then, stay informed. Stay safe. Stay cool.
